Friday, October 18, 2024

BEFORE CND THERE WAS...

Godzilla at 70: The Monster’s Warning to Humanity Remains Urgent


 October 17, 2024
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The monster in the 2023 movie “Godzilla Minus One.” Toho Co. Ltd., CC BY-ND.

The 2024 Nobel Peace Prize has been awarded to Nihon Hidankyo, the Japan Confederation of A- and H-bomb Sufferers Organizations. Many of these witnesses have spent their lives warning of the dangers of nuclear war – but initially, much of the world didn’t want to hear it.

“The fates of those who survived the infernos of Hiroshima and Nagasaki were long concealed and neglected,” the Nobel committee noted in its announcement. Local groups of nuclear survivors created Nihon Hidankyo in 1956 to fight back against this erasure.

Around the same time that Nihon Hidankyo was formed, Japan produced another warning: a towering monster who topples Tokyo with blasts of irradiated breath. The 1954 film “Godzilla” launched a franchise that has been warning viewers to take better care of the Earth for the past 70 years.

We study popular Japanese media and business ethics and sustainability, but we found a common interest in Godzilla after the 2011 earthquake, tsunami and meltdown at Japan’s Fukushima Daiichi nuclear plant. In our view, these films convey a vital message about Earth’s creeping environmental catastrophe. Few survivors are left to warn humanity about the effects of nuclear weapons, but Godzilla remains eternal.

Into the atomic age

By 1954, Japan had survived almost a decade of nuclear exposure. In addition to the bombings of Hiroshima and Nagasaki, the Japanese people were affected by a series of U.S. nuclear tests in the Bikini Atoll.

When the U.S. tested the world’s first hydrogen bomb in 1954, its devastation reached far outside the expected damage zone. Though it was far from the restricted zone, the Lucky Dragon No. 5 Japanese fishing boat and its crew were doused with irradiated ash. All fell ill, and one fisherman died within the year. Their tragedy was widely covered in the Japanese press as it unfolded.

The Castle Bravo hydrogen bomb test on March 1, 1954, produced an explosion equivalent to 15 megatons of TNT, more than 2.5 times what scientists had expected. It released large quantities of radioactive debris into the atmosphere.

This event is echoed in a scene at the beginning of “Godzilla” in which helpless Japanese boats are destroyed by an invisible force.

“Godzilla” is full of deep social debates, complex characters and cutting-edge special effects for its time. Much of the film involves characters discussing their responsibilities – to each other, to society and to the environment.

This seriousness, like the film itself, was practically buried outside of Japan by an alter ego, 1956’s “Godzilla, King of the Monsters!” American licensors cut the 1954 film apart, removed slow scenes, shot new footage featuring Canadian actor Raymond Burr, spliced it all together and dubbed their creation in English with an action-oriented script they wrote themselves.

This version was what people outside of Japan knew as “Godzilla” until the Japanese film was released internationally for its 50th anniversary in 2004.

From radiation to pollution

While “King of the Monsters!” traveled the world, “Godzilla” spawned dozens of Japanese sequels and spinoffs. Godzilla slowly morphed from a murderous monster into a monstrous defender of humanity in the Japanese films, a transition that was also reflected in the later U.S.-made films.

In 1971, a new, younger creative team tried to define Godzilla for a new era with “Godzilla vs. Hedorah.” Director Yoshimitsu Banno joined the movie’s crew while he was promoting a recently completed documentary about natural disasters. That experience inspired him to redirect Godzilla from nuclear issues to pollution.

World War II was fading from public memory. So were the massive Anpo protests of 1959 and 1960, which had mobilized up to one-third of the Japanese people to oppose renewal of the U.S.-Japan security treaty. Participants included housewives concerned by the news that fish caught by the Lucky Dragon No. 5 had been sold in Japanese grocery stores.

At the same time, pollution was soaring. In 1969, Michiko Ishimure published “Paradise in the Sea of Sorrow: Our Minamata Disease,” a book that’s often viewed as a Japanese counterpart to “Silent Spring,” Rachel Carson’s environmental classic. Ishimure’s poetic descriptions of lives ruined by the Chisso Corp.’s dumping of methyl mercury into the Shiranui Sea awoke many in Japan to their government’s numerous failures to protect the public from industrial pollution.

The Chisso Corp. released toxic methylmercury into Minamata Bay from 1932 to 1968, poisoning tens of thousands of people who ate local seafood.

“Godzilla vs. Hedorah” is about Godzilla’s battles against Hedorah, a crash-landed alien that grows to monstrous size by feeding on toxic sludge and other forms of pollution. The film opens with a woman singing jazzily about environmental apocalypse as young people dance with abandon in an underground club.

This combination of hopelessness and hedonism continues in an uneven film that includes everything from an extended shot of an oil slick-covered kitten to an animated sequence to Godzilla awkwardly levitating itself with its irradiated breath.

After Godzilla defeats Hedorah at the end of the film, it pulls a handful of toxic sludge out of Hedorah’s torso, gazes at the sludge, then turns to stare at its human spectators – both those onscreen and the film’s audience. The message is clear: Don’t just lazily sing about imminent doom – shape up and do something.

Official Japanese trailer for ‘Godzilla vs. Hedorah’

“Godzilla vs. Hedorah” bombed at the box office but became a cult hit over time. Its positioning of Godzilla between Earth and those who would harm it resonates today in two separate Godzilla franchises.

One line of movies comes from the original Japanese studio that produced “Godzilla.” The other line is produced by U.S. licensors making eco-blockbusters that merge the environmentalism of “Godzilla” with the spectacle of “King of the Monsters.”

A meltdown of public trust

The 2011 Fukushima disaster has now become part of the Japanese people’s collective memory. Cleanup and decommissioning of the damaged nuclear plant continues, amid controversies around ongoing releases of radioactive water used to cool the plant. Some residents are allowed to visit their homes but can’t move back there while thousands of workers remove topsoil, branches and other materials to decontaminate these areas.

Before Fukushima, Japan derived one-third of its electricity from nuclear power. Public attitudes toward nuclear energy hardened after the disaster, especially as investigations showed that regulators had underestimated risks at the site. Although Japan needs to import about 90% of the energy it uses, today over 70% of the public opposes nuclear power.

The first Japanese “Godzilla” film released after the Fukushima disaster, “Shin Godzilla” (2016), reboots the franchise in a contemporary Japan with a new type of Godzilla, in an eerie echo of the damages of and governmental response to Fukushima’s triple disaster. When the Japanese government is left leaderless and in disarray following initial counterattacks on Godzilla, a Japanese government official teams up with an American special envoy to freeze the newly named Godzilla in its tracks, before a fearful world unleashes its nuclear weapons once again.

Their success suggests that while national governments have an important role to play in major disasters, successful recovery requires people who are empowered to act as individuals.The Conversation

This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.

Amanda Kennell, Assistant Professor of East Asian Languages and Cultures, University of Notre Dame. Jessica McManus Warnell, Teaching Professor of Management and Organization, University of Notre Dame

Florida’s Abortion Measure: DeSantis Angles for a Mistrial



 October 17, 2024
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Photograph Source: Gage Skidmore – CC BY-SA 2.0

Florida’s proposed Amendment 4 would add the following language to the state constitution’s Declaration of Rights: “… no law shall prohibit, penalize, delay, or restrict abortion before viability or when necessary to protect the patient’s health, as determined by the patient’s healthcare provider,” except for requiring parental notification when a minor seeks an abortion.

I have an opinion on that ballot measure. I won’t share that opinion with you.

The opinion I WILL share with you is that the measure should indeed be decided by the state’s voters. In fact, it’s already being decided by those voters. Mail ballots have already gone out. Some, including mine, have been returned and counted. “The system,” such as it is, is doing its job.

Governor Ron DeSantis hates that.

After losing a state Supreme Court bid to block the measure, DeSantis, his party, and their cronies in government have worked overtime to prevent voters from having their say.

On October 3, the Florida Department of Health threatened television stations with prosecution for running ads supporting the ballot measure.

On October 14, the Florida Office of Election Crimes and Security issued a report claiming that Floridians Protecting Freedom submitted a “large number of forged signatures or fraudulent petitions” to put the measure on the ballot.

Whether the report’s claims are true or not, the obvious reason for issuing it is to build a case so that DeSantis can seek to prevent the votes from being counted, or just flat-out overturn the will of the voters if the measure receives the 60% required for passage.

This isn’t about abortion. It’s about control.

As an anarchist, I can’t say I really trust “the voters” very much. If nothing else, it’s worth noting that these particular voters elected Ron DeSantis governor. Twice.

But I trust them at least a little more than I trust DeSantis (or Andrew Gillum or Charlie Crist if one of those two had defeated DeSantis).

DeSantis obviously doesn’t trust the voters very much, either. He’s pulling out all stops to prevent them from even having the opportunity to return a result he may not like.

DeSantis reminds me of a lawyer who doesn’t like the looks he’s getting from the jury during closing arguments. He expects the verdict to go against him, so he’s begging the judge for a mistrial to avoid that verdict.

Politicians never really trust voters, but most are less obvious about it than DeSantis.

Thomas L. Knapp is director and senior news analyst at the William Lloyd Garrison Center for Libertarian Advocacy Journalism (thegarrisoncenter.org). He lives and works in north central Florida.

The Threat of Christofascism



 October 17, 2024
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Photograph Source: David Geitgey Sierralupe – CC BY 2.0

The U.S. is struggling through a profound socio-political crisis reflecting the deeper global economic and environmental realignments now taking place.  The presidential campaigns of Kamala Harris and Donald Trump signify a unique expression of the crisis: Harris, moderation and accommodation; Trump, radicalism and selfishness.   The election outcome will shape the nation for a decade to come.

One key force in Trump’s campaign is those broadly associated with “Christian nationalism.” Two sociology professors, Samuel Perry and Andrew Whitehead, state:

Simply put, Christian nationalism—an ideology that idealizes and advocates a fusion of Christianity* with American civic belonging and participation—is a form of nascent or proto-fascism.

*“Christian” in this sense represents more of an ethno-cultural and political identity that denotes a specific constellation of religious affiliation (evangelical Protestant), cultural values (conservative), race (white), and nationality (American-born citizen).

Going further, they argue:

Our research clearly demonstrates that Christian nationalism actually has little to do with religiousness per se. In fact, when we compare how Christian nationalist ideology and traditional measures of religious commitment (e.g., worship attendance, prayer, sacred text reading) influence Americans’ political attitudes and behaviors, we find they work in the exact opposite direction.

In 1982, Dorothee Sölle’s coined the term “Christofascism” to characterize the authoritarian populism that arises from the mass disenfranchisement inherent to capitalism. In the West, it is not limited to Trump in the U.S., but also to Viktor Orban in Hungary, Andrzej Duda in Poland and Jair Bolsonaro in Brazil.  Even Russia’s Vladimir Putin has attempted to co-opt Christian legitimacy to rationalize his authoritarian rule.

In the U.S., Christian nationalist are radicals Christians who share three key beliefs.  First and foremost, they believe that America was founded as a white Christian nation by white men who were not only Christians but deeply steeped in the Bible – and the Bible is the word of God.  As Timemagazine noted, “The ideal American is generally understood to be a natural-born Anglo Protestant. It is this group who created the U.S., and it is this group who should remain central to its cultural identity and political leadership.”

Second, as the Heritage Society argues, the U.S. of A is not a “democracy” but a “republic” – a republic adhering to the word of God.  To this end, some Christian nationalists are part of Convention of States Project that embraces Article V of the Constitution, that distinguishes between two paths for constitutional amendments.  One involves the ratification of a proposed amendment by a two-thirds vote in each chamber of Congress and being ratified by three-fourths of states.  The second path requires two-thirds of states to pass resolutions calling for a constitutional convention and voting on the amendment. It’s never been used but some Christian nationalists are pursuing it.

Third, Christian nationalism support strong – if not authoritarian — leaders who are not afraid of using violence to enforce “God-given” social hierarchies. Time magazine goes so far as to note that “This includes setting aside the results of free and fair elections to ensure a chosen leader remains in power.”

Not surprising, the rise of Christian nationalism is occurring as religious beliefs in the U.S. is declining and the nation is becoming ever-more secular.  A recent Gallup survey found that Americans’ membership in houses of worship dropped below 50 percent for the first time in eight decades. In 2020, 47 percent of Americans said they belonged to a church, synagogue or mosque, down from 50 percent in 2018 and 70 percent in 1999.

At the attack on the Capitol on January 6, 2021, some of the rioters wore MAGA hats and T-shirts declaring, “Jesus is my savior, Trump is my president.”

The Christian nationalist movement is one of the most radical tendencies within the (broadly speaking) radical right.  Christofascist embrace a set of common belief that an ideal society is based on patriarchy, heterosexuality and pronatalism. These beliefs include: (i) support for ending a woman’s right to vote, the repeal the 19th Amendment; (ii) support for “Heartbeat Acts” that grant citizens the right to sue abortion providers; (iii) support for school vouchers that would funnel taxpayer dollars to private schools, thus undercutting public education; (iv) support for book banning in schools and libraries; and (v) support for the outlawing of pornography which, they claim, leads to a breakdown of morals and to rapes.

In 2023, the Public Religion Research Institute, (PRRI) interviewed more than 22,000 adults as part of its American Values Atlas and found that three in ten Americans qualify as Christian nationalism “Adherents” (10%) and “Sympathizers” (20%).  Not surprising, they reported high rates of voting for Trump in 2020.

White Christian nationalists prioritize the issues of immigration and access to guns more so than Hispanic and Black Christian nationalists.  Most troubling, a majority of Christian nationalism “Adherents” (54%) and “Sympathizers” (45%) agree that “there is a storm coming soon that will sweep away the elites in power and restore the rightful leaders,” compared with only 22% of Skeptics and 7% of Rejecters.

One of the most radical tendencies within Christian nationalist movement is the “Dominionists,” as The New York Times reports, that comes from “the passage in Genesis in which man is given ‘dominion over the fish of the sea, and over the fowl of the air, and over the cattle, and over all the earth, and over every creeping thing that creepeth upon the earth.’”

Another Christian nationalist far-right tendency is the New Apostolic Reformation (NAR), an associationformed in the 1990.  It has been defined as “an unbiblical religious movement that emphasizes experience over Scripture, mysticism over doctrine, and modern-day ‘apostles’ over the plain text of the Bible.”

Mike Johnson (R-LA), Speaker of the House of the Representatives, is affiliated with NAR.  On his first day as Speakers, he declared:

I believe that scripture, the Bible, is very clear that God is the one that raises up those in authority, he raised up each of you, all of us. And I believe that God has ordained and allowed us to be brought here to this specific moment and time.

And in 2022, he stated “The founders wanted to protect the church from an encroaching state, not the other way around.”

Often forgotten, before Johnson launched his political career, he was a lawyer advising Exodus International.  According to CNN, he “partnered with the groups to put on an annual anti-gay event aimed at teens.” The group was founded in 1976 and was a proponent of what was dubbed“ex-gay” conversion movement.  It argued that conversion therapy programs, based on religious and counseling methods, could make gay individuals straight.

The Christian nationalist strategy is outlined in the Heritage Society’s “Project 2025,” an authoritarian plan to steer the U.S. toward autocracy.  It lays out the Christian right’s agenda in no uncertain terms:

The next conservative president must make the institutions of American civil society hard targets for woke culture warriors. This starts with deleting the terms sexual orientation and gender identity (‘SOGI’), diversity, equity, and inclusion (‘DEI’), gender, gender equality, gender equity, gender awareness, gender-sensitive, abortion, reproductive health, reproductive rights, and any other term used to deprive Americans of their First Amendment rights, out of every federal rule, agency regulation, contract, grant, regulation, and piece of legislation that exists. [p. 4]

Whoever wins the 2024 election, the nation’s deepening socio-political crisis will likely intensify the Christian nationalist call for an autocratic white religious regime to control the country. If Trump wins, this tendency will likely be adhered to through the implementation of Project 2025. If Trump loses, efforts toward secession will likely increase.  In either case, failure to address the deepening global economic and environment realignments now reshaping the world will only make it all so much worse.

David Rosen is the author of Sex, Sin & Subversion:  The Transformation of 1950s New York’s Forbidden into America’s New Normal (Skyhorse, 2015).  He can be reached at drosennyc@verizon.net; check out www.DavidRosenWrites.com.