PAKISTAN

State’s failure

Huma Yusuf 

Published June 24, 2024 

DAWN





A THRONG of men encircle leaping flames. They are energised, holding mobile phones aloft to capture the moment. By now, we all know what they are filming, and we are shocked, sickened, scared. Those who feel distanced from this horrific violence — immune by virtue of their class privilege or majority status — should look again. This is what state failure looks like, and it affects us all.

Mob violence is ascendant in Pakistan. And when mobs gather to beat, break and burn, the public focus is on how the state failed in the moment; how it failed to anticipate the violence, defuse the situation or use law-enforcement tactics to control the mob. Police officials are re-posted and inquiries launched, but often to no avail. And so we also recognise impunity as a form of state failure — from Joseph Colony to Jaranwala, none that have joined mobs have faced the legal consequences.

What we have not yet fully acknowledged is that state failure is evident not only in the state’s inability to control and punish mobs, but in their very existence. The truth is the mob exists because the state is weak and compromised enough that it needs the mob to survive, to perpetuate its power. In her work on Vigilantes and the State, Rebecca Tapscott argues that in low-capacity states, particularly where militaries have dominated, state institutions often collaborate with ‘informal’ and ‘non-state violent groups’ to enforce their writ.

The mob exists because the state is compromised.

In Pakistan, the mob is an extension of a semi-authoritarian, hyper-nationalist security state that has peddled religio-national narratives as a way to ensure political control. The entrenchment of these narratives has required the cultivation of proxies, including violent extremist groups. It has also required the introduction of flawed legislation that is consistently and perversely abused at the expense of the most vulnerable, our religious minorities and other marginalised groups. At the grassroots level, these security policies and laws manifest as the mob.

When mobs in Pakistan mobilise, they do so confident in the knowledge that they are on the side of might, that they are enacting the secret desires of the powers that be, that they are finishing what the state started. The problem with such complicity is that it soon becomes co-option. As the weak response to Madyan and countless similar atrocities have shown, after a point, it’s the mob that’s in control.

We are not alone in this devolution. Across the border, Hindutva vigilantes emboldened by the BJP’s political agenda have carried out lynchings on absurd pretences such as ‘love jihad’ and the treatment of cows. But the prevalence of a problem does not temper its severity.

Indeed, when the mob is an extension of the state, it is normalised, and mob violence becomes a rational means to an end. Think of Karachi, where the police have had to rescue robbers from lynch mobs intent on doling out their own version of justice. Or consider the chaos in Peshawar lately, where a mob took control of a grid station to protest loadshedding. This mob was duly egged on by a parliamentarian who has clearly internalised the fact that where the mob goes, there lies power.

What is to be done? Too often, the focus is on the quick fix to manage the state’s failure in the moment. And so there is lip service to police trainings and judicial reviews of incidents. The more ambitious among us call for a strengthening of the democratic system to ensure better accountability and, ultimately (hopefully) deterrence.

But strengthening democracy is no easy task. As Francis Fukuyama wrote, “before you can have a democracy, you must have a state, but to have a legitimate and therefore durable state you must have dem­ocracy”. Mad­y­­an highlights how advanced our st­­a­­te failure is, and so, how much more challenging the task of building an inclusive democratic system.

We can achieve little until we shift our understanding of mob violence as a moment of madness in which state control failed to the recognition of mob violence as an extension of the state. To address the problem, we must diagnose it, and this will require a full reckoning with our political history, a rewriting of our national policies and narratives, starting with a review of the public curriculum.

To his credit, Ahsan Iqbal started on this path by recommending to parliament that a committee including ulema be formed to consider how religion is being weaponised in Pakistan.

His remarks were shushed and side-lined by the speaker, emphasising how the state and the mob are conflated. It is difficult to confront and disperse a mob — especially one rallied over decades, even centuries, of postcolonial history. But we must find a way, starting with seeing the mob for what it is: our state, and so by extension, us.

The writer is a political and integrity risk analyst.
X: @humayusuf

Published in Dawn, June 24th, 2024

18 Chinese among 22 dead in South Korea battery plant fire

AFP Published June 24, 2024 

Emergency personnel work at the site of a deadly fire at a lithium battery factory owned by South Korean battery maker Aricell, in Hwaseong, South Korea on June 24, 2024. — Reuters


Twenty-two people were killed — including 18 Chinese nationals — in a massive fire at a South Korean lithium battery factory, the fire department said Monday, one of the country’s worst factory disasters in years.

Over 100 people were working in the factory when workers heard a series of explosions from the second floor, where lithium-ion batteries were being inspected and packaged, firefighter Kim Jin-young told media.

In the massive blaze that ensued, twenty-two people were killed, including 20 foreign nationals — 18 Chinese, one from Laos, and one of unknown nationality, he said.

“Most of the bodies are badly burned so it will take some time to identify each one,” he added.

Firefighters are still searching for one more person who remains unaccounted for, he said, adding that they had managed to contain the largest blaze at the plant and get inside.

Firefighters were “doing cooling operations to prevent the fire from expanding to nearby factories,” Kim said.

Dozens of fire trucks were lined up outside the factory, an AFP reporter saw, with rescue workers carrying bodies, covered by blue blankets, out of the building on stretchers.

Images shared by Yonhap after the fire broke out showed huge plumes of billowing grey smoke rising into the sky above the factory, with orange flames inside the building.

The vast factory had an estimated 35,000 battery cells on the second floor in storage, with more batteries stored in other areas.

Lithium batteries burn hot and fast, and are difficult to control with conventional fire extinguishing methods.

“Due to fears of additional explosions, it was difficult to enter,” Kim said, describing the tricky rescue operation.

“As it is a lithium battery manufacturer, we (had) determined that spraying water will not extinguish the fire, so we (used) dry sand,” he added.

The lithium battery plant is owned by Aricell, a South Korean primary battery manufacturer. It is located in Hwaseong city, just south of the capital Seoul.

Shares of Aricell’s parent company, S-connect, plunged by over 20 percent on the Seoul exchange by close on Monday. S-connect owns 96 percent of Aricell.

Lithium batteries are used in everything from laptops to electric vehicles — but can be highly explosive, with airlines, for example, imposing strict regulations on checking devices containing them.
‘Mobilise all personnel’

South Korea’s President Yoon Suk Yeol issued emergency instructions to authorities, telling them to “mobilise all available personnel and equipment to focus on searching for and rescuing people,” his office said.

The president also warned authorities that they should “ensure the safety of firefighters considering the rapid spread of fire”.

Authorities in Hwaseong sent out a series of alerts to residents warning them to stay inside.

“There is a lot of smoke due to factory fires. Please pay attention to safety, such as refraining from going out,” one alert sent by text message said.

“Factory fire. Please detour to surrounding roads and nearby citizens please close windows,” another one read.

South Korea is a major producer of batteries, including those used in electric vehicles.

Its battery makers supply EV makers around the world, including Tesla.

The fire is one of South Korea’s worst factory disasters in years.

Previously, it’s worst chemical plant accident was in 1989 at the Lucky Chemical factory in Yeosu, Southern Jeolla Province, which resulted in 16 deaths and 17 injuries.

A fire at a warehouse in Icheon in 2020 killed 38 people.

All-women Indonesian metal band Voice of Baceprot to perform at Glastonbury Festival

The trio will be the first Indonesians to perform at the music festival and has earned plaudits from former Rage Against the Machine guitarist Tom Morello.

Reuters
24 Jun, 2024

With their hijabs and high-octane metal music, the women of the Indonesian band Voice of Baceprot have played stages from the United States to France. But they are nervous about this week.

In England on Friday, the trio will be the first Indonesians to play at the Glastonbury Festival, one of the world’s biggest, sharing space with the likes of Coldplay and Shania Twain.

This is the biggest stage yet for the young women, far from their home village of Garut in West Java province of the sprawling Southeast Asian nation.

“Not only do we carry the Voice of Baceprot, but also our country,” bassist Widi Rahmawati, 23, told Reuters.






With the brash strums of their guitars and intricate drumming, the Voice of Baceprot — a word meaning “noise” — has made the cover of Britain’s New Musical Express magazine and earned plaudits from former Rage Against the Machine guitarist Tom Morello.

Beyond the music, the three have set out to challenge the stereotypes that Muslim women are demure and weak, or that Muslims in general are violent militants, said vocalist and guitarist Firda Marsya Kurnia, 24.

Indonesia is the world’s largest Muslim-majority nation, with Muslims comprising 90 per cent of its 270 million people. The nation is secular and the vast majority practise a moderate form of Islam, although there are some conservative strongholds.





The band sings of female empowerment - lamenting a fixation on looks instead of the music - and the environment, Marsya said.

Widi, Marsya and drummer Euis Siti Aisyah, 24, met at an Islamic school, forming the band in 2014. They were immersed in Indonesian pop and Islamic music as kids, said Widi.

Their love for metal came after they heard the album Toxicity by the American band System of a Down. They listened to it on the computer of their school guidance counsellor, who they said was their biggest supporter.

It filled them with an adrenaline rush, Marsya said, so they started playing music of their own.

Marsya said the most difficult challenge for Voice of Baceprot was dealing with stigmas, at home as well as overseas.






“In our village, metal is considered satanic — not suitable for women, let alone women in hijabs,” Widi said, referring to the headscarves. Marsya said her family once suggested she seek an Islamic healing ritual, hoping to expel her love for metal.

“In the beginning, we felt like we did not have a home to go back to,” she said.

People in a US audience once called them militants, she said. “It was as if we were criminals.”






After Glastonbury, Marsya said the three would work on a new album and a song ‘Mighty Island’, which she said was about corruption in Indonesia. They also want to build a community with aspiring musicians back home, she said.

“We’d like to empower the community there,” Marsya said.

Ailing democracy

Maleeha Lodhi

Published June 24, 2024 

DAWN

AT a time when democracy across the world is under challenge, there have recently been a number of developments, some that may shape its future trajectory.

Elections in India saw the BJP lose it majority and its leader Narendra Modi cut down to size — a verdict widely viewed as voters salvaging India’s democracy from the authoritarian, autocratic direction a populist demagogue was taking the country in. India may have started to buck the global trend of democratic erosion but elsewhere developments have reinforced this trend.

Europe has just seen far-right parties make stunning gains in the European Parliament polls at the cost of French President Emmanuel Macron and German Chancellor Olaf Scholz’s parties.

This prompted Macron to call snap legislative elections in a high-stakes effort to contain Marine Le Pen’s National Rally party by turning it into a referendum on the far right. But the spectre looms of Le Pen’s party winning power. Opinion polls now show that less than half of French voters see that as a threat to democracy. In the US, former president Donald Trump is the front-runner in the presidential election due in November. Barring any legal impediment, he is poised to regain the presidency. In Britain, Nigel Farage’s Reform party is expected to make gains in next month’s elections at the expense of the Conservative party.

The resurgence of the far right in the West comes at a time when democracy is already under threat across the world. Democratic regression is now a worldwide phenomenon. Democratic backsliding has been pervasive in countries facing challenges from polarisation, intolerance, anti-minority sentiment and toxic politics. This global trend has been recorded by many international organisations.

In its annual Democracy Report 2024, the Swedish V-Dem Institute finds democracy has declined in almost all regions of the world with “the wave of autocratisation” becoming more pronounced. Its research shows a rollback of democratic rights and institutions. It says the level of democracy enjoyed by citizens worldwide is down to levels last seen in 1985 — almost 40 years ago. According to the report 71pc of the world’s population — 5.7 billion people — live in autocracies — an increase from 48pc 10 years ago.

Similarly, the latest edition of the Global State of Democracy 2023 report by the Stockholm-based International Institute for Democracy and Electoral Assistance sees democracies continuing to contract globally with erosion in checks and balances and constitutional freedoms in nominally democratic states. It finds that for six consecutive years “more countries experienced net declines in democratic processes than net improvements”.

Like many other countries Pakistan has also seen democratic regression in recent years.

Democratic weakening is also the finding by the Economist Intelligence Unit, which conducts an annual survey of the health of democracy in 165 countries, assessing them across five measures. Its report, published earlier this year, says conflict and polarisation have driven a new low for global democracy. Its democracy index shows less than 8pc of the world’s population now reside in full democracies, and that 39pc are under authoritarian rule — up from 37pc in 2022. It designates Pakistan as a country under authoritarian rule, downgraded from the previous year when it was classified as a hybrid democracy. The report classifies India and America as flawed democracies. It finds 37pc of people living in a flawed democracy and 15pc in hybrid regimes.

The rise of the far right or ultra-nationalist populist leaders has much to do with democratic reversals. In countries witnessing this phenomenon elected leaders have acted with impunity to erode civil liberties, curb freedom of expression, suppress dissent, persecute minority groups and undermine any check-and-balance system that holds governments to account. They have shown disregard for democratic institutions and norms, engaged in authoritarian conduct and used hyper-nationalism to rally support, orchestrating anti-minority sentiment that often triggered violence. This has turned their political systems into illiberal or flawed democracies and deeply divided their societies.

In a recent op-ed in the Financial Times, Gideon Rachman makes a distinction between the far right and the right, which is helpful to keep in mind. The dividing line is their attitudes to democracy. He writes, “If a political leader refuses to accept the results of an election and wants to smash the ‘deep state’ (in reality, the state itself), then he or she is clearly on the far right.” But leaders who pursue reactionary, even racist policies (he includes Italy’s Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni) but “within the framework of democratic politics and the rule of law”, cannot be regarded as far right. Sometimes, he argues, the line between a new form of authoritarian conservatism and the far right becomes “blurry.”

The global trend of democratic regression in the last decade or more raises the question of the underlying factors responsible for this and for the rise of far-right populist leaders. This cannot be attributed to any uniform set of reasons as each country’s case is different with distinct factors shaping its political trajectory.

Some common features can still be identified although this is not an exhaustive list. They include the failure of traditional political parties and their policies to meet heightened public expectations, growing disconnect between political elites and the people, poor governance, increasing inequality, lack of responsiveness by institutions to public concerns, political polarisation, as well as economic and social discontent spawned by globalisation and the cost-of-living crisis. Many analysts ascribe the far right’s surge in Europe to public discontent with soaring inflation, fallout of the war in Ukraine, anti-immigrant sentiment and the cost of green policies.

Pakistan too has seen democratic decline, but for reasons different from those challenging de­­mocracy elsewhere. The 2018 election led to a form of hybrid democracy that increasingly shif­ted the civil-military power balance and gave way to a greater establishment role in governance, the political system and even economic management. This has been accompanied by po­­larised politics and an unbroken political deadlock that has marginalised parliament and ruled out resolution of disputes by political means.

While efforts to curtail the freedom of expression have been resisted, the media is still subject to ‘informal’ controls. Meanwhile, the opposition continues to face coercive actions. This makes the outlook for democracy in Pakistan as cloudy as it is in other parts of the world.

The writer is a former ambassador to the US, UK and UN.

Published in Dawn, June 24th, 2024

PAKISTAN

Drivers of extremism

Umair Javed 

Published June 24, 2024

DAWN

WHAT compels a mob to burn someone to death? What explains such amplified levels of anger that an accusation against some person from a marginalised group leads to a lynching?

What reasoning dictates why groups of people — including state functionaries — engage in the violent policing of a minority group, arresting its members and taking away their sacrificial animals from the private confines of their homes?

All three incidents took place recently. Last week, a man was burnt to death in Swat over the alleged desecration of a holy text. In May, a 72-year-old Christian man was lynched in Sargodha on a blasphemy-related accusation. And during Eid, several Ahmadis across Punjab — the number reportedly as high as 36 — were detained by the police on accusations of practising ‘Muslim rituals’ levelled by Barelvi extremist activists.

Much ink has been spilled trying to understand religious extremism and its outcomes, both in Pakistan and abroad. Existing research points out two sets of factors here — the societal organisation and drivers of extremism; and the role of the state.

On societal organisation, it is well documented that such indoctrination is carried out by clerics, not just through in-person contact in sermons and in madressahs, but also through highly localised WhatsApp and Facebook groups, as well as content on TikTok. They do it because they believe in it and because it sustains their social status within communities. People pay them respect, provide them with gifts, turn to them for advice and for dispute resolution.

There is a wider segment of people in every community who think the objectives of zealots are worthy.

Their words and actions help develop followers of various types. Their closest adherents are socialised into believing that certain events are an affront to religion. Such events require a coercive response. That the response must be immediate. And that it will help further some vague faith-inspired objective, protect the purity of religion, or help restore the natural order of society.

Beyond the immediate actions of violent activists, there is a wider segment of people in every community who think the objectives of these zealots are worthy. Perhaps they have not yet been socialised to such a great degree that they take matters into their own hands. However, they frequently appreciate those who do. These people are the ones who will stand on the side while someone is burnt, lynched, or attacked. Their passive support helps sustain this enterprise of violence.

Broadly speaking, this is the organisation of violent religious extremism at the community level. Every case of violence will reveal actors of these three types — the ideologue, the activist, and the passive supporter.

Let’s assume that ideologues exist everywhere. Extremist preachers who try to outdo each other by being more extreme are a reality in every society. It is less useful trying to understand why they exist. As long as beliefs and ideologies exist, violent interpretations will likely persist.

But what explains the level of support for their messaging? Here, research often turns to existing social and economic conditions. One popular interpretation is that poverty, material distress, and other forms of economic anxiety push people towards extremism.

In Pakistan, religious extremism seems to have an implicit class character. TLP’s street cadres, for example, are overwhelmingly young men from working-class backgrounds, many of whom are un/underemployed. It is likely that associating with a movement adds purpose to a listless existence. Sometimes it goes as far as to become a source of power, prestige, and status mobility in a supremely unequal society.

Class politics, however, is not just a preserve of the poor. Relatively better-off traders, merchants, contractors etc also offer support (financial and otherwise) for fundamentalist ideology. In my conversations with bazaar traders in Lahore, I found that these groups are motivated for both self-serving objectives — to gain local respect and status — as well as a way to push back against what they think is the hedonistic agenda of Westernised upper classes. There is thus a different type of class-based politics also at play here, one that pits un-Islamic elites against pious middling sorts.

The second set of factors concerns the role of the Pakistani state in creating fertile conditions for extremism. National identity and the concept of state authority are tied to Islam, which gives plenty of space to non-state actors to weigh in on how it should be interpreted.

School and even higher education curriculum content is devoted to the creation of ideal (Sunni) Muslim citizens, which casts minority sects and non-Muslims as deviants. Laws have been put in place that police religious practice and create punitive conditions for heterodoxy, which perpetuates vigilantism.

And governance failures and the expedient use of religious actors for political ends — such as geostrategic goals in neighbouring countries or taking down a popular government domestically — ensure that law and order responses to religious violence are either belated or entirely inadequate.

Combining both sets of factors — societal and state-specific — the future does not look optimistic:

On the societal front, there are no mass movements that can challenge religious extremism. Mainstream parties are either complicit or too risk-averse to take this issue on, especially when they are in government. Preachers who attempt more pacifist interpretations find themselves irrelevant or at risk of violence. Economic conditions are worsening, leaving more young people stuck in social stagnation and precarity.

As far as the state is concerned, it has not demonstrated any serious intent at reforming its protocols around religious extremism. Police responses are often belated, and biased against minority groups. Prosecution is largely absent. There is not even a modicum of intention to revisit laws that catalyse violent acts. And extremist groups remain valuable as a strategic asset, especially when needed to stifle democratic processes and teach some non-conforming party a lesson.

The writer teaches sociology at Lums.
X: @umairjav

Published in Dawn, June 24th, 2024

It’s ‘that time of the month’ where we push for period-positive workplaces

Is Pakistan ready to prioritise workplace equity or will it continue to uphold outdated taboos?

Maryam Ali Abbasi 

Published June 24, 2024 

DAWN

We often import concepts into our social construct and culture, which can either be a hit or a miss depending on what forms the basis of the import — a profound societal need or simply falling bait to wokeness and/or the bandwagon effect.

A recent import into Pakistan, and one that I invite you to evaluate, is menstrual leaves. Unsurprisingly, Pakistani women seem to be polarised on the issue. And no, you don’t have to identify as a feminist to support or negate the idea — you simply need to be someone who lives through the reality of it every month.

Women make up hardly a quarter of the workforce in this country, and if we’re truly a smart nation (yes, we’re looking at you, Mr Prime Minister), we must empower them to join the workforce and rise to leadership roles, both in and out of the boardroom.
Redefine ‘red days’

From monthly menstrual cycles to menopause and neonatal care after childbirth, women’s reproductive health is a central pillar of their quality of life, impacting every aspect of their daily routines, especially at the workplace. Yet, conversations about menstruation remain cloaked in euphemisms, as society often stigmatises these natural processes with connotations of weakness and embarrassment.

The world has had a lot of catching up to do. It wasn’t until 1985 that the word “period” was first used in an advertisement, and only in 2017 did menstrual blood get represented by a red liquid instead of blue.


Menstruation isn’t a disease; it is one of the most distinct attributes of female physiology. However, conditions linked to menstruating women like endometriosis, PCOS, hyperplasia, fibroids, cysts and polyps can make the monthly cycle extremely painful and disruptive to sundry day-to-day tasks.

Corporate workplaces, government offices, and state-owned enterprises need to be mindful of the culture surrounding female reproductive health. Many silent sufferers show up at work regardless of a painful and intense menstrual cycle and then ever so effortlessly maintain a facade of efficiency and productivity throughout the day.

It is this toxic expectation of ‘keeping it together’ that must be censured at the workplace and a policy shift as well as initiatives to create awareness by the government must be launched. It is time to disrupt the silence and shame surrounding periods.
Progress, regress and the global debate

Statutory period leave can trace its origin to Russia and the Bolshevik regime where women in factories were offered reprieve during their periods with a two to three-day leave. However, Russia has not maintained its historical practice and no statutory period leave is currently offered.

In February 2023, Spain became the first European country to legislate paid menstrual leave for all female workers, allowing women to request three paid days off per month. Japan, South Korea, Indonesia, Zambia and Taiwan have offered statutory menstrual leave for many years.

In addition to menstruation, many women also undergo menopause which is a transformative time and one that mandates an official menopause leave. To quote a few examples globally, Microsoft, NBA and Abercrombie & Fitch offer menopause benefits. To add to the mix, miscarriage leave is also part of company policies in some countries.

However, if we take a peek towards our cricketing nemesis neighbour, the matter regarding a statutory period leave reached the Indian Supreme Court in the form of a public interest litigation that was dismissed on the grounds of being a policy issue better suited to the Ministry of Women and Child Development.

But even more interesting were the observations by the Indian apex court which hinted towards the global argument adopted against statutory menstrual leave being a possible ‘disincentive’ while hiring women. The observations appear to be one of the main arguments that opposers of period leave throw their weight behind — that allowing women some extra days off per month would discourage employers from hiring them and put them at a disadvantage.

It is therefore crucial to distinguish between statutory period leave and general acceptance of menstrual leave in the workplace. We must first arrive at unanimously accepting and recognising the biological reality — only then will the impact flow.
From whispered conversations to open dialogue

In Pakistan, we’re at a stage where we need to normalise conversations around menstruation before we begin to advocate for a statutory period leave. But in the meantime, the interregnum corporate and government workplaces should include some form of menstrual leave in their policies.

How does one introduce the concept of a menstrual leave albeit non-statutory in a country where periods are spoken about in whispered tones?

Currently, PepsiCo Pakistan offers two paid leaves every month and Shan Foods offers one-day work-from-home — both being coalition members of the Male Champions of Change Pakistan.

The dilemma that seems to be polarising women on a legislated period leave is the purported ancillary label it may attach — further deepening gender discrimination at the workplace.

Employers must tread carefully between the delicate balance of ensuring inclusivity and workplace equity. Male employees might feel at a disadvantage and may oppose the idea of a designated menstrual leave. Similarly, menstrual leave may also be misused to simply take days off from work or where employers may weaponise it to highlight the weaknesses of female employees.

Given these very valid and realistic reservations, it is important to ensure that employers get innovative and come up with workable models that do not compromise output at work but also provide adequate support to women.

A hybrid leave with work-from-home options, a two-day wellness leave or transferable leaves should be accompanied with conditions that ensure authenticity in claims is maintained. Ensuring transparency in the process of claiming the said leave will in turn strengthen the confidence of all those who have apprehensions regarding it.

Article 34 of the Constitution of Pakistan states that steps must be taken to ensure the full participation of women in national life and this fundamental right can be exercised and realised only when the biological reality of women is accepted. Recognising female reproductive rights is non-negotiable and lies at the core of the issue. If Pakistan wants to encourage more women in leadership roles and the workforce, it must strive for workplace equity and flexibility.

If this country has any ambitions of achieving SDG 3.7 (Sustainable Development Goals) indicator by 2030 — aimed at women’s reproductive health and includes ensuring universal access to sexual and reproductive healthcare services — it must launch initiatives and campaigns centred around raising awareness of female reproductive health.

The issue runs deeper here as conversations surrounding menstruation are either limited, uncomfortable or avoided altogether. Owing to this cultural constraint, many women will shy away from claiming their leave because many of the times when they intend on doing so, they may have to report to a line manager/senior who is not necessarily a woman.
Navigating through the conundrum

The answer simply lies in creating awareness, debunking, and unpacking stigmas around menstruatution. These concerted efforts will have to come from both the government and the private sector and they can’t be half-baked or mere photo ops. Company policies aimed at an additional ‘wellness leave’ that is not a sick leave must be introduced to foster inclusivity, diversity and flexibility at the workplace.

We must envision a Pakistan where every woman feels supported, and where her health needs are recognised and respected. Imagine the boost in morale, productivity, and innovation when women can work without compromising their well-being. By confronting these taboos head-on, we pave the way for a prosperous society — one where we no longer have to see women pretend to fast in the month of Ramazan or suffer through a painful period with a smile.

The question isn’t whether we can afford to implement menstrual leave; it’s whether we can afford not to.

RELATED

Menstrual rights are human rights. Period

HEALTH: TACKLING ‘PERIOD POVERTY’

The author is a litigation lawyer. She tweets @Maryalabb

PAKISTAN

Fierce heat

Editorial 

Published June 24, 2024 

DAWB

CLIMATE change is unfolding as predicted by experts: savage heat, melting glaciers, extreme rainfall, drought, forest fires and floods are playing out in quick succession. In the month of June, in the northern hemisphere, cities on four continents are baking in menacing temperatures — a warning that record-breaking hot spells “could surpass last summer as the warmest in 2,000 years”. The record heat has taken possibly thousands of lives in Europe and Asia; according to reports, 200 homeless people have perished in Delhi, and out of the over 1,000 pilgrims who died of heat during Haj, several were Pakistanis. These tragedies highlight the detrimental costs of global warming. It is time for urgent measures and to recognise that consumption-oriented human habits have spawned a monster that is now stalking the globe.

Extreme weather exposes vulnerable groups — women, children, the elderly, poor and rural people — to dire health hazards, from cardiovascular and respiratory disorders to miscarriages and fatal heat strokes. Hence, federal and provincial authorities in Pakistan need to set up cooling zones across the country with ample water and electricity at all times. Moreover, protecting and increasing green cover, which facilitates sustainable development, lowers temperatures and lessens the urban heat island effect, is critical. Furthermore, in conjunction with heat awareness campaigns, the government, NGOs, and well-heeled communities should join hands to make food supplies, potable water and shelter facilities available to the outdoor labour force. In order to cope, citizens should be able to spot signs of heat-induced ailments. For any meaningful relief from climate consequences, our vision and actions have to match global methods, including mindful urban planning, using renewable energy and cooling techniques, such as insulation, reflective paints and non-heat trapping building materials. Heatwaves are becoming more frequent; only timely precautions and public knowledge can counter their impact.

Published in Dawn, June 24th, 2024

 

French model shows better access to methadone in US could save lives

OHSU author conducting research in France sees opportunity to relieve opioid epidemic gripping the U.S.

OREGON HEALTH & SCIENCE UNIVERSITY

In France, the majority of people with an opioid use disorder — 87% — receives access to medication designed to treat it. In the United States, where more than 100,000 people are dying annually from drug overdoses, less than 20% of people with opioid use disorder receive methadone or buprenorphine.

A new study published in the International Journal of Drug Policy highlights differences between the two countries — and a prime opportunity for the U.S. to better address an opioid epidemic that continues to ravage American families and communities.

“Americans are dying at persistently unacceptable, unthinkable rates,” said lead author Honora Englander, M.D., an addiction medicine expert at Oregon Health & Science University. “This doesn’t need to be political; this is science. Methadone is a life-saving medication that is inaccessible to most people who need it in the U.S. because of current regulations. Policymakers can change that.”

Overdose rates are 32 times lower per capita in France than in the U.S., she noted.

Englander, professor of medicine (general internal medicine) in the OHSU School of Medicine, is spending a year conducting addiction and public health research at le Centre Hospitalier Vinatier in Lyon as a Fulbright Scholar. She said she is most surprised by the ease at which people with addiction can access care, compared with the firmly regulated landscape she’s accustomed to in the U.S.

Methadone is one of three medicines approved by the Food and Drug Administration to treat opioid dependence, along with buprenorphine and naltrexone. Methadone is a full agonist, meaning it fully acts on the same targets in the brain as prescription opioids or heroin. Buprenorphine is a partial agonist, and naltrexone is an opioid antagonist. Methadone and buprenorphine inhibit opioid withdrawal symptoms, while naltrexone blocks the euphoric effect of opioids. All three are readily available in France for treatment of opioid use disorder.

The new study in particular highlights vastly different rates of adoption of methadone, which is tightly regulated in the U.S. and primarily dispensed only through federally licensed opioid treatment programs.

“In France, methadone can be started in specialty addiction centers and hospitals, with handoff to primary care clinicians,” the authors write. “It can be dispensed and stored like other opioids from community pharmacies.”

Englander, who directs an in-hospital addiction intervention program at OHSU known as Project IMPACT, said she is eager to advocate for policies in the U.S. and Oregon to reduce deaths and change methadone care systems so that people can access it.

“The French system is far from perfect,” she said, “but it’s just night and day what a system like this would mean for the patients I care for in Oregon.”

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JOURNAL

International Journal of Drug Policy

DOI

10.1016/j.drugpo.2024.104487 

METHOD OF RESEARCH

Data/statistical analysis

SUBJECT OF RESEARCH

People

ARTICLE TITLE

Comparing methadone policy and practice in France and the US: Implications for US policy reform

ARTICLE PUBLICATION DATE

14-Jun-2024

 

Complex network modeling for energy and carbon emission systems: Current status and prospects

TSINGHUA UNIVERSITY PRESS

In the face of the dual challenges of climate change and energy security, conducting in-depth research on energy and carbon emission (E&C) systems has become crucial for nations to address environmental issues and promote sustainable development. The system of E&C is highly interconnected and intricate, encompassing various levels and domains, exhibiting significant spatial and temporal variations. Consequently, analyzing the complex and intricate relationships within this system poses significant challenges. Fortunately, complex network theory (CNT) offers a promising approach to a deeper understanding of the inherent mechanisms and evolutionary patterns of E&C systems.

 

A team led by Mei Sun from Jiangsu University in Zhenjiang, China, recently provided a comprehensive overview of the application of complex network models within energy and carbon emission (E&C) systems. This work aims to advance research in this field. Network modeling of E&C systems involves modeling and analyzing each participant and their interrelationships. This approach offers valuable insights into the structure, operation, and internal mechanisms of these systems. These insights enhance our understanding and facilitate the development of effective strategies for addressing environmental and energy challenges.

 

The team published their review in Energy and Climate Management on June 18, 2024.

 

“In this review, we introduce the theoretical basis of complex network models. We then examine the progress of their application in the field of energy and carbon emissions. We explore the trends and hotspots in this field by employing keyword co-occurrence and literature co-citation analysis. Most importantly, we provide an example of renewable energy trade to illustrate the practical application of network modeling. This example demonstrates how network modeling can be used to analyze and understand the dynamics of renewable energy trade. Finally, we outline future research directions and challenges, focusing on index interpretation, multi-agent modeling, and integrating multiple methodologies.” said Mei Sun, senior author of the review paper and professor at the Institute of Carbon Neutrality Development, Jiangsu University, China.

 

As complex network theory continues to mature, its practical application in understanding and explaining various complex systems, including energy and carbon emissions, is growing. Complex network modeling provides a robust analytical and research framework for analyzing and forecasting energy and carbon prices, evaluating energy carbon footprints, and optimizing supply chain connections. “Despite the progress made, there are still several challenges to address in current research. One such challenge is the limited coupling of different types of energy networks, which is essential for constructing more reliable and efficient low-carbon energy transition systems. In addition, exploring network dynamics and time-varying characteristics in current research requires further enhancement to better adapt to the rapid changes in energy markets and policies.” Mei Sun said.

 

This work was partially supported by the National Natural Science Foundation of China (Grant nos. 72243005), Major programs of the National Social Science Foundation of China (Grant no. 22&ZD136), and Special Science for Carbon Peak and Carbon Neutralization of Jiangsu Province (Grant no. BE2022612).

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JOURNAL

Energy and Climate Management

DOI

10.26599/ECM.2024.9400004 

ARTICLE TITLE

Complex network modeling for energy and carbon emission systems: Current status and prospects

ARTICLE PUBLICATION DATE

18-Jun-2024

 

International study indicates living kidney donation is safe in the longer-term

LAWSON HEALTH RESEARCH INSTITUTE

An international study led by researchers from Lawson Health Research Institute at London Health Sciences Centre (LHSC) and published in JAMA finds there is no difference in a number of health indicators in kidney donors when compared to individuals with similar levels of baseline good health seven years after donation.

The study included 1,042 living kidney donors and 396 non-donors at 17 transplant centres across Canada and Australia. Participants were recruited between 2004 and 2014 and followed for an average of seven years. Donors completed health questionnaires and basic health tests before kidney donation, three months after donation, and then annually until 2021.

“Donating a kidney has widely been considered safe in carefully selected candidates, acknowledging some inherent risks,” says Dr. Amit Garg, Scientist at Lawson and Nephrologist at LHSC. “While some smaller prior studies suggested a risk of high blood pressure, our team conducted a large international study that has found no difference in blood pressure nor long-term quality of life between living kidney donors and other healthy individuals.”

The study found very few differences between the two groups during study follow-up:

• The rate of hypertension and change in average blood pressure was the same in both groups.
• After an initial drop in donors’ eGFR (a blood test that measures kidney function), the rate of kidney function did not decline more in donors than non-donors. There was also no difference between groups in another measure of kidney health - the amount of protein in the urine. 
• Aside from three months post-surgery, when physical health summary scores were significantly lower in donors, there were no differences between the two groups in subsequent health summaries, including self-reported physical function, mental function, anxiety or depression.

“This study is significant as its findings suggest that a kidney donation will not increase blood pressure in the first seven years after donation,” says Dr. Garg, who is also a Professor of Medicine, Epidemiology and Biostatistics at Western University’s Schulich School of Medicine & Dentistry. 

Bob McRae became a participant in the study after donating a kidney anonymously nearly 15 years ago through the national Living Donor Paired Exchange Registry. 

“I wanted to participate in the study to help contribute to evidence about the long-term safety of living kidney donation,” says McRae. "I hope the results will encourage more people to consider becoming a living kidney donor.”

The study also provides insights into how long it takes to recover from living kidney donation. While current pre-donation materials suggest donors return to full function four to six weeks after surgery, the study suggests that over 12 weeks might be a more accurate timeline for recovery.

The research team continues to analyze the study data to examine outcomes for non-standard donors, psychosocial impacts on anonymous donors, the presence of genetic kidney disease in donors, and more.

“We are starting to develop a clearer picture of whether donor risks are attributable to the surgery; hereditary factors since donors are more likely than non-donors to have a family history of kidney failure and hypertension; or are simply found due to more follow-up assessments in donors than non-donors,” says Dr. Garg. “This research will provide better evidence on living kidney donor outcomes to guide patient and provider decision-making. Guideline-recommended follow-up testing and care to maintain good long-term donor health remains essential.”

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JOURNAL

JAMA

DOI

10.1001/jama.2024.8523 

METHOD OF RESEARCH

Randomized controlled/clinical trial

SUBJECT OF RESEARCH

People

ARTICLE TITLE

Hypertension and Kidney Function After Living Kidney Donation