Friday, November 24, 2023

Caste equality advocates in the US vow not to give up

Leah Carter in Los Angeles

California's governor vetoed a historic bill to add caste as a protected category, but efforts to recognize discrimination in the United Statescontinue to pick up steam.

Prem Pariyar (far right) and other members of Californians for Caste Equity pose together
Image: Prem Pariyar

When Prem Pariyar arrived in the US from Nepal in 2015, he didn't expect that he would be sleeping in a van or on couches in employee housing due to his caste affiliation.

"I thought caste discrimination does not exist here. I was very depressed," Pariyar told DW.

Pariyar, a descendant of a family in the Hindu Dalit caste, sometimes referred to discriminatorily as the "Untouchables", is one of many South Asian advocates pushing forward efforts to legally recognize caste discrimination in the US.

While caste is commonly referred to in the context of Hinduism and India, it is a social hierarchy system that is thousands of years old and recognized in several countries across the region, including Nepal, where Pariyar grew up.

"We need to educate everyone so that this system will be stopped," he told DW. "We are isolated generation to generation. There is intergenerational trauma."
Caste discrimination crossing borders

Pariyar decided to come to the US after his family was violently attacked because of their caste in the middle of the night in their home in the capital, Kathmandu.

When he tried to file charges against the assailant, the authorities did nothing, and even threatened him for taking action.

He proceeded to find a job at a restaurant in the US, where his employer offered to house him. However, his colleagues in the house wouldn't share a room with him, making casteist claims and slurs. So, he slept on the couch, instead.

Pariyar, who is now on the Board of Directors for the National Association of Social Workers, California Chapter, said his story is not unique. While he had hoped to leave this form of discrimination behind in Nepal, he said he and several others have faced significant hurdles in employment and even safety upon coming to the US.


There are over 5.4 million South Asians in the US, with the majority concentrated in California. They are one of the largest growing demographic groups in the country, with many people coming to work in the tech industry in California's Silicon Valley.

Many US-based Dalits say the system of discrimination has followed them, resulting in harassment, sabotage in the workplace and even violence.

In recent years, activists have united under new groups such as the Californians for Caste Equity Coalition and Equality Labs, which were both instrumental in the push for legal recognitions.

Legal setback


Last month, following over a year of advocacy and a month-long hunger strike, California Governor Gavin Newsom vetoed Senate Bill 403, which would have made the state the first to include caste in the list of protected classes under civil rights laws.

The bill would have offered employment and housing protections alongside categories such as race, gender and sexual orientation.

However, despite an overwhelming majority (31-5 in the Senate), Newsom called the bill "unnecessary," saying that protections against caste-based discrimination are covered legally under already existing protections that "shall be liberally construed."

The veto created an uproar on both sides of the South Asian community, spurring rallies at the capitol, lobbying lines through hallways, and a hunger strike in favor of the bill.

Those opposing the bill, such as the Hindu American Foundation, called it both racist and a potential "constitutional disaster," which would have "put a target on hundreds of thousands of Californians simply because of their ethnicity or racial identity."

Critics of Newsom's veto decision have said that he made the move in order to maintain relations with a growing Hindu voting base, which largely upholds the caste system.

"Through this process, we shined a light on a long-hidden form of discrimination that persists across multiple communities in California," said Senator Aisha Wahab, the first Muslim and Afghan American woman elected to the state legislature, and the author of the bill.


Efforts pick up steam

Despite the veto, Fresno, a city in California's Central Valley, unanimously agreed to ban caste-based discrimination specifically, about a week prior.

In February, Seattle became the first US city to outlaw caste-based discrimination. Educational institutions, including California State University, Harvard, Brandeis and University of California – Davis, all in recent years have made separate legal provisions on the matter.

Meanwhile, the corporate world has also added to the movement, with tech giants including Apple and IBM updating employee policies to include caste discrimination in recent years.

Those protections follow a 2020 lawsuit initiated by the California Department of Fair Employment and Housing against Cisco, a $195 billion (€178 billion) company, on the grounds that a Dalit employee had been severely discriminated against by supervisors of a "higher" caste.

Had caste discrimination been recognized then, advocates say, the employee could have won the case.

For now, Pariyar says recent legal efforts have united the Dalit community and others fighting for protections.

"Many more cities are rethinking caste," he said. "Before, I was alone. Now, our people are united, and our voice is one to combat this."




 

Indian-origin doctor commits $4 million for Hindu advocacy in US

Indian-origin doctor Mihir Meghani has pledged to donate $1.5 million more to the Hindu cause over the next eight years, taking the total number to $4 million.

Indian-American physician Mihir Meghani. (Photo:X)

Hinduism is not just a religion, it's a way of life, a prominent Indian-American physician, who has committed $4 million to advocate Hindu advocacy and awareness causes in the United States, has said.

Emergency care physician Mihir Meghani, who founded the Hindu America Foundation along with his friends two decades ago, at the annual Silicon Valley gala early this month of the organisation pledged to donate $1.5 million more to the Hindu cause over the next eight years.

This contribution will raise his total donations for the cause to $4 million in two decades.

The announcement by Dr Meghani possibly gives him the distinction of being the biggest Indian American donor for the Hindu cause in the United States.

“My wife, Tanvi and I, have contributed $1.5 million to the Hindu American Foundation thus far. We've also contributed a million dollars more over the last 15 years to other Hindu and Indian organisations and causes. Over the next eight years, we're making a pledge of $1.5 million to pro-India and Hindu organisations,” Dr Meghani told PTI in a recent interview.

“I say this to all of you who are viewing this to realise that I don't have a startup company. I don't have any side businesses. I'm an emergency doctor on a salary. My wife is a fitness instructor and a jewellery designer. We're not making millions of dollars a year. We don't have stock options. We're doing this because it's our Dharma, it's our duty,” he said.

Just out of university, Dr Meghani and three of his friends Aseem Shukla, an associate professor in urologic surgery; Suhag Shukla, an attorney and Nikhil Joshi, a labour law attorney co-founded the Hindu American Foundation (HAF) in September 2003, the first of its kind Hindu advocacy group in the US.

Responding to a question, Dr Meghani said Hinduism is not as easily understood by most Americans because most Americans are Christian. “They come from an Abrahamic background. When they look at different religions, they can't understand that Hinduism is not just a religion, it's a way of life. It's a way of thinking about life," he said.

Hindus who are coming from India don't quite understand that they have a Hindu identity and an Indian national identity, he said, adding: "We need to talk about that".

"What we need are Hindus to be strong in the Bharatiya or Indian identity, which is the political identity for our civilisation, but also they should be very proud and open about their Hindu identity. And when they have that, their coworkers, their friends, and neighbours will understand us better,” he said.

One of the early successes of HAF in Washington DC, he said, was to get Diwali recognised in the US.

"Now you can see that Diwali is celebrated at the White House, with the Vice President, in the US Congress and all across different state and local governments across the country. But it took time to get there,” he said about the three-year effort by them.

The Hindu American Foundation, which in its initial years was all based on volunteerism, now has an annual budget of $2.5 million and has several full-time staffers. Its goal is to increase its budget to $5 million next year and $20 million by the end of the decade, he said.



The USA Gets High


  NOVEMBER 24, 2023

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Since 1967, the Jefferson Airplane has been bewitching teenagers with the observation from their song “White Rabbit”: “One pill makes you larger/and one pill makes you small.…” Drug warriors have never liked this tune, while the Airplane’s lead singer Grace Slick once sarcastically remarke that the line “Feed your head” from the same song was about encouraging her listeners to go to the library and read. I suppose it could be interpreted that way, although I’m sticking with my original interpretation. In fact, I’m quite certain most people are.

The Airplane, like their fellow San Franciscans the Grateful Dead and many other rock bands from the same period, we proselytizers for LSD and other psychedelic drugs. These bands’ affinity for marijuana was well known and their advocacy of what was known as the counterculture was an unspoken truth. We understood them (and us) to be travelers to a new consciousness. Arguably, this historic episode did change the world.

In his new book Quick Fixes:Drugs in America from Prohibition to the 21st Century Binge, author Benjamin Y. Fong agrees with that premise. However, his explanation of how and why it did is not for the reasons we believed them to be fifty years ago. Instead, Fong argues that the psychedelic revolution merely made the world of capitalism and commodification easier to tolerate. Furthermore, it opened up a new market to exploit and a more expansive means to advertise the products sold to this new market.

This perspective on the nature of drugs and their usage in the United States over the past is what underpins Fong’s argument throughout the book. As he traces the history of alcohol, tobacco, caffeine, narcotics, amphetamines, diazepams (Valium, etc.), anti-depressants and other psychotropics, marijuana and cocaine, it is their usefulness to the capitalist economy at particular times that informs his discussion. The history he tells is both anecdotal and comprehensive. In the telling, the role of the pharmaceutical industry and government regulatory agencies are major players.

Caffeine and tobacco remain the most unregulated legal drugs in the United States. Alcohol is a close second or third in that lineage. Utilizing Fong’s understanding that the most dispensed drugs at any particular historical moment are those that serve the needs of capitalism at the time, the continuing popularity of coffee makes almost perfect sense. After all, its consumption usually makes people more alert and more energetic; the perfect combination for maximum production in the service of capital. The rationale for tobacco is less obvious. In fact, it wasn’t until the advent of the cigarette that tobacco became a popular means to relax among the working class. A smoke lasted just about as long as a ten-minute break from the assembly line or its equivalent.

Alcohol consumption, on the other hand, was not necessarily a positive practice in terms of the new capitalist workplace. Prior to the mills, factories and other larger worksites of capitalism, alcohol usage was not usually a political issue. Sure, there were always churches and other organizations that frowned on its use and pushed to close down saloons and taverns. These campaigns were usually local. It was when the so-called industrial age became a factor in the employment sector that alcohol use began to be seen as a problem by a substantial number of powerful US citizens. Encouraged by the Temperance campaigns—which were often composed of middle class women, Progressive politicians, and various capitalists—the drive toward alcohol prohibition took off. Some of the campaigners understood that the underlying reasons for alcohol abuse lay in the terrible working conditions and the abominable living conditions many workers had to deal with. Those campaigners pushed for legislation that would address those issues while they also worked to close places where alcohol was served and manufactured. Other campaigners were more typical of other self-righteous moral campaigns. In other words, they blamed the individual, not the social conditions existing as a result of capitalism.

As Fong’s narrative continues, the reader is presented with the advent of amphetamines, first used in massive (and legal) quantities by the US military, then as a means toward greater production by individual US residents after World War Two. The explosion of US manufacturing, advertising and other elements of modern capitalism in the 1950s and 1960s carried with it an increase in what is now commonly known as anxiety. At first, psychologists correctly attributed this mental health symptom to the stresses of modern capitalist society. Those stresses were exacerbated by advertising which encouraged material consumption and ultimately a competition to see who could consume the most. According to people like the US diplomat George Kennan, anxiety was a price US residents had to pay to be free. The option, as Fong wryly notes, was between anxiety and communism and communism was out of the question. In fact, the advent of drugs designed to deal with the stresses and traumas of modern capitalist society was also the beginning of an industry dedicated to placing the onus on the individual for mental health and removing any blame from the social systems actually creating unhealthy mental states.

The penultimate chapter of the book is a discussion of marijuana’s history in the United States. After taking the reader through a condensed version of that history, one finds themselves at the door of a marijuana retail shop in 2023, at least figuratively. It is Fong’s assessment that when it came to marijuana in the United States, money won out. This is essentially true. Although the laws regarding legal marijuana in some states allow individuals to grow limited amounts of cannabis, there are others that don’t. Likewise, while some states set aside a certain number of cultivation and sales licenses for underserved populations, others don’t, thereby allowing corporate cannabis to dominate or completely control that state’s market. As a long time on again/off again marijuana smoker, I am grateful I live where I can grow my own. At the same time, I am also grateful for the retail shop a mile away. In short, although the corporatization of cannabis rubs me the wrong way, I am glad that police can no longer arrest me for smoking it.

Quick Fixes is a useful and concise history and discussion of drugs, the drug war and the less-than-honest role capitalists and their governments play in the regulation and propagation of drugs and those who partake of them. At the same time, its discussion of these phenomena shows how the drug marketplace is an almost perfect template for how modern monopoly capitalism works.

Ron Jacobs is the author of Daydream Sunset: Sixties Counterculture in the Seventies published by CounterPunch Books. His latest offering is a pamphlet titled Capitalism: Is the Problem.  He lives in Vermont. He can be reached at: ronj1955@gmail.com.

Forward Ever: 40 Years on from the End of the Revolution and the U.S. Invasion of Grenada


 
 NOVEMBER 24, 2023
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Photograph Source: TSgt. M. J. Creen, USAF – Public Domain

Dear Comrades
if it must be
you speak no more with me
nor smile no more with me
nor march no more with me
then let me take
a patience and a calm
for even now the greener leaf explodes
sun brightens stone
and all the river burns.
Now from the mourning vanguard moving on
dear Comrades I salute you and I say
Death will not find us thinking that we die.

—Martin Carter

With this poem, George Lamming, Barbadian novelist and poet, ended his address at a December 1983 memorial service in Trinidad for Maurice Bishop, Jacqueline Creft, Norris Bain, Vincent Noel, Unison Whiteman, and all who had been killed during the abrupt end to the Grenada Revolution.

“It is the tragedy of a whole region which has brought us here,” said Lamming during his address. “The landscape of Grenada and its people are the immediate victims… But all of us are now the casualties of the American invasion.”

When an intra-party conflict broke out, leading to the killing of revolutionary leader Bishop and other victims on October 19, 1983, the Reagan administration seized the pretext to invade. On October 25, 1983, thousands of U.S. troops landed on the island.

This year, Grenada commemorates both 50 years as an independent nation and 40 years since the violent implosion of the People’s Revolutionary Government and subsequent U.S. invasion. For the first time, the government of Grenada has recognized October 19 as a national holiday, designated as “National Heroes Day.” Decades on, reckoning with the events of 1983 continues.

Writer Marise La Grenade-Lashley spoke at the inaugural National Heroes Day gathering, where she echoed sentiments expressed in her article in Now Grenada a year prior. “The shocking events of 19 October 1983, whose effects reverberated across the Caribbean and beyond, created deep psychological wounds that have never really healed. One coping mechanism adopted by some persons directly affected by the events of that fateful day has been to retreat in silence,” she wrote.

“While silence is a common reaction to trauma, it has, in the case of Grenada, created a void in our society that needs to be filled with factual and unbiased information related to those four and a half years during which Grenada embarked on an alternative path to development that crumbled so abruptly, so brutally, so tragically,” La Grenade-Lashley added.

The designation of National Heroes Day includes a mandate to bring the history of Grenada’s revolution to civics classes in Grenadian schools.

A Revolutionary Movement Provokes U.S. Ire

In 1979, Maurice Bishop and his New Jewel Movement (NJM) took control from the increasingly authoritarian regime of Sir Eric Gairy, Grenada’s first prime minister. Gairy, an ally of Chilean dictator General Augusto Pinochet and creator of the notorious “Mongoose Gang” private militia, modelled after the Haitian Tonton Macoutes, had lost public support and remained in power through rigged elections.

The insurrection installed the NJM as the People’s Revolutionary Government (PRG), suspended the 1974 Constitution, and declared Bishop prime minister. The government’s first steps were to encourage trade union representation, introduce free medical services, and to prioritize education and adult literacy programs as well as projects benefitting small farmers and farmworkers.

One month into the PRG’s rule, Bishop gave a national broadcast after a visit from U.S. Ambassador Frank Ortiz. “The ambassador pointed out that his country was the richest, freest, and most generous country in the world, but as he put it, ‘We have two sides,’” said Bishop. “We understood that to mean that the other side he was referring to was the side which stamped on freedom and democracy when the American government felt that their interests were being threatened.”

Over the next four years, Bishop spoke often of the U.S. pressure on the PRG. He felt that the Reagan administration was seeking to destabilize the revolution through the media and through economic trade disruptions. The Monroe Doctrine had given way to the Reagan Doctrine, and closer Cold War ties from Grenada to Cuba and the USSR could not be tolerated. As Hugh O’Shaughnessy, a British journalist who was on the ground in Grenada when the invasion finally happened, put it: “The State Department and the Pentagon in Washington…had been seeking ways of putting an end to the left-wing government of Grenada.”

Meanwhile, the PRG was putting in place a variety of projects, one of which was a program—the National Cooperative Development Agency (NACDA)—to deal with the joblessness and landlessness faced by the country’s youth. Trinidadian-born Regina Dumas moved to Grenada in March 1980 to take up a role as registrar of cooperatives within NACDA. “It was like all my dreams had come true,” Dumas said when we spoke on October 17, a few days before the National Heroes Day celebrations. “Here I am, working with rural people, farmers, and listening to them talk, and realizing—these people know what they want.”

In her book, Memoir of a Cocoa Farmer’s Daughter, Dumas describes her work at NACDA, which involved helping to get privately held, uncultivated land into the hands of young prospective farmers tasked with reviving the local and export agriculture markets.

In those days, Dumas often took Sunday afternoon drives to visit the construction site of the new international airport. Supported by Cuba and other countries, the airport was one of the PRG’s flagship projects. “That the government of Cuba chose to support this initiative by providing a skilled work force…was the cause of much rancour with the United States which stridently opposed it,” Dumas writes in her memoir.

During a nationally televised address in March 1983, Reagan displayed a picture of the airport runway under construction. “The Cubans with Soviet financing and backing are in the process of building an airfield with a 10,000-foot runway,” he said. “Grenada doesn’t even have an air force. Who is it intended for?” The implication was clear. During the invasion later that year, the airport would be one of the locations bombed by the U.S. military.

The Revolutionary Government Implodes

Months away from the Revolution’s fifth anniversary, divisions within the PRG between Bishop and his deputy prime minister, Bernard Coard, began to come to a head. “Why, when they knew that the Reagan administration was poised to pounce at the slightest error made, would they play into their hands so easily?” said Dumas. “I dismissed, completely out of hand, the rumors that I heard as counter-revolutionary propaganda. What an error on my part!”

The rumors were becoming reality. Disagreements between Bishop and Coard over a plan for shared leadership turned sour, and Bishop was deposed and placed under house arrest in the first week of October 1983. On October 19, six days after Bishop had been placed under house arrest, Dumas recalls hearing the chanting of hundreds of Grenadians marching the streets in support of Bishop. “The plan, apparently, was to march to the residence of Maurice Bishop, where he was being held, confront the members of the People’s Revolutionary Army (PRA), who were holding him hostage, and forcibly, if necessary, free him from his temporary prison and reinstate him as prime minister,” she said.

After gathering her two children from school and returning home, Dumas watched in horror from her veranda as the march, which had successfully liberated Bishop, went to Fort Rupert (originally called Fort George, but renamed after Bishop’s father Rupert, who had been killed by Gairy’s Mongoose Gang in 1974). Once at Fort Rupert, they were faced with a hail of bullets. “Armored personnel carriers began to shoot directly into the crowd of people who were climbing the fort, singing and dancing with Maurice on their shoulders,” Dumas writes in her book. “With no other point of exit…I watched as people leaped over the edge of that fort, quite substantial in height, and into the crashing waves and rocks below.”

Within hours, Bishop had been executed alongside 10 others at Fort Rupert. General Hudson Austin issued a national announcement: “With immediate effect, and until further notice, anyone caught on the streets of St. George’s and environs will be shot on sight.”

The Invasion Strikes

For Dumas, the events were both political and personal. “They had killed the prime minister of the country and others of their own group and party. They had killed my friend Jacqui, thus leaving her young son an orphan,” she said. “They had decidedly opened up the gates to those who had always opposed the revolution.”

President Reagan ordered troops to invade Grenada on October 25. As O’Shaughnessy wrote: “At 6:40 on the morning on Thursday 27 October 1983 a platoon of U.S. marines edged nervously past the main branch of Barclay’s Bank in St. George’s, the capital of Grenada, towards Fort Rupert. They need not have worried. No resistance awaited them there.”

The arrival of the U.S. military brought a rain of bombings across the forts and levelled a mental health hospital, killing 30 patients and wounding many more.

Neville Warner, a Tobago-born son of a Grenadian family, recalls to me how the PRG had built a factory in St. George’s to begin producing mango nectar on a large scale for local consumption and export, as part of the government’s push to localize food production and reduce dependence on imports. The factory was one of the locations bombed as the U.S. troops landed. The space where it stood now hosts a factory producing Coca-Cola.

During the invasion, Cubans were rounded up from the Cuban Embassy and sent back to their homeland. In November, Fidel Castro would pay tribute to the Cubans killed in Grenada during the destruction of the airport. “The U.S. government looked down on Grenada and hated Bishop. It wanted to destroy Grenada’s process and obliterate its example. It had even prepared military plans for invading the island—as Bishop had charged nearly two years ago—but it lacked pretext,” Castro said in a speech in Havana. He lauded Grenada’s social and economic advances despite the U.S. hostility.

“Bishop was not an extremist,” Castro continued. “Rather, he was a true revolutionary—conscientious and honest…Grenada had become a true symbol of independence and progress in the Caribbean.”

The events that unfolded in Grenada would echo throughout the Caribbean and the world. With a quick military victory secured, the emboldened Reagan administration doubled down on counterinsurgency in Central America, supporting ruthless regimes in Guatemala and El Salvador and backing the Contras in Nicaragua. Six years after landing in Grenada, U.S. troops invaded Panama.

For La Grenade-Lashley, there’s more to be done in the work of remembering 1983 and the Revolution that preceded it. “Rather than lament the irretrievable, we can look to the future with optimism,” she writes. “To teach and enlighten our youth, accurate and unbiased information can be culled from the many books, articles and papers written on the Grenada Revolution.”

“We have heard of Truth and Reconciliation Commissions around the world,” she continues. “In Grenada, although we have had our own Truth and Reconciliation Commission, it remains vital that we pay closer attention to the ordering of these three words. Truth and reconciliation. Truth precedes reconciliation.”

This article is syndicated in partnership with the North American Congress on Latin America (NACLA).

Amy Li Baksh is a Caribbean writer, artist, and activist based in Trinidad and Tobago. Their academic background is in Caribbean history and literature with a particular interest in postcolonial social movements across the region.

Thursday, November 23, 2023

Collective crimes
Nikhat Sattar 
Published November 24, 2023 


TWO unrelated and very different events, one far away from us and the other in our own country — KP, to be specific — have given us cause to lament. Perhaps it is time to take notice.


Truth and justice tend to lose their meaning when fabulously rich countries and their extremely wealthy rulers are unwilling and unable to provide food, water and medicines to thousands of battered people, the majority of them children. As a genocide in real time is being carried out by a rogue state targeting a small strip of land that has been deprived of human living conditions for decades, and which is constantly bombarded with ammunition provided by the world’s ‘best democracies and custodians of human rights’, nearly two billion Muslims remain voiceless.

There is no end in sight to the sufferings of the Palestinians, except painful death, or a crippled life. The world’s leaders look on. Of course, one can try and find some peace in the thought of the Day of Judgement, when all criminals will be brought before their victims and given just punishment. If one can do so, one might pray that those who remained silent or looked away when they could have done something would also be considered abettors and facilitators of these horrendous deeds.

As these words are being written, one is very conscious of the fact that the Palestinian cause is neither in favour of Muslims nor against Jews or Christians. It is a tragedy wrought upon the people of a land through the connivance of the West and some Arab states. Their land was usurped and constantly encroached upon by Jews sent from Europe until they were restricted to a narrow strip and blocked from support from others. It just so happens that the majority of Palestinians are Muslims who have not merely been forsaken, but deliberately left to fend off Israeli settlers and the terrible Israeli military that has learnt much from their avowed enemy, Hitler.

Muslim rulers are busy in displays of pomp.

The Muslim world, in general, is besotted with navel gazing and their rulers are busy amassing wealth and in displays of pomp. It is no wonder then, that of the 57 Muslim countries that have formed a toothless organisation, only one had the gumption to expel the Israeli ambassador in protest against the bestiality of the Israeli military. Bolivia, a non-Muslim country, has also cut ties, as has South Africa and a few others. As these words are written, Israel has bombarded heavily populated refugee camps while Palestinians are trying to find bodies in the rubble that Gaza has become. Thousands of Palestinians have lost their lives in this mass-scale slaughter while the wheels of the world continue to churn out the usual rhetoric. This holocaust is presided over by none other than the US.

The other event, which has caused much concern, is the coerced affidavit that was signed by a young teacher who had to swear that Darwin’s theory of evolution, that he was teaching, was false and that he believed women are inferior to men. As he signed this ludicrous declaration (otherwise he would have had to suffer dire consequences along with his loved ones), he was flanked by many self-declared custodians of faith. They are merely another incarnation of the men who have over the centuries denied, denounced and hounded men of science and those who would have dared to attempt to question common beliefs.

This piece is not about whether or not Darwin’s theory is against Islamic belief. Many renowned Islamic scholars have suggested that the theory does not deny in any way statements in the Quran that explain how the first human being came into existence. What is most reprehensible is that a religion that is critical of how the clergy in earlier faiths concentrated power in the hands of a few, has been misused to threaten and force a person to deny his opinions. The Islamic way of dealing with statements that some believe are religiously wrong would be to have calm, scholarly and compassionate discussions.

Let us keep Darwin’s contentious theory aside. Which Quranic injunction did these ‘men of religion’ refer to when they had the young man vouch for male superiority? The one about having two male witnesses to a financial deal or the one to bring another woman to court in case the first one forgets? Both can be argued on the basis of the need of the time and the socioeconomic conditions in the seventh versus the 21st century.

No wonder, then, that the Muslim world has been unable to produce women and men of knowledge, wisdom and understanding in significant numbers, who are able to express differences of opinions and beliefs without confronting hatred and bigotry.

The clerics in KP are a mere microcosm of the obscurantism that assails the Muslim world. It has become impotent and self-serving, and its rulers seek power, rather than justice and compassion.

The writer is a contributor with an interest in religion.
Published in Dawn, November 24th, 2023



BALOCHISTAN IS PAK GAZA
No justice no peace

Aasim Sajjad Akhtar
Published November 24, 2023 



BY the time this appears in print, a four-day ‘truce’ may have come into effect in Gaza. If so, it would have taken some 15,000 Palestinians to be killed in cold blood by the Israeli occupation forces for the besieged millions in Gaza to be granted a few days of respite.

Even this would not have happened but for the millions of people on the streets around the world protesting against Israel’s genocidal war, whilst exposing the shameless complicity of their own governments— and I include Pakistan on the list. There is domestic pressure on the Netanyahu ‘war cabinet’ as well, which has been forced into some negotiations to get some of its ‘hostages’ released. Yet this ‘truce’ is fleeting. It is more like an eerie silence before the reign of Israeli terror resumes. A ‘peace’ with no prospects of justice or liberty.

It must be repeated that only by ending the colonial occupation can there be a lasting peace for Palestinians, and, indeed, for Israelis. For the best part of two decades, rabid, right-wing Israeli governing regimes have reinforced the policy of herding millions of Palestinians into a 390-square kilometre concentration camp and militarising it to no end. They all promised a paranoid Jewish public that this is the way to ‘peace’. This myth was shattered by the Hamas incursions.

The adage that there is no lasting peace without justice resonates with the majority of Pakistanis when it comes to Palestine. Even as certain elements inside the country and the diaspora pitch the need to normalise ties with Israel — following the example of the Gulf kingdoms — most Pakistanis feel a great deal of indignation at the persistent injustice against the Palestinians.

Baloch youth are forced to resort to slave labour to survive.

No peace without justice, however, cannot be a selective philosophical principle. It must be deemed applicable to all oppressed peoples, particularly those close to home. In my previous column, I wrote about the large cross-section of Pakistani society that has imbibed a hateful politics to mirror the state’s demonisation of Afghans as outsiders — even Pakistani Pakhtuns. The Baloch question is at least as troubling, a festering wound that mainstream Pakistan relegates to the proverbial back-burner.

Anyone who follows the unending trials and tribulations — and ever-increasing disaffection — of Baloch youth in this country will know that enforced disappearances are again on the rise. It is worth being reminded that Baloch ‘missing persons’ include many who are well-educated and come to metropolitan Pakistan to integrate further into the mainstream. If this upwardly mobile segment of Baloch youth cannot expect justice, then who can?

The superior courts have been petitioned time and again to take up this matter. But ever since Iftikhar Chaudhry was chief justice, there have been a lot of sound bites and very little real accountability. Alongside enforced disappearances, there are also reports of ‘encounter’ killings. And there is, unsurprisingly, no let-up in the otherwise low-intensity insurgency that has been ongoing in Balochistan for almost two decades.

Notwithstanding regular PR exercises, the establishment’s methods in Balochistan are a long-standing cautionary tale about the impossibility of lasting peace without justice. No one in power should expect to make uncontested claims about the ‘development’ of Gwadar, Sui, Reko Diq and Saindak even as indigenous fishing communities are dispossessed, local ecologies destroyed and profiteers facilitated over indigenous peasants and pastoralists. It is not good enough to continue singing the praises of debt-funded road and bridge-building exercises, or claiming to eliminate cross-border smuggling when Baloch youth are forced to resort to dehumanising forms of slave labour to survive. And does anyone even remember flood-ravaged eastern Balochistan?

You cannot win over a politically conscious and young population by continuing to reproduce colonial formulae in matters of politics, economics and social control. Offering carrots to some Baloch youth can never compensate for the use of the stick for most. Mainstream bourgeois parties, as the PML-N’s recent wooing of BAP has demonstrated, have neither the will nor the capacity to even modestly reform the establishment-centric model. If the election does take place on Feb 8, Balo­chistan’s ‘elected assemblies’ are likely to be the most compromised of all, as usual.

There is, then, little suggestion that the status quo of oppression and disaffection will change anytime soon. As in the Palestinian case, it is up to brave and thoughtful progressives in mainstream Pakistan to continue to name the injustices faced by the Baloch and other oppressed nations so as to at least offer disaffected youth the possibility of a shared emancipatory horizon. That is the only hope for a lasting peace.

The writer teaches at Quaid-i-Azam University, Islamabad.

Published in Dawn, November 24th, 2023
JFK, RFK AND JR.
Phantom choices

Mahir Ali 
Published November 22, 2023

THERE is a degree of irony — or déjà vu — in recent reports that putative US presidential candidate Robert F. Kennedy Jr is losing some support because of his admiration for Israel even as it pursues a genocidal military campaign. Some 55 years ago, his father — who, unlike RFK Jr, had a convincing chance of winning the Democratic primaries and then the White House — was assassinated, purportedly by a Jordanian-Palestinian, Sirhan Bishara Sirhan, enraged by the candidate’s pledge, if elected, to send 50 Phantom jet fighters to Israel.

That was in 1968, on the first anniversary of the Six-Day War that dramatically shifted American attitudes towards Israel. Bobby Kennedy was then seen as a progressive candidate. He vowed to pull US troops out of Vietnam, and appeared to sincerely empathise with African Americans still struggling for civil rights as well as the broader victims of poverty engendered by the American way of life.

Whether he might have made a decent president is hard to say, but he would no doubt have been a better option than the Republican nominee, Richard Nixon, whom his elder brother John F. Kennedy had narrowly defeated eight years earlier. There were suggestions the 1960 poll might have been rigged on the margins — JFK even joked about it. But much of that was forgotten when he was assassinated in Dallas 60 years ago today.

That tragedy haunted RFK, who feared that in his role as attorney general in the Ke­­n­­nedy administration, he might have stir­red up sufficient resentment in his pursuit of organised crime to provoke a deadly bac­k­lash. There were many other factors, though.


As a candidate, JFK had placed himself on the anti-communist extreme, but as president he turned down the option of providing air cover to the CIA-sponsored invasion of Cuba by anti-Castro exiles, which had been green-lit by the previous Eisenhower administration. In his departing address to the nation, Dwight Eisenhower pointed out the risks posed by the burgeoning military-industrial complex, but the former supreme commander had done little to curtail it. It was his successor who stood up to the generals and the CIA.

JFK accepted responsibility for the 1961 Bay of Pigs disaster, when CIA-trained infiltrators were decisively thwarted by Cuban revolutionary forces. More crucially, he tu­­rned down the gung-ho military commanders who advocated an assault on Cuba the following year, when it turned out that the USSR had deployed nuclear-armed missiles on the Caribbean island close to Florida.

The JFK cover-up unleashed US distrust in government.


Back-channel contacts in which RFK played a key role ascertained that Soviet leader Nikita Khrushchev was as reluctant as JFK to risk a nuclear conflagration. Moscow did not hesitate to pull out its warheads as soon as Washington vowed not to invade the island, as well as to withdraw its missiles from Turkey’s Soviet border. Thanks in large part to Daniel Ellsberg, we know that Kennedy was well aware of the global toll a nuclear conflagration would entail, and he wasn’t prepared to go there. Whether his assassination in Dallas was blowback for any of his policy decisions or predilections remains a mystery. A recent poll suggests that 65 per cent of Americans don’t buy the single-gunman theory about the events of Nov 22, 1963.

That’s not surprising, given the plethora of contradictory evidence, including the fact that Lee Harvey Oswald never owned up to the deed, and was himself murdered less than 48 hours later by Jack Ruby, a strip-club owner with underworld and FBI connections. In the absence of definitive answers, the unanswered questions keep piling up.

RFK Jr is convinced the CIA had a role in his uncle’s assassin­ation. That has never conclusi­v­ely been proved, even though the sordid nexus bet­ween the agency, the mafia and anti-Castro Cuban exiles is reasonably well documented. There are also unresolved discrepancies in the official narratives about the 1968 assassinations of Mar­­tin Luther King and RFK, and some mem­bers of both families suspect that the actual killers went free. It’s worth noting that a couple of those accused of Malcolm X’s assassination in 1965 were only recently exonerated.

One of the factors RFK Jr is capitalising on is the visceral distrust of the government that went mainstream not long after his uncle was murdered, and multiplied within a decade with the Pentagon Papers that laid bare the history of deceptions about Vietnam, not to mention Watergate, which followed shortly afterwards. More recently, there was the nonsense about weapons of mass destruction that served as an excuse to invade Iraq — and echoes of that deception resonate through Israel’s nonsensical allegations about Gaza’s Al Shifa hospital.

Distrust of the established order contributed to Donald Trump’s triumph in 2016, and may serve him well again next year. RFK Jr is probably helping to pave the way.

mahir.gmail.com.au

Published in Dawn, November 22th, 2023
Transgender cricketer retires after ICC ruling

Reuters 
Published November 23, 2023

DUBAI: Canadian transgender cricketer Danielle McGahey has brought an end to her international career after the game’s governing body said any player who had been through male puberty would not be able to compete in the women’s game at the elite level.



The International Cricket Council (ICC)’s decision, made at a board meeting on Tuesday, follows similar rulings over the last couple of years by the global chiefs of swimming, rugby union, cycling and athletics.



The ICC said in a statement: “The changes to the gender eligibility regulations resulted from an extensive consultation process and is founded in science and aligned with the core principles developed during the review.

“Inclusivity is incredibly important to us as a sport, but our priority was to protect the integrity of the international women’s game and the safety of players.”

Transgender advocacy groups say excluding trans athletes amounts to discrimination. Critics of transgender inclusion in women’s sport say going through male puberty imbues athletes with a huge musculo-skeletal advantage that transition does not mitigate.

The ICC said the ruling, which followed a nine-month consultation process and applies only to international cricket, would be reviewed after two years.

Australian-born McGa­hey, who has played international cricket for Canada for more than a year, said the campaign for transgender inclusion in women’s sport would continue.

“Following the ICC’s decision this morning, it is with a very heavy heart that I must say that my international cricketing career is over,” the 29-year-old wrote in an Instagram post.

“I promise I will not stop fighting for equality for us in our sport, we deserve the right to play cricket at the highest level, we are not a threat to the integrity or safety of the sport. Never stop fighting!”


Published in Dawn, November 23rd, 2023



COP28
Climate finance gap
Developing countries lack the funds to address climate change.

Jamil Ahmad 
Published November 22, 2023 


THE upcoming UN Climate Change Conference in Dubai will be tackling tough questions on how to curb rising temperatures, control carbon emission spikes, develop efficient technological solutions, learn from the first Global Stock-take, and agree on a new roadmap to realise the Paris Agreement aims. Climate finance will be one of the toughest questions.

Globally, efforts to address climate change face a lack of financial resources to support developing nations reach the Climate Convention goals. The efforts are constrained by the absence of sufficient means of implementation, ie, financial resources. Already under debt distress, many developing countries are forced to spend most of their lean budgets on debt servicing, leaving little for sectors such as health and education, and diverting investment from climate action and environmental protection. Constricted fiscal space in these countries relegates the issue of global warming to the back-burner. So, they face serious challenges in combating climate change and expect injections of climate finance from multilateral funding avenues and bilateral donors.

While there’s no clear definition of what constitutes climate finance, it is accepted as a concept accommodating different types of financial contributions from a variety of sources and mechanisms. The Green Climate Fund, the Global Environmental Facility, the Adaptation Fund, and other regional and international financial institutions are set to mobilise and disburse funds. Bilateral arrangements from donors, public and private, supplement these funds. The Loss and Damage Fund, once operationalised, will be the latest addition.

Developing countries lack the funds to address climate change.


Some of these funding mechanisms are not well-endowed, while others are not replenished in a timely manner to meet the rising needs of climate finance in vulnerable countries. At a time when climate change threatens lives, the inadequacy and inaccessibility of climate finance hinders the Global South from taking urgent action while climate costs rise sharply.

A recent study published in the journal Nature Communications, found that the climate crisis resulted in average global costs of $143 billion per year for the last 20 years. For the year 2022, which saw multiple climate-induced disasters across the world, the direct cost estimate was $280bn due to storms, heatwaves, floods, droughts, and wildfires. Pakistan alone suffered a loss of $40bn in the same year due to heavy floods. The indirect costs of the long-term impact associated with extreme weather events — not considered in the study — would significantly push up these figures.

Vulnerable countries in Africa and Asia, in dire need of climate finance, are left exposed to the disproportionate adve­rse impacts of global warming, with 2023 being the hottest year recorded. Last year, the United Nations Enviro­n­ment Pro­gramme’s estimates for adaptation costs were in the range of $160bn to $340bn per year by 2030 and $315bn to $565bn by 2050 for developing countries. But the financial needs of developing countries for adaptation have now soared to $215bn to $387bn by 2030, and projected to rise significantly by 2050, going by UNEP’s 2023 Adaptation Gap Report, released earlier this month.

In the same period, PwC’s 2023 State of Climate Tech report reveals that “climate tech investments from venture capital and private equity fell 40 per cent in 2023”.

Meanwhile, the financial gap — the difference between allocations by developed countries versus the actual requirement for adaptation — has widened. UNEP’s adaptation report put the gap between $194bn and $366bn per year. Clearly, the $100bn pledged by developed countries, and the doubling of “collective provision of clim­a­­te finance for adaptation” ag­­r­e­­ed to at the Glasgow Climate Pact in 2021, will be insufficient. To boost climate finan­­ce, UNEP’s report identifies several innovative ways, including through “increasing and tailoring finance to small and medium enterprises”, and “a reform of the global financial architecture, as proposed by the Bridgetown Initiative”.

The Global Stock-take report emphasises the scaled-up mobilisation of climate finance for developing countries, while aligning the current financial flows with a pathway towards low-carbon emissions. The Paris Agreement also calls for a New Collective Quantified Goal for 2030 for climate finance. Controlling global warming will be well-nigh impossible without a robust framework that unlocks adequate, timely and accessible climate finance for effective climate action and protection of vulnerable communities by developing nations. Policymakers at COP28 must tackle the central question of climate finance to save the Paris Agreement from falling further behind, and to save lives.

The writer is director of intergovernmental affairs, United Nations Environment Programme.

Published in Dawn, November 22th, 2023