Sunday, April 30, 2023

How Sudan's military factions set path to war as mediation stalled


SATURDAY APRIL 29 2023


An aerial view of black smoke rising over Khartoum. Fighting rages in Sudan, despite rival forces agreeing to extend a truce aimed to stem nearly two weeks of warfare that has killed hundreds and caused widespread destruction.
PHOTO | AFP

Summary

Burhan's air force was studying where the RSF was gathered, using coordinates provided by the army.

Both the army and the RSF were quick to blame the other publicly for sparking the violence and attempting a power grab.

Sudan army chief insisted Hemedti would report to him, while Hemedti said only an elected parliament could decide the chain of command.

Since his overthrow, Bashir has been in prison with spells in hospital.

Alarmed that movements of rival military factions in Sudan could bring bloodshed, a group of mediators pushed for last-ditch talks between the country’s army chief Abdel Fattah al-Burhan and paramilitary commander General Mohamed Hamdan Daglo alias Hemedti two weeks ago.

But neither of Sudan's two most powerful men showed up to the meeting, convened at presidential offices in Central Khartoum at 10 am on April 15, three of the Sudanese mediators said in detail revealed for the first time here.

Instead, fighting was breaking out across the country.

At about 8.30 am shooting started at the Soba military camp in the south of Khartoum, according to three eyewitnesses and an advisor within Daglo's paramilitary Rapid Support Forces (RSF).


Black smoke rises above Khartoum International Airport in Sudan on April 20, 2023 
amid ongoing battles between the forces of two rival generals. PHOTO | AFP

Reuters could not establish who fired the first shot, but the violence escalated quickly across Africa's third-largest country, an illustration of just how far the two sides had gone in the preceding weeks to prepare for all-out war.

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Key events reconstructed


Through interviews with nearly a dozen sources in the military, the RSF, officials and diplomats, Reuters has reconstructed several key events in the build-up to the violence which has so far killed at least 512 people, prompted tens of thousands to flee and deepened the country's already grave humanitarian crisis.

The armed forces did not respond to requests for comment for this story. The offices of Daglo and Burhan also did not respond to requests for interviews.

A week before the fighting on April 8, Burhan and Hemedti met for the last time at a farm on the outskirts of Khartoum, a diplomat briefed on the meeting and two of the mediators said.

At the encounter, Burhan asked for the withdrawal of RSF forces from al-Fasher, a city in Hemedti's stronghold of Darfur in Western Sudan, and a halt to flows of RSF troops into Khartoum which had been taking place for weeks.

Sudan's army chief Abdel Fattah al-Burhan (L) and Rapid Support Forces commander Gen Mohamed Hamdan Daglo 'Hemedti'. PHOTO | ASHRAF SHAZLY | AFP


Hemedti in turn asked that forces from Burhan's close ally Egypt be withdrawn from an air base called Merowe, fearing they could be used against him.

“The men also spoke privately and appeared to agree to deescalate,” the two mediators said. But despite plans to talk again the next day, no more meetings took place.

Over the next week, behind the scenes, each was steadily preparing for the worst.

Burhan's air force was studying where the RSF was gathered, using coordinates provided by the army, two military sources told Reuters, describing plans that have not previously been reported.

“Meanwhile, the RSF had been recruiting more gunmen at Soba as well as other camps across Khartoum,” the military sources also said.

“The air force which has bombed positions in the capital since fighting erupted, studied the location of RSF camps for more than a week before the battles began. The army also established a small committee of senior generals to prepare for a possible conflict with the RSF,” the sources said.

The first volleys of the war woke RSF troops stationed at Soba on April 15, Moussa Khadam Mohamed, an advisor to Hemedti, told Reuters in a telephone interview.

“Looking beyond the walls of the camp, they saw the army had positioned cannons in the vicinity,” he said.

"We observed a force gathering at the base as well as around Hemedti's home in Khartoum,” he said.

Both the army and the RSF were quick to blame the other publicly for sparking the violence and attempting a power grab.

Reuters could not independently verify the events Mohamed described.
Temporary truce

A temporary truce this week was agreed under pressure from the US and Saudi Arabia, who along with the UN and the AU are concerned that Sudan could fragment, destabilising a volatile region.

The lull allowed thousands of Khartoum residents and foreign visitors to flee the capital. Although the truce was extended late on Thursday, air strikes and anti-aircraft fire again rocked the city.

Hemedti, previously a militia leader in Darfur, was an enforcer for former president Omar-al Bashir and became rich from the gold trade.

Him and Burhan were not always at odds.


Sudan's former president Omar al-Bashir. 
PHOTO | ASHRAF SHAZLY | AFP

Both commanded men in Darfur where as many as 300,000 people were killed and 2.7 million displaced in a conflict that escalated in 2003 and rumbles on to this day despite several peace deals.


Assuming the top two positions on Sudan's ruling council after Bashir's 2019 overthrow during a protest movement, they mostly presented a united front in a power sharing arrangement with the Forces for Freedom and Change (FFC), a political coalition that arose from the uprising.

By that time, the RSF had grown into a force estimated at 100,000 and formalised under legislation passed by Sudan’s parliament.

In October 2021, the two men staged a coup.

Takeover was a mistake


However, Hemedti quickly came to see that takeover as a mistake that had enabled Bashir loyalists to regain some influence, he has said in speeches and televised interviews. The coup led to weekly mass street protests and cut short a tentative opening of Sudan's stagnant economy.

As Hemedti bet on an internationally backed framework agreement for a civilian government, apparently eyeing a future political role for himself, ties grew strained over the chain of command in the new transition and plans to integrate the RSF into the regular army.

“In the build-up to the fighting, Hemedti insisted the integration of the RSF should be stretched over 10 years, in line with details of the framework transition plan signed in December,” several Sudanese and diplomatic sources familiar with the talks said.


However, the army was pushing for a shorter time frame with Burhan's hard-line deputy within the army General Shams El Din Kabbashi, pushing for just two years.

Reuters could not reach Kabbashi for comment.

A senior diplomat involved in mediation efforts in the final weeks before the fighting said there seemed to be space for agreement between Burhan and Hemedti, though the RSF leader showed exasperation.

Sudan's paramilitary Rapid Support Forces commander General Mohamed Hamdan Dagalo 'Hemedti.
PHOTO | AFP

"There was a lot of rage, frustration, the narrative of 'I'm the only one protecting the democratic transition,"the diplomat said.

The army chief was insisting that Hemedti would report to him, while Hemedti was saying that only an elected parliament could decide the chain of command. Neither wanted to back down first, the senior diplomat said.

The RSF's Mohamed, echoing comments made publicly by Hemedti and the civilian FFC, both say there was a third group at play, souring relations between the army and the paramilitary force.

"There's a bloc inside the army that rejects democracy," Mohamed said, adding that RSF intelligence had monitored meetings of Bashir allies opposed to the transition.
December framework agreement opposed

Mohamed and the FFC say this bloc are made up of supporters, including Islamists, of Bashir, who ruled Sudan for decades. Pro-Bashir forces started making a comeback after the 2021 coup. They have publicly opposed the December framework agreement for elections and civilian rule.


"The agreement threatened the space that the elements of the defunct regime found after the October 25 2021 coup, so they fuelled the conflict between the armed forces and the Rapid Support Forces and are now working to continue it after the outbreak of the war," Khalid Omer Yousif, a senior FFC member and former cabinet minister, told Reuters.

FFC members have accused the pro-Bashir group of spreading rumours and exerting internal pressure within the army.

Representatives of Bashir's National Congress Party did not respond to calls requesting comment for this story.

Since his overthrow, Bashir has been in prison, with spells in hospital. He was convicted on corruption charges and is now being tried over the 1989 coup that brought him to power.

Inmates released


“Before the outbreak of violence, Bashir was transferred from the sprawling Kober prison to a military hospital along with five senior loyalists, including one who is charged with war crimes by the International Criminal Court like Bashir,” the army said on Wednesday.

The International Criminal Court (ICC) headquarters at The Hague in Netherlands.
PHOTO | AFP

Days before the fighting broke out, Bashir sympathisers attacked pro-democracy groups near the prison. Last weekend, thousands of inmates were released in unclear circumstances.

Among them was a former minister in Bashir's government who is also wanted on war crimes charges by the ICC, and other top members of his movement.


Mohamed Tahir Ayla, Sudan’s former prime minister at the time Bashir fell and once touted as a potential future president, recently started making public appearances after keeping a low profile for several years.

At a gathering of supporters a few days before the fighting started, he brought an inflammatory message, promising ‘martyr after martyr’ to defend Sudan's land and religion.

Reuters could neither reach Ayla or Bashir nor establish whether they have had any role in the collapse of the transition plan and the conflict.

"There is no place for the framework agreement. We are more prepared now than before to take up arms and take what is ours by our own hands"," Ayla said in a video of s gathering viewed by Reuters.
TPLF war made Ethiopia region’s biggest military spender in 2022

SUNDAY APRIL 30 2023
The East African

Ethiopian security forces patrol a street after taking control of Dessie town of Amhara city from TPLF on December 16, 2021. Ethiopia’s military budget rose biggest in 2022 as the country battled the TPLF. PHOTO | MINASSE WONDIMU HAILU | ANADOLU AGENCY VIA AFP

Summary

It says Ethiopia recorded the largest annual percentage increase in military spending of any country in Africa.

This is despite the fact that what the continent spent on military and arms purchases overall, decreased during the year under review.

The report, released in April 2023, explains that Ethiopia’s massive spend coincided with the country’s renewed government offensive against TPLF.

Ethiopia’s military budget rose biggest last year as the country battled the Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF), indicating an added cost of the two-year war with the rebels it has since signed a peace deal with.

And the revelations mean Addis Ababa is eastern Africa’s king of military spending, after the country’s expenditure on soft and hardware rose by 88 per cent during 2022, to reach one billion dollars.

The figures are contained in the latest bulletin by global security think tank Stockholm International Peace Research Institute (SIPRI), based in Sweden.

It says Ethiopia recorded the largest annual percentage increase in military spending of any country in Africa, even though what the continent spent on military and arms purchases overall, decreased during the year under review.
Offensive against TPLF

The report, released in April 2023, explains that Ethiopia’s massive spend coincided with the country’s renewed government offensive against the Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF).

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Ethiopia makes new step for lasting peace


Besides the costly war against the TPLF that began on November 2020, Ethiopia also deploys part of its troops to Somalia as part of the African Union peacekeeping force known as the African Union Transition Mission (ATMIS).

ATMIS spending is often on troop contributing country’s defence budget, after which the UN reimburses the countries on equipment used in the war, while donors support the administrative and welfare expenditure on troops.

Despite also deploying in conflicts beyond their borders, Uganda and Kenya, the region’s big spenders on firepower and conflict materials, are not mentioned in the SIPRI report, indicating that the two last year reduced their appetite for top spot in the arms race.
Uganda military expenditure

In 2021, Uganda crossed the billion-dollar mark in military expenditure, reaching $1.066 billion, which was an 8.3 percent increase from $984.7 million the country spent the previous year.

Kenya on the other hand, spent $1.113 billion in 2021, a 0.1 percent drop from the $1.115 billion in 2020.

Both Uganda and Kenya are troop contributing countries to the African Union Transition Mission in Somalia (AtmiS) where they deploy troops and their armies’ contingent owned equipment in the battle against al Shabaab.

The two countries also have military presence in eastern DR Congo where Uganda first deployed in 2021 in a bilateral arrangement with the Kinshasa government to fight the terrorist group, the Allied Democratic Forces.

The SIPRI report says Africa’s military spend totalled $39.4 billion in 2022, although aggregated spending in the continent fell for the first time since 2018 and was 5.3 per cent lower than in 2021 and 6.4 per cent lower than in 2013.

“Average military burden was unchanged for states in Africa,” the report reads.

The combined military expenditure of countries in sub-Saharan Africa was $20.3 billion in 2022, a decrease of 7.3 per cent from 2021, primarily due to decreases in spending by the two largest spenders in the sub-region, Nigeria and South Africa.
Spending fell

Nigeria’s military spending fell by 38 per cent to $3.1 billion in 2022 even as the West Africa giant continued to face a wide range of security challenges including farmer–herder conflict and violent extremism.

Nigeria also suffered devastating seasonal floods that hit the country last year, leading to a substantial shift in the government’s budgetary priorities.

South Africa’s military spending fell for the second consecutive year to reach $3.0 billion in 2022 – 8.4 per cent lower than in 2021, due to the country’s ailing economy which has put severe pressure on government finances, leading to cuts to the military budget in 2022, SIPRI explains.

In March, Uganda sent another contingent of troops to eastern Congo to occupy positions vacated by the M23 rebels, as part of the East African Community Regional Force, following Kenya which deployed in November 2022.

Two prominent Iranian actresses charged for not wearing headscarves

2:24
Iran hijab law: Tehran makes fresh push to force women to wear hijab
1 week ago
  • Two prominent Iranian actresses have been charged with "the crime of removing the hijab in public and posting photos on the internet.
  • Katayoun Riahi and Pantea Bahram could face fines or prison terms if prosecuted.
  • Bahram went viral after she posed without a headscarf at a film screening, while Riahi posted several photos taken in public places around Tehran in which she did not wear a headscarf.

Iran has charged two prominent actresses for publishing pictures of themselves flouting the country's dress code for women, just weeks after announcing a crackdown on breaches, local media reported.

Police in Tehran have referred the case against Katayoun Riahi and Pantea Bahram to Iran's judiciary, accusing them of "the crime of removing the hijab in public and posting photos on the internet", the Tasnim news agency said late Monday.

If prosecuted, the pair could face fines or prison terms.

ranian actress Pantea Bahram arrives to the 33rd F
Iranian actress Pantea Bahram arrives to the 33rd Fajr International Film Festival on February 3, 2015 in the Iranian capital, Tehran.
Iranian actress Katayoun Riahi poses with her best actress award for her role in "The Last Super" at the 26 Cairo International Film Festival, 25 October 2002.
ranian actress Pantea Bahram arrives to the 33rd F
Iranian actress Pantea Bahram arrives to the 33rd Fajr International Film Festival on February 3, 2015 in the Iranian capital, Tehran.
Iranian actress Katayoun Riahi poses with her best actress award for her role in "The Last Super" at the 26 Cairo International Film Festival, 25 October 2002.

Earlier this month, police said they would begin using "smart" technology in public places to crack down on women defying Iran's compulsory dress code.

1:18
Iran installs cameras in public areas to identify unveiled women
2 weeks ago

Last week, photos of Bahram, 53, went viral after she posed without a headscarf at a film screening, while Riahi, 61, posted several photos taken in public places around Tehran in which she did not wear a headscarf.

The requirement for women to wear the headscarf in public was imposed shortly after the Islamic revolution of 1979.

The number of women in Iran defying the dress code has increased since a wave of protests following the 16 September death in custody of Kurdish-Iranian Mahsa Amini, 22, for allegedly breaching it.

On 16 April, authorities said they had closed 150 commercial establishments whose employees were not complying with the dress code.

Bahram and Riahi have won several awards at Iran's leading cinema event, the Fajr International Film Festival.

In November, Riahi was released on bail after more than a week's detention for posting photos to Instagram in solidarity with the Amini protests, showing herself without a headscarf.

She was the first Iranian actor to post such images on social media in support of the protest movement.

Zimbabwean court jails small party leader over protest tweets

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A Zimbabwe court on Friday sentenced an opposition politician to four years in prison for inciting public violence over a 2020 protest call he posted on Twitter.

Jacob Ngarivhume, leader of small opposition party Transform Zimbabwe, tweeted a call for nationwide anti-government protests over corruption and the country's catastrophic economic state.

He will stay behind bars for three years after the court set aside one year on condition of good behaviour.

"A fine or suspended sentence would not deter further offenders, a sentence must be meaningful," ruled magistrate Florence Chakanyuka.

The sentence is seen as setting a precedence for other suspects facing similar charges.

Job Sikhala, a popular opposition politician has been in prison for over 300 days for allegedly inciting violence during a speech. He still awaits judgment, which is due next week.

READ | Zimbabwe approves 'draconian' law targeting civil society

The southern African country is due to hold presidential and legislative polls in August, but no date has been announced yet.

In a video posted on his Twitter account on Friday before the sentencing, Ngarivhume alleged from inside the court that the state was using tactics to stop him for participating in the upcoming polls.

The ruling Zanu-PF party, "obviously don't want me to be a participant in the next election", he said.