Sunday, October 13, 2024

How dangerous is Chinese Nationalism


Saturday 12 October 2024, by Chuang Liang


When four Americans were stabbed in Jilin on June 10, I bought the CCP foreign ministry spokesperson’s comment that it was an ‘isolated case’ . Then when another knife attack targeted at a Japanese school bus in Suzhou happened in the same month. I could still tell myself that China has a huge population so there must be more lunatics than smaller countries. Nevertheless, I started doubting my judgement after a Japanese school kid got killed in Shenzhen in September. This month, the victims of latest cowardly attack carried out by Chinese murderer were three kindergarteners in Zurich and the tragedy happened on China’s National Day. Now I am quite sure that this is a seriously worrying trend.

The CCP police don’t seem to want to publicize the motives in the first three cases, but many people believe that those attackers were influenced by nationalistic sentiments. For example, the Suzhou attack was clearly incited by online hate speech against Japan; and the Shenzhen attack occurred on September 18, which is the anniversary of Japanese invasion of Manchuria and always associated with ‘national humiliation’ and ‘anti-Japan’ in the official Chinese nationalist narrative. Also, unlike inside China, the western media can find and publish more details about the Zurich attacker:

The exact motive for his actions remains elusive at this point.

But just before the attack, around noon on October 1st, the assailant posted a long text on social networks.

In it, he first described his sexual fantasies with a woman he met, saying how much he missed her, as well as the time they spent together.

The text also mentions his love for his home country and its ruling Party [3]

It is also reported that the 23-year-old man had been very angry about a lecture on Taiwan sovereignty organized by the University of Zurich in the week before the crime, and cursed on the Internet: ‘Shame on Taiwan independence! Taiwan province belongs to China!’ [4]
Of course nationalism was always part of our education, but it was not so horrible in the past.

I remember back to the early 2000s, I found a hand-made poster on the notice board of my high school library, which was about boycotting Japanese products. Its eye-catching slogan was: Every yuan you spend now buying Japanese goods will become a bullet to kill your countrymen in the future!

However, no one took the boycotting action seriously and Sony Walkman was still the dream music player of every school kid at that time. Generally speaking, those who stuck to strict ‘made in China only’ principle were considered a special kind of unpopular geeks – this is shown in a documentary about them [5].

Besides, there was no call to harm foreign civilians at that time, while today you can easily find cold-blooded comments advocating killing on Chinese social media.

A Chinese media recently posted a short video to analyze the ridiculous propaganda on the internet against the Japanese schools in China [6], but the first and second most liked comments were ‘What on earth are the Japanese schools in China teaching?’ and ‘They must be demolished.’ respectively.

However, I still believe that the population is not as crazy as Nazi’ Germany or Japan at the height of militarism. Here is an example: The Japanese consumed a lot of luxury goods during their bubble economy era so they now have a very large second-hand stock. In recent years, importing vintage or even FMCG jewelry (and all kinds of other stuff) and selling them online in China has been a very popular trade, especially during the period of COVID Lockdown when most of other businesses were hard to operate. Chinese consumers love them - even they know clearly that these goods had been pre-owned and worn by Japanese. Who can say no to Burberry accessories at five euros? Students, housewives and unemployed youth all flock to this trade and try to make a profit on TikTok or other online flea market apps.

This is the typical ‘two-faced Chinese’ - on one hand, people “harmonize” (or accept) nationalist rhetoric; on the other hand, they care more about material interests in their private lives. In recent years, we saw farces about boycotting Korean supermarket chain, boycotting American brands, boycotting French companies, etc. But none of them lasted more than a couple of months.

This is understandable. In a country where people got arrested and sentenced for insulting table tennis Olympians [7] or martyrs [8] online, you must follow its ‘political correctness’.

In a recent interview, an IT expert who used to work for the CCP’s internet censorship department said that for a long time in the past, hate speech on the Chinese internet targeting race, nationality, gender or sexuality were tacitly endorsed and even guided by the authorities. [9]

Just like many other governments in the world and in history, the CCP stirs up nationalism to consolidate its rule. By creating some outside enemies, it tries to prove that the Chinese people need its protection, which means the need of building big battleships, cutting-edge stealth jets and more nukes. A classical Animal Farm trick – the human farm owner (American imperialists, Japanese militarists, British colonialists, Taiwanese separatists, etc.) is coming back!

However, a typical nationalist rhetoric also promises affluence and prosperity. Just like Hitler once promised that every German family would own a Volkswagen car. In 2021, Xi Jinping announced that China’s battle against poverty had achieved a comprehensive victory on the 100th anniversary of the founding of the CCP. But in the August of 2024 the youth unemployment rate is 18.8%. [10] Although the CCP wanted the Chinese people to hate the U.S. and Japan, it definitely does not want them to start killing foreigners right now. The young people who sell second-hand Japanese goods for living is perhaps only an irony - what is worse is that the anti-foreigners nationalism will push the developed countries to further distance themselves from China: divestment, making changes in their supply chains, and avoiding China as a tourist destination.

The cases of killings also reflect the desperation of Chinese society. There are a much greater number of indiscriminate killings of Chinese on top of the killings of foreigners. The attacks on foreigners are not just the result of nationalist hatred, but also the result of overall decadence of society, which has left many individuals in a state of despair and hopelessness. If the economy continues to deteriorate, this kind of chaos and brutality will exacerbate and nationalism could become the trigger for even greater tragedies. We have seen many such examples in the history.

And there is another danger: Xi’s subordinates may only present him with selected public opinions, which will make him believe that the nationalist brainwash works and make bad decisions.

Putin once seriously believed that Ukrainians would greet Russian tanks in Kiev waving the tricolor. On the Chinese internet, you can also find insane talks about that Taiwanese will line up for PRC ID cards the day after the PLA landing.

Sober people can tell the difference between jokes and intelligence, we can only keep fingers crossed that the same goes for our Great Leader.

P.S.

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Footnotes

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Countering the Impact of the US Blockade

A Cuban intellectual examines the consequences of the imperialist blockades on both Cuba and Venezuela.

By Llanisca Lugo, Cira Pascual Marquina 
October 13, 2024

Llanisca Lugo is a psychologist and popular educator. She serves as a Representative in Cuba's Popular Power National Assembly and as the International Solidarity Coordinator at the Martin Luther King Center. (Venezuelanalysis)

Cuba has endured a criminal US blockade for over six decades, while Venezuela is nearing a decade of life under sanctions. The stated aim of the blockades against both countries is to promote “regime change.” Although the policy has not achieved its goal, it has generated numerous economic, social, and political challenges. In this interview, Llanisca Lugo, the International Solidarity Coordinator at the Martin Luther King Center in Havana, explores the consequences of the imperialist blockade as well as the strategies available to counteract the political and ideological impact of such unilateral coercive measures.

In a recent address in Caracas, you delved into the Monroe Doctrine [1823] and its historical connection to imperialist sanctions. Could you elaborate further?

It’s important to delve into the historical backdrop of imperialist policies directed at Cuba, Venezuela, and the region as a whole. These policies can be traced back to the Monroe Doctrine, which explicitly asserts the US intent to dominate the continent. Implicit in this doctrine is the US’ drive to maximize profits with the least effort possible.

Over time, US attempts to exert control over the region have shifted and adapted. The shifting balance of power between our liberation projects and the imperialist forces has determined policy changes, but the objective remains the same.

Let’s take Cuba as a case study. When you look at our history, you can see that the imperialist methods have changed over time. Initially, the US sought to purchase Cuba from Spain. Subsequently, the US strategically intervened in our war of independence [1895-98], despite Cuba’s near victory. This intervention paved the way for Cuba’s de facto recolonization. While nominally a republic, the island was effectively tethered to the economic interests and political dynamics of the US.

Then, shortly after the triumph of the Revolution [1959], when the Cuban people became the architects of their own history, the US began to pursue a policy of collective punishment.

The formula is simple: when a pueblo rebels against the dictates of the US and the interests of capital, imperialism will use all means to discipline the society. Before the Cuban Revolution, Havana’s hotels, ferries, and businesses catered to the Miami bourgeoisie. In fact, the island was functional to the interests of US capital. Shortly after the Revolution came into power, the blockade was set in place to discipline the pueblo. The blockade was (and is) economic and financial, but it also generated political isolation.

A country – be it Cuba, Venezuela, or any other – that attempts to build a socialist society in a world dominated by capitalism and neoliberal globalization will, sooner or later, be “sanctioned” by imperialism. I should clarify that when I talk about imperialism, I tend to focus on the US, but imperialism is constituted by a network of economic, political, and cultural forces driven by capital’s financial logic with the US at its head.

Why have unilateral coercive measures become a weapon of choice in the imperialist arsenal?

The blockade does not feature in the story told by imperialism. Why? The idea is to transfer the responsibility for the problems in a blockaded country to its “bad” government. This is significant because, to the degree that the blockade diminishes the state’s efficacy, the institutions may seen as inept and incapable of governing and as exclusively accountable for the ongoing economic and financial crisis.

Of course, blockades never come alone. In Cuba, overt violence was deployed against the Revolution, but at present the blockade is the primary mechanism that imperialism uses. As a strategy, the blockade is a cultural and ideological mechanism that gives the US an advantage.

You have argued that the blockade can, in some cases, sow division between the revolutionary project and the pueblo. Could you elaborate on this?

Our situation is complex, because Cuba and Venezuela embarked on socialist projects in which the people are the protagonists. People’s power has been central, albeit in different ways, in both processes. Both Cuba and Venezuela recognize the pueblo as the subject of transformation, because it is understood that socialism is not possible any other way.

However, when the pueblo faces prolonged scarcity, then social fatigue, anomie, and apathy begin to emerge. This leads to a disconnect between the pueblo – the subject – and the revolutionary project. When this happens, tensions begin to emerge between the revolutionary power necessary for change and the project itself.

Since the state-as-a-revolutionary-power has to secure food for the people, produce essential goods, and assist vulnerable groups, that can weaken the strategic project. That’s why the situation requires constant monitoring.

In other words, we have to do everything possible so that the immediate problems don’t divert us from the strategic goal. That means that, while tackling scarcity and other economic problems, we also have to focus on the Revolution – which is always a work in progress – and address the shortcomings in our democratic processes. In short, we must pursue the project’s strategic objectives while addressing the immediate ones. Balancing both is crucial to prevent a gap from forming between the project and the pueblo.

The blockade restricts access to financial markets, hinders our relationship with banks, and delays vital deliveries of goods such as milk or even the fuel needed for hospital operations. When managing this complex situation, it’s difficult to sustain a political discourse about revolutionary construction, but it is imperative to do so.

In the Cuban case, which is the one I know best, significant efforts are made to engage in “what is to be done” discussions from a Marxist perspective – which is recognized as the ideological source of our revolution in the Constitution. Our debates also draw from the ideas of José Martí and Fidel. However, the blockade consistently obstructs progress, generating both economic and cultural pressures.

The stated objective of the blockades against our countries is “regime change.” Cuba has been subjected to a sanctions regime for over 60 years, while Venezuela has endured a nine-year blockade. Even so, our governments are still standing. So why does US imperialism continue to pursue this policy?

The blockade is deeply intertwined with US domestic politics, particularly during election cycles. It transcends party lines, with both the Democratic Party and the Republican Party embracing the strategy. It should be noted, however, that Trump’s policies were perhaps the most draconian, because they hindered our capacity to get medical inputs and inflicted severe blows to our economy.

While the blockade has failed to topple our governments, it has effectively created a degree of social fatigue and apathy. Moreover, the blockade makes the younger generations more disconnected – the generations who didn’t experience the Revolution first-hand when the most profound social transformations were occurring and emancipatory epic and mystique were strongest.

It’s important to recognize that a revolution is never a finished product and can be reversed. A revolution is not always linear, it’s not in permanent ascent, and it can be undone. We have also learned that the downturns in a revolution can be much more painful, intense, and rapid than the advances, which are often slow because revolutionary transformations take strength and patience.

The disciplinary effects of the blockade have led some young people to entertain the notion that capitalism offers them better prospects, thereby eating away at their rebelliousness. Consequently, some Cuban youth aspire to enter a labor market defined by the logic of capital.

The logic of capital prevails when you think that you deserve more than the other person; that it’s normal to exclude some so that others can advance; that private enterprises work better; and that collective solutions wear you down.

Hence, we must engage in an ongoing debate about which societal model offers better living conditions for the pueblo. We have to show that a communitarian society will be better.

Why is this, from my point of view, so important? Because the blockade invisibilizes our history and our enemy. It creates a narrative in which the Revolution bears the blame for all woes, while successes and solutions seem to come from elsewhere.

If the youth, who haven’t experienced our revolutionary history firsthand, don’t have spaces to reflect, if they don’t have their organizations, if they don’t have a place to rekindle the mystique of the revolutionary spirit in their own terms… then we are at risk of losing sight of our collective struggle.

Finally, we cannot assume that our project is a finished one, that it is solid, homogeneous, and resistant in the face of imperialism. We are in a permanent struggle that must go hand in hand with permanent debate.

You have talked about the need to cultivate a revolutionary subjectivity among the youth. Beyond the ongoing debate that you encourage, which is crucial, what additional actions do you propose?

Something that I often think about is that we should not imagine that there is a place full of perfect goodness, knowledge, and prophetic illumination. The idealized subject that we all dreamt of doesn’t exist. No individual has all the answers. Nor does anyone hold the perfect roadmap in their hands. Therefore, we must turn to the organized pueblo to find the way forward, but even the pueblo is not all-knowing.

We will make errors, and tensions and contradictions will inevitably arise, but that is the way forward. What lies ahead? We have to do more organizing and do it better. There was a time when the Cuban Revolution made huge strides because of widespread grassroots organization. That should be our model. We have to reactivate many of these organizations, nurture them, and help them advance.

But that is not enough. We must look for other ways to foster a collective subjectivity born out of rebelliousness. We should encourage a group of students who organize a congress or a bunch of barrio kids who gather to address a local problem. Such spaces should be allowed to flourish with autonomy, even if they are not following the exact paths that have been prescribed.

There are many ways of organizing; some are explicitly political, whereas others are not. Yet, we must refrain from discriminating against the latter. A group of young people organizing to play soccer may not be explicitly political, but their endeavor has a collective dimension that inherently goes against the logic of capital.

We have to inspire rebelliousness and enthusiasm among the youth, and we have to foster spaces that breathe life to our process. While doing this, we have to appeal to our history so that all merges into the revolutionary project… but each generation must forge its own path!

We have to debate and listen to each other, so that the diversity that emerges will also converge. It should not matter if it’s a party, a youth organization, or a commune; any organizational project that brings us together as a collective subject is emancipatory.

You recently visited Venezuela. Do you have any specific thoughts on the Bolivarian Process?

Each process has its beauty. One of our pending tasks is to convey to the Venezuelan pueblo how important their process is for Latin America and the Caribbean. Indeed, the Bolivarian Process has had a huge impact on Cuba. When we listened to Chávez, we reconnected with our project in a new way, because he talked not only about national emancipation but also about continental emancipation.

We are also inspired by the Venezuelan communes. While they may not be perfect, it’s clear that when people organize themselves, collectively manage day-to-day affairs, and produce the goods they need, then a community of equals emerges. This is a fundamental step in transcending capitalism.

At the Martin Luther King Center, we are studying the Venezuelan communes and working to exchange experiences with communards. We want to learn about their processes of self-organization and self-management, about their interaction with the state, and about how they exert pressure, organize processes, and render accounts.

We have beautiful experiences in Cuba, but Venezuela’s communes can teach us a lot too.
As I said during a recent visit to Caracas, we should roll up our sleeves and go to the communes so that we may get to know and learn from each other. Nobody has all the answers; we can’t achieve emancipation alone. We must draw inspiration from every movement that aims to overcome capitalism and free our pueblos from the yoke of imperialism.
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Cubans searching for a better future leave their pets behind

END THE EMBARGO

Animal shelters in Havana have reported a significant increase in the number of cats and dogs abandoned due to the economic crisis and the large number of Cubans leaving the island. 



Dogs and cats for adoption live at the Adoptions for Love animal shelter in Havana, Cuba, Wednesday, Oct. 2, 2024. (AP Photo/Ramon Espinosa)


A girl holds her newly adopted kitten at an animal adoption fair in Havana, Cuba, Saturday, Sept. 28, 2024. (AP Photo/Ramon Espinosa)

A cat lies on a refrigerator at the Adoptions for Love animal shelter in Havana, Cuba, Wednesday, Oct. 2, 2024. (AP Photo/Ramon Espinosa)


BY ANDREA RODRÍGUEZ
October 12, 2024


HAVANA (AP) — Balto, Pepa and Mami were among the lucky ones.

After being abandoned by their owners who left Cuba — or simply couldn’t care for them anymore — the dogs were rescued by animal rights activists on the island, who fed them, sterilized them and found them a new home.

Many others didn’t have such luck, and were left wandering the streets.

While there are no official figures or estimates of how many pets have been left behind by their owners who leave the island, the number of abandoned cats and dogs has spiked in the last two years as Cubans migrate in record numbers, animal activists say.

“We’d receive a phone call from someone asking us to care for their pets, because they’re suddenly migrating and don’t know what to do with them,” said Elizabeth Meade, founder of Adoptions for Love, an animal shelter in Havana.

Although the shelter found a home for some 300 rescued pets in the past year, many of those were returned — or simply went missing — after their new owners also decided to migrate. For these animals, said Meade, “it’s not always a happy ending.”

Between October 2021 and September 2024, U.S. authorities reported more than 600,000 encounters with Cubans — a significant number for an island of roughly 10 million people. That is in addition to the thousands who choose to migrate to Spain or other Latin American countries.


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For many Cubans, taking their pets with them is not an option.

Transporting an animal from Havana to Miami through a specialized agency can cost up to $1,200 — including medical examinations and the flight — and, since September, pet owners have to pay an additional $1,300 to comply with a legal obligation of a quarantine.

For those who remain in Cuba, daily life is not easy: the country’s gross domestic product fell by 2% in 2023, resulting in rampant inflation and food and fuel shortages.

Caring for a pet on the island can be prohibitive for most Cubans. While the average monthly salary in the state sector — the largest employer — is about $21, a 20-kilo bag of imported dog food can cost up to $70 and a visit to the vet costs the equivalent of $10.

The increase in the number of abandoned pets in Cuba has been largely countered by animal activism, a phenomenon that began to take shape in 2018 after the Internet was massively adopted and social media helped coordinate actions.

In 2021, animal rights activists scored a win when the government passed a long-awaited animal welfare law, which seeks to prevent cruelty and raise awareness about the need to protect animals. The law also penalizes animal cruelty, including dogfights, and the sacrifice of animals for religious purposes but activists say it is not enough.

“Abandonment is the worst form of animal abuse,” said Leandro Valdés, a dog trainer and proud owner of Koffee, a rescued dog that has gone viral as he rides around Havana in the back of Valdés’ motorcycle, wearing goggles and a seatbelt.


“The increase in migration has resulted in more pets being abandoned,” says Valdés, noting the “loss of values” that resulted from Cuba’s deepening economic crisis.
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