Monday, December 09, 2024

Most “humane” farms are lying to you — and the government isn’t stopping them

A new investigation finds false advertising continues to dupe consumers.



by Kenny Torrella
Nov 14, 2024
VOX

A flock of large white broiler chickens, approximately 10 weeks old, are ready to be processed. 
Monica Fecke/Moment via Getty Images

An overwhelming majority of Americans say they’re concerned about the treatment of animals raised for meat, and many believe they can help by simply selecting from one of the many brands that advertise their chicken or pork as “humane.” But such marketing claims have long borne little resemblance to the ugly reality of raising animals for meat.

Nearly all farmed animals in the US live on mega factory farms, where they’re mutilated without pain relief and fattened up in dark, overcrowded warehouses before being shipped off to the slaughterhouse. Only a tiny sliver of livestock are actually reared on the small, higher-welfare farms that many companies conjure on their packaging with quaint red barns and green rolling hills — and even those operations can be rife with animal suffering.


Over the summer, the US Department of Agriculture (USDA) had an opportunity to fix the false advertising problem pervasive in the meat aisle when it published updated guidelines that companies must follow when making animal welfare claims on their labels. Instead, its new guidance barely changed anything.


The updated rules “remain insufficient to combat misleading label claims used to market meat and poultry products,” as the nonprofit Animal Welfare Institute put it, allowing companies “to essentially make up their own definitions with no repercussions.” (The one improvement, the organization noted, was a clearer definition of the term “pasture raised,” though that label remains poorly enforced and does not guarantee animals were raised humanely.)


Here’s how the USDA’s guidelines work: If a meat company wants to make an animal welfare or environment-related claim on its packaging, it must fill out a form with an illustration of its label and an explanation as to how the animals are raised to justify the claim; how the company will ensure the claim is valid from birth to slaughter to sale; and whether or not an independent, third-party organization certified the claim, which is optional. The USDA never conducts surprise audits, or any audits at all, to verify the company is telling the truth. It is, in essence, an honor system.



The USDA also has an incredibly low, and often nonsensical, bar for what passes as humane treatment.


The agency states, for example, that a chicken company can use the term “humanely raised” if it feeds its birds an all-vegetarian diet, which has virtually no bearing on their welfare (chickens are omnivores).


Similarly, the agency says pork can be labeled “humanely raised” if the company provides its pigs with “proper shelter and rest areas.” By that definition, standard factory farms — which produce practically all US pork — are humane because they provide ample shelter in the form of vast, crowded warehouses where the animals have nothing to do but rest on the same concrete flooring where they defecate and urinate.



Chickens raised for meat at an operation in Maryland. Edwin Remsberg/The Image Bank via Getty Images

Pigs at a breeding farm. Chayakorn Lotongkum/iStock via Getty Images


“I think that a lot of this is out of touch with what consumers are really thinking these claims mean,” P. Renée Wicklund, co-founder of Richman Law & Policy — a law firm that takes meat, dairy, and egg companies to court over false claims — told me.


Over the last decade, the Animal Welfare Institute has requested from the USDA the applications that meat companies submitted for 97 animal welfare claims. For the overwhelming majority of them, there were either no records at all or the justifications for the labels had little to no relevance to animal welfare.


The USDA declined an interview request for this story and didn’t directly respond to numerous detailed questions. Instead, it sent a statement that read in part: “USDA continues to deliver on its commitment to fairness and choice for both farmers and consumers, and that means supporting transparency and high-quality standards.”



To be fair to the agency, it doesn’t have the authority to conduct on-farm audits, which would require an act of Congress. But it does have authority to define animal welfare claims, an authority it rarely exercises. Instead, it allows companies to define animal welfare claims themselves.


The USDA also added it “strongly encourages” companies to validate animal welfare claims using third-party certifiers — private organizations that audit conditions on farms and license the use of their own humane labels. But a recent undercover investigation into one of the nation’s biggest “humane-certified” poultry companies shows how low third-party certification standards can be.

Chickens kicked and run over with forklifts: Inside a “humane-certified” poultry farm


Foster Farms, the 11th largest chicken company in the US, advertises meat from animals raised with supposedly “better care.” On its packaging, chickens are shown roaming free on pasture, even though the company’s conventionally raised birds will never step foot onto grass. On its website, Foster Farms says its farming is “safe, sustainable, and humane” and that its chickens are “raised on local West Coast farms” with “strenuous, high standards.”


The company also promotes its chicken as “cage free” with “no added hormones or steroids ever.” But touting these aspects is misleading because chickens raised for meat in the US are not kept in cages — only those raised for eggs are — and it’s illegal to feed chickens hormones or steroids.


“They’re feel-good words, but they don’t have any real meaning,” veterinarian Gail Hansen told Vox.


This summer, an undercover investigator with the animal rights group Animal Outlook worked for a month on the company’s catch crew, a job that entails grabbing chickens on farms, stuffing them into crates, and loading them onto trucks bound for the slaughterhouse.



Over the course of more than a dozen shifts at multiple Foster Farms facilities, the investigator — who requested anonymity due to the covert nature of undercover investigations — documented workers slamming birds into crates, kicking and hitting chickens, and numerous instances of forklift drivers running over birds.


The investigator recalled making eye contact with a bird shortly after they were run over by a forklift. “They were being crushed and everything was being pushed forward, and they had their beak open, and they had this look on their face like they knew that they were dying,” the investigator told me. “And then I watched them flap and struggle for a moment before passing.”




“From a veterinary perspective, some of the things are just horrific,” Hansen said.


The investigator chalked up most of the cruelty to the chaotic, fast-paced work environment imposed by supervisors during long, grueling shifts.


Foster Farms did not respond to a list of detailed questions but did send a press release detailing how it had fired several employees and reported them to Fresno County law enforcement. The company said it has retrained employees on animal welfare, created additional animal welfare roles, and will increase the frequency of its audits.


“Put simply, the conduct was counter to everything we stand for as a company, and our actions ensure those responsible are held accountable,” wrote Randy Boyce, general counsel for Foster Farms.


Cheryl Leahy, who was executive director of Animal Outlook when the investigation was released but has since left the organization, said the company’s problems go much deeper than just a few employees.

Related:The “humanewashing” of America’s meat and dairy, explained
Undercover audio of a Tyson employee reveals “free-range” chicken is meaningless
“Wild-caught,” “organic,” “grass-fed”: What do all these animal welfare labels actually mean?



Cruelty is “woven into the culture,” Leahy said. “It is a feature, not a bug. It is a business practice. There is a decision made to go with volume and speed” over animal welfare.


In recent years, the USDA has cited Foster Farms for 18 incidents of violating federal animal welfare laws. Numerous other investigations into Foster Farms facilities have found cruel conditions and practices that, to be fair to the company, have also been documented across the US poultry industry.


Foster Farms’ announced reforms in response to Animal Outlook’s latest investigation are unlikely to do much to improve overall conditions, Leahy said. It has already taken similar actions — penalizing workers and increasing training — in the wake of previous investigations. More importantly, the company’s animal welfare standards are already at rock bottom, in line with the rest of the chicken industry.


But you wouldn’t know that from its marketing or its “American Humane” certification.

How misleading marketing — enabled by the USDA — tricks consumers


For years, Foster Farms has bolstered its humane image through a certification from the nonprofit American Humane — the kind of third-party organization that the USDA “strongly encourages” meat companies making humane claims to work with. As of the late 2010s, the company paid American Humane $375,000 annually for its certification, and a lawsuit claimed that American Humane would give Foster Farms seven to 14 days’ notice of an audit, allowing them to prepare for the visits.


Animal advocacy groups like Animal Outlook argue that American Humane’s standards largely mirror that of the typical chicken factory farm, not the higher-welfare conditions a consumer would reasonably expect.


Hansen, the veterinarian, echoed that sentiment: “The daylight between them is pretty narrow.”



American Humane’s “standards are not meant to actually bring these companies up to a level of palatability for the public,” Leahy said. “What they’re trying to do is stop the criticism.”


A former American Humane executive is now an owner and partner of a PR firm that defends factory farm interests and executive director of a related pro-factory farming organization. American Humane did not respond to multiple requests for comment.


A 2015 class-action lawsuit, alleging that Foster Farms misleads consumers with its American Humane Certified label, demonstrates how the USDA’s low standards enable such deception: In a 2018 decision, a three-judge panel rejected an appeal in part because the USDA had already approved the label.


“The Foster Farms of the world can say, ‘Look, this was approved by a government agency,’” Wicklund said. (Wicklund’s law firm, Richman Law & Policy, has represented and co-counseled with Animal Outlook in meat labeling lawsuits; earlier this year, it filed a legal complaint against Foster Farms over its animal welfare claims, which is ongoing.)


The recently released Animal Outlook investigation reported that Foster Farms employees — and, according to the undercover investigator, its supervisors, too — did violate some of American Humane’s poultry handling standards, which are laid out in a dense 115-page document. However, Foster Farms remains certified by American Humane — when companies are in violation of the organization’s standards, there are seemingly no penalties. They have to fill out a form explaining how they’ll meet full compliance in the future and alert American Humane when that’s been done. Companies can still obtain certification even if they don’t fully pass their annual audit. (And numerous investigations into poultry companies have found that rough handling appears to be the industry norm, not the exception).



While some animal certification programs do set standards above the industry norm, what makes especially weak third-party certifications like American Humane’s so fundamentally inadequate — and deceptive — is that they permit the worst systemic abuses of poultry farming: cruel breeding practices, overcrowding, and especially inhumane slaughter methods.


Virtually all chickens raised for meat in the US have been bred to grow so big so fast that they’re in constant pain. Many have difficulty walking or even standing and are more likely to suffer from leg deformities, heart attacks, and other health issues when compared to heritage breeds that grow at a normal pace. Animal Outlook’s investigator alleged that many of the birds in the Foster Farms operations couldn’t walk and that some had broken legs. American Humane’s standards allow for these rapid-growth chickens, which animal rights activists call “Frankenchickens.”






The group’s standards also allow for overcrowding, giving birds a little more space than the industry standard but what still amounts to almost 20 percent less space than what animal advocacy groups argue should be the bare minimum. American Humane allows for the standard chicken slaughter process: shackling chickens upside down, dunking them in a bath of electrified water to stun them unconscious, slitting their throats, and then placing them in a scalding vat to loosen their feathers.


Despite all that, the resulting meat can still be advertised as humane, sustainable, and produced from healthy birds.


The empty claims many meat companies make on their labels and in their advertising stem from forces bigger than the USDA and third-party certifiers. Currently, chickens and other poultry birds have zero federal legal protections while on the farm or in the slaughterhouse, and third-party certification programs make an exceptionally weak substitute for this legal gap. If we wanted truly “humanely raised” chicken, we’d have to fundamentally change how chickens are farmed, which would require significant anti-cruelty legislation from Congress. That would substantially raise the price of chicken, making it more of a delicacy than a staple.


But the USDA, the poultry giants, and the dubious third-party certification schemes would like us to believe otherwise — that wholesome marketing and hollow honor systems can fix the horrific reality of what it is to be a farmed animal in the US.


Update, November 14, 10:03 am ET: This story was originally published on November 14 and has been updated to include a response from Foster Farms.


Kenny Torrella is a senior reporter for Vox’s Future Perfect section, with a focus on animal welfare and the future of meat.


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Famine, Affluence, and Morality. Peter Singer. Philosophy and Public Affairs, vol. 1, no. 1 (Spring 1972), pp. 229-243 [revised edition]. As I write this, in ...


* In TOM REGAN & PETER SINGER (eds.), Animal Rights and Human Obligations. New Jersey: Prentice-Hall, 1989, pp. 148-. 162. Page 2. men are; dogs, on the other ...

That's an important step forward, and a sign that over the next forty years we may see even bigger changes in the ways we treat animals. Peter Singer. February ...

In Practical Ethics, Peter Singer argues that ethics is not "an ideal system which is all very noble in theory but no good in practice." 1 Singer identifies ..

Beasts of. Burden. Capitalism · Animals. Communism as on ent ons. s a een ree. Page 2. Beasts of Burden: Capitalism - Animals -. Communism. Published October ...

Nov 18, 2005 ... Beasts of Burden forces to rethink the whole "primitivist" debate. ... Gilles Dauvé- Letter on animal liberation.pdf (316.85 KB). primitivism ..

2024 ‘certain’ to be hottest year on record: EU monitor


By AFP
December 8, 2024

Climate scientists say that global warming drives extreme weather like storms, floods and heatwaves, making these disasters more frequent and intense 
- Copyright AFP LUIS TATO


Nick PERRY and Benjamin LEGENDRE

This year is “effectively certain” to be the hottest on record and the first above a critical threshold to protect the planet from dangerously overheating, Europe’s climate monitor said Monday.

The new benchmark affirmed by the Copernicus Climate Change Service caps a year in which countries rich and poor were hammered by disasters that scientists have linked to humanity’s role in Earth’s rapid warming.

Copernicus said an unprecedented spell of extraordinary heat had pushed average global temperatures so high between January and November that this year was sure to eclipse 2023 as the hottest yet.

“At this point, it is effectively certain that 2024 is going to be the warmest year on record,” the EU agency said in its monthly bulletin.

In another grim milestone, 2024 will be the first calendar year more than 1.5 degrees Celsius hotter than pre-industrial times before humanity started burning large volumes of fossil fuels.

Scientists warn that exceeding 1.5C over a decades-long period would greatly imperil the planet, and the world agreed under the Paris climate accord to strive to limit warming to this safer threshold.

Copernicus Climate Change Service deputy director Samantha Burgess said a single year above 1.5C “does not mean that the Paris Agreement has been breached, but it does mean ambitious climate action is more urgent than ever”.

– Cost of inaction –



The world is nowhere near on track to meeting the 1.5C target.

In October, the UN said the current direction of climate action would result in a catastrophic 3.1C of warming.

Emissions from fossil fuels keep rising despite a global pledge to move the world away from coal, oil and gas.

When burned, fossil fuels release greenhouse gases that warm Earth’s oceans and atmosphere, disrupting climate patterns and the water cycle.

Scientists say that global warming is making extreme weather events more frequent and ferocious, and even at present levels climate change is taking its toll.

2024 saw deadly flooding in Spain and Kenya, violent tropical storms in the United States and the Philippines, and severe drought and wildfires across South America.

In total, disasters caused $310 billion in economic losses in 2024, Zurich-based insurance giant Swiss Re said this month.

Developing countries are particularly vulnerable and by 2035 will need $1.3 trillion a year in outside assistance to cope with climate change.

At UN climate talks in November, wealthy countries committed $300 billion annually by 2035, an amount decried as woefully inadequate.



– ‘Exceptional’ –



Copernicus uses billions of measurements from satellites, ships, aircraft and weather stations to aid its climate calculations.

Its records go back to 1940 but other sources of climate data — such as ice cores, tree rings and coral skeletons — allow scientists to expand their conclusions using evidence from much further in the past.

Scientists say the period being lived through right now is likely the warmest the Earth has been for the last 125,000 years.

Even by these standards, the extraordinary heat witnessed since mid-2023 has sparked scientific debate.

2024 began at the peak of El Nino, a natural phenomenon that moves around warm water, helping raise global temperatures.

But scientists said that such cyclical variability could not alone explain the record-breaking heat in the atmosphere and seas.

After the latest El Nino, temperatures were starting to fall but “very slowly, and the causes will have to be analysed”, Robert Vautard, a scientist of the IPCC, the UN’s expert climate advisory body, told AFP.

Last week, a study published in the peer-reviewed journal Science suggested a lack of low-lying clouds could be causing less heat to bounce back into space.

A separate paper in May explored the possibility that cleaner-burning shipping fuels were releasing less mirror-like particles into clouds, dimming their reflectivity.

Copernicus climate scientist Julien Nicolas said recent years were “clearly exceptional”.

“As we get more data, we will hopefully better understand what happened,” he told AFP.

Trauma and terror of Kenya’s kidnapped protesters

POLICE STATE


By AFP
December 9, 2024

Kenyans marched in memory of the killed and missing in June
 - Copyright AFP Jung Yeon-je

Rose TROUP BUCHANAN


The Kenyan parliament was ablaze, protesters running through the streets, police firing into the crowds. Among them was John, who believed the unrest could bring about meaningful political change.

But it would be John’s last time protesting.

Days later, he was seized by two men in the city’s Kibera slum and bundled into an unmarked Subaru car. They pulled a cloth sack over his head and drove him out to a forest. Their guns and handcuffs left him in no doubt that they were police.

“It was terrifying,” the 32-year-old told AFP.

“I didn’t know if they were arresting me, or where they were taking me. I thought that this is my last day on this Earth.”

As with the other victims in this article, AFP has changed his name because of his fear of repercussions by the security forces.

The protests began in June over hugely unpopular tax rises proposed by President William Ruto. The marches were initially mostly peaceful until June 25 when protesters stormed parliament and were met with extreme violence by security forces.

The Kenya National Commission for Human Rights (KNCHR), a state-backed group, says at least 60 people died during the demonstrations, which continued into July.

But at least 74 were also abducted, and six months on, 26 are still missing.

Human Rights Watch (HRW) fears the actual numbers of disappearances may be far higher, as many are too scared to report that relatives are missing.

“These police abductions and killings are taking the country back to its dark days,” warned KNCHR vice-chair Raymond Nyeris.

AFP made multiple requests for comment from Kenyan police, but they did not respond.



– Who sent you? –



John said that he was severely beaten while held in secret custody and that it was clear he was being punished for taking part in the protests.

His captors repeatedly asked: “Who sent me, who is our leader, who paid us?”

To John, the questions were absurd since the protests were a spontaneous show of anger by a young generation fed up with poor services, corruption and a lack of jobs.

Seven days later, John bribed his way to freedom, convincing one of his captors to message his sister in Nairobi and arrange a payment of 8,000 shillings ($60).

“He had to make a phone call to the DCI (directorate of criminal investigations)… to see if he can release me.”

His captors photographed and finger-printed him, and kept his phone.



– ‘No accountability’ –



John’s story is common. Dozens of similar cases have been reported by local media.

Many are terrified to talk publicly, but AFP spoke with another man who was similarly snatched, beaten, held and then released without charges.

Two other families of missing people agreed to speak to AFP only to pull out an hour before meeting.

“I never talk to anyone. Even some of my friends, I’m scared to share with them,” said John.

Rights groups Amnesty International, HRW, KNCHR and VOCAL Africa all say Kenya’s security forces are behind the abductions.

“We believe strongly that the security agencies should answer,” KNCHR’s Nyeris said. “They are the ones who are responsible.”

HRW said its research pointed to a shadowy unit of officers drawn from multiple security agencies, including military intelligence and an anti-terrorism unit.

“The abductors know there will be no accountability,” HRW’s Otsieno Namwaya told AFP, urging an independent investigation.



– ‘Just vanished’ –



Abductions also appear to have taken place during the protests.

In September, rights group VOCAL Africa said they had testimonies about people being arrested by officers — some not in uniform — during the demonstrations “only for their lifeless bodies to be found days later.”

The thought haunts Faith, whose cousin, Joseph, “just vanished” on June 25.

The 24-year-old was not interested in politics and had only gone to the city centre to collect a parcel, she said.

“They thought he was a protester because of his age,” said Faith.

The family hoped Joseph was just injured in the unrest. Faith visited hospital after hospital, and eventually morgues, but there was no sign.

“They just bring all the unidentified bodies, you try and identify,” said the 45-year-old mother-of-two. “It was very hard.”

The family contacted the police but they refused to help, dismissing missing persons as “the people who stormed parliament”.

“If they killed him, they should give us the body,” Faith said, sobbing.

“But if he’s alive, how is he? Has he been tortured, what has happened?”



– ‘Just lying’ –



On November 21, Ruto addressed the issue of abductions in his annual state of the nation speech.

Although he downplayed many claims as “fake news”, he also indicated that some of the accusations were true, saying: “I condemn any excessive or extrajudicial action which puts the life and liberty of any person at risk, including disappearances and threats to life.”

Ruto said families of those abducted should present their cases to the police watchdog.

“He’s just lying,” said John, who once supported Ruto, with a bitter laugh.

John has lost any hope for change and will not protest again.

“In Kenya, you don’t have the right.”
Notes on Dunayevskaya’s Hegel in Marxism and Freedom

A CRUCIAL WORK OF HUMANIST MARXISM

October 11, 2024
https://imhojournal.org/


Summary: Explores Raya Dunayevskaya’s reading of Hegel and Marx in her book Marxism and Freedom: From 1776 Until Today and its relevance to today’s challenges — Editors


When Raya Dunayevskaya calls Hegel the “greatest bourgeois philosopher”[1] she intimates a dialectical transformation – first that Hegel (along with Marx) was meeting the challenge of the French revolution in the aftershocks of a high watermark for bourgeois thought, and second that with Hegel bourgeois philosophy perished. The provocatively titled Marxism and Freedom is in a sense a text about what this simple construction means. What does it mean for Hegel and Marx to be paired as philosophers of history, revolution, and the Absolute at the ends of bourgeois philosophy, and moreover what are the consequences of dismissing Hegel as an equal element of this pairing? The stakes could not be higher in what Dunayevskaya calls “an age of absolutes”,[2] when “counter-revolution is in the very innards of the revolution.”[3] The primary investment for Marxism and Freedom is a type of precision as to where Hegel and Marx meet, and where Hegel actually cannot meet Marx as above and against prevailing official Marxisms of the time. Dunayevskaya answers that double-sided question by first rooting out the actual reasons for the political and philosophical breakdown of Hegel’s proposed politics of a “new society”[4] and second inaugurating a scandalous heresy by insisting that Marx does not truly ever abandon a type of humanist idealism. In other words, attendant to the former point, that if there is a break between Hegel and Marx it is in the ability to see “the masses as “Subject” creating the new society.”[5] This is as above and against a countervailing reading of a break purely in theory rather than in visions of practice. To understand the latter, the shocking development of Marx as an eminent idealist materialist, we must first return to the opening movements of Dunayevskaya’s argument.

It is helpful to remember here, from the first words of Marxism and Freedom, that Dunayevskaya is writing a polemical work. The whole program of Dunayevskaya’s politics is contained within the opening lines of the first page. Our age, she says, is born from 3 revolutions (the Industrial Revolution, the American Revolution, and the French Revolution), “every question of the modern crisis was posed then.”[6] Strikingly “The proof that our age has not resolved the contradictions it faced at birth is as big as life. The One-Party Totalitarian State is the supreme embodiment of these contradictions. The central problem remains: can man be free?”[7] From the outset, it is clear that Dunayevskaya is targeting the Marxist orthodoxy of the Soviet Union. The philosophical establishment of the nominally communist world needs, in Dunayevskaya’s words, “a total change”,[8] if the present crisis is to be properly understood and confronted. It is here where we get two subtle developments from Dunayevskaya that will orient the entire trajectory of her argument. First, it was under the impact of the era of revolution that Hegel “reorganized all hitherto existing philosophy”, and to that point, it was the revolutionary action of the masses that made such a seismic change in thought possible: “There is nothing in thought – not even in the thought of a genius – that has not previously been in the activity of the common man.”[9]

With the polemic set and the narrative arc traced, Dunayevskaya establishes the terms of the discussion, setting the constellation of revolutions from 1789 and 1793 as moments of titanic epistemological importance. Though they never develop a formal theory, it is the revolutionary masses that teach “the new bourgeoisie its first lesson in democracy.”[10] Dunayevskaya’s history in miniature of the French Revolution in these pages is about the people’s revolution, doomed by its underdeveloped historical stage (at the time by Dunayevskaya’s reckoning the working class numbers roughly 600,000 people).[11] Years later, we are told, Marx will draw “the principles of revolutionary socialism”[12] from the mass movement that was the French Revolution in order to meet its great challenge to all Western philosophy before it. Here, however, Dunayevskaya fundamentally shifts the tenor of her read by asserting that before Marx, “Hegel had already met the challenge of the French revolution to reorganize completely the premises of philosophy.”[13]

The most dramatic moment in Dunayevskaya’s reading of Hegel happens here when Hegel discovers alienated labor in 1801 and backs away from it. This excision, or retreat from “describing the conditions of workers in capitalist production”[14] is, however, not a mere curiosity on the way towards a Hegel who does not concern himself with exploitation. Rather, Dunayevskaya will tell us that this early peek into what will become a core element of Marx’s work leaves such an imprint on Hegel that “labor remained integral to his philosophy.”[15] This point is most strikingly represented by Hegel’s “Lordship and Bondage” dialectic. It is in “Lordship and Bondage” where Hegel and Marx can be understood as in fundamental dialogue – to Dunayevskaya, Hegel, and Marx find in their most inalienable origin a primal identity in their parallel efforts to discover the conditions for an ultimate historical move from bondage to freedom. For Hegel “Freedom is the animating spirit”, it is “not only his point of departure, but his point of return.”[16]

In The Phenomenology of Spirit Hegel was able in thought to present “the stages of development of mankind as stages in the struggle for freedom.”[17] In common with Marx, freedom must be fought for. Take paragraph 187 in “Lordship and Bondage”, where “the relation between two self-consciousnesses” (here the eponymous Lord and Bondsman) “is determined in such a way that they prove themselves and each other through a life-and-death combat.”[18] In this initial struggle between two Beings, the one that emerges victorious takes the position of Lord. The Lord here emerges, in proposition 190 as a “consciousness that is for itself”,[19] while the Bondsman can only work. Thus, at first, it appears as if the Bondsman is dependent upon the Lord. The Lord holds “Independent being” over the Bondsman, who is proved “to be dependent, to have his independence in thinghood.”[20] However, by Proposition 195, the situation has quite reversed. The object of freedom is worked on by the Bondsman, while the Lord’s desire for the object has become “a disappearance, for it lacks the objective side or subsistence.”[21] The Bondsman, on the other hand, must work and so desire is “held in check… work cultivates. The negative relation to the object becomes its form or something permanent.”[22] In other words it is precisely in labor where the bondsman acquires a mind of its own, while the Lord slowly loses that power until the Lord finds its freedom fully enmeshed with the servitude of the Bondsman, while the Bondsman suffers no such dependency. Thus, as Dunayevskaya says, it is not “from as through slavery that man acquired freedom.”[23]

Marx, then, “Did not depart from Hegel’s dialectic method or from his Absolutes.”[24] While Hegel could not recognize the genius of the proletariat, he and he alone among his peers responded to the French revolution by drawing philosophy into History. Truth and freedom can be found in the limitless possibility of man to develop in history. Dunayevskaya holds that intellectuals searching for the expression of Hegel’s Absolute in theory before practice have it wrong. In her view, it is the proletariat that demonstrates the workings of the Absolute in practice before theory. Intellectuals are hampered by “their isolation from the working people in whose lives the elements of the new society are present.”[25] The question remains, however, if all of the conditions for a truly revolutionary praxis are already present in Hegel’s work, why was Hegel unable to totally overcome the contradictions of his era? Why did Hegel become a professor, and remain a revolutionary coward?

Dunayevskaya gives us two reasons that both emerge from issues of class and class consciousness. Politically Hegel thinks the state is insufficient without a regulatory ‘caste’ system. Philosophically, Dunayevskaya relates Marx’s reading that asserts essentially that “In the Hegelian system, humanity appears only through the back door, so to speak, since the core of self-development is not man but only his ‘consciousness.’” Essentially, Hegel “had destroyed all dogmatisms except the dogmatism of ‘the backwardness of the masses. On this class barrier Hegel foundered.”[26] Here, at the end of bourgeois philosophy, Hegel’s Absolute stands as a revolutionary epistemology “imbedded, though in abstract form [with] the full development of the social individual.”[27] It is at this point in Dunayevskaya’s intervention where she turns to her polemical target and attacks “the barbarism of Stalin”[28] directly.

Indeed, the root of the insipidity and insufficiency of Soviet thought after the revolution of 1917 can be traced to a failure to account for a “total, an absolute answer.”[29] The Russian system of official Marxism cannot cope with the haunting Hegelian absolute, and their development of ‘criticism’ and ‘self-criticism’ will not untie the knots of this debt. There can be no Marxian negativity without the constructive act of Absolute Negativity – without Hegel there can be no negation of the negation. Dunayevskaya approaches her greatest scandal through the truth of Hegel’s absolute: that it is “the vision of the future.”[30] Hegel’s seemingly purely idealist “unity of heaven and earth” is “not up in heaven, but here on earth.”[31] Dunayevskaya prepares the ground by saying that this gives the “material ring to Hegel’s idealist philosophy”, the actual “philosophy of history established by the French revolution.”[32]

The climax of Hegel’s system tells us, indispensably and shockingly, that “there is a movement from practice to theory as well as from theory to practice.”[33] In essence, Hegel practices a materialist idealism that falters because its subject is the transformation in the history of the philosopher (the Stoics emerge at the end of the Lord and Bondsman dialectic, for example) rather than the action of the masses. In parallel, and controversially beyond all measure, Dunayevskaya asserts that Marx “did not reject Idealism” but rather maintained throughout his work the position of a dialectical mediator between materialism and idealism. Marx, then, is an idealistic materialist. Hegel cannot realize the truth because, to his last breath, he traces “the logical movement not of the worker, but of the intellectual.”[34] The final question here, then, is what brings to summation the innovation that Marx makes as and through Hegel? To which Dunayevskaya gives a clear answer: “The development of the dialectical method on new beginnings is to be found in Marxism. To develop the dialectical method further, it was necessary to turn to the real world and its labor process. This is what Marx did.”[35]

During the French Revolution the bourgeoisie discovered democracy in the action of the proletariat, in the critical intervention of the masses. The major theoretical development of the bourgeois revolution in France was, in other words, first discovered by the practice of the people. This is Dunayevskaya’s fundamental political insight, in our present age of crisis more critical than ever. If there is a path forward to a world beyond one dominated by the capitalist mode of production, we must remember what it means to advance the politics of a “new society.” Contemporary Marxist thought is marked indelibly by a tendency towards theoretical despair. This tendency privileges Marx’s analysis of capitalist society alone, and while this does indeed produce valuable insights it is a fundamentally limited frame of analysis. What we forget is that Marx was a revolutionary and was always engaging with capitalism from the standpoint of communism. What this means is that contemporary theory ignores the other half of Marx’s intellectual legacy – that the proletariat is always engaged in a struggle with the attempts of capitalist production to dominate it, that the masses are always an active countervailing force against their bondage to capital. It is therefore critical to remind ourselves that an intersectional Marxism is the first step to understanding the challenge of the proletariat because the so-called ‘theoretical’ object of intersectionality is the very lifeblood of the contemporary action of the masses. What more evidence do we need than the recent wildfire of mass protests in solidarity with the people of Palestine in their resistance to the ongoing United States-backed Israeli-perpetuated genocide? As the capitalist mode of production strip-mines the earth and spins ever further out of control, as climate crisis and displacement accelerate across the globe, and the rhetoric of the ascendent right wing further targets queer people, migrants, and people of color, it is past time that our theory learns from practice!



[1] Page 46

[2] Page 41.

[3] Ibid

[4] Page 38

[5] Ibid

[6] Page 27

[7] Ibid, emphasis on second sentence mine.

[8] ibid

[9] Page 28.

[10] Page 29.

[11] Out of a population of roughly 25 million, per page 32.

[12] Page 32 and 33.

[13] ibid

[14] Page 34

[15] Ibid

[16] Page 35

[17] Page 36

[18] Page 78

[19] Page 79

[20] ibid

[21] Page 81

[22] Ibid

[23] Dunayevskaya, Page 35

[24] Page 37

[25] Page 38

[26] Page 38

[27] Page 39

[28] Ibid

[29] ibid

[30] Page 41

[31] ibid

[32] ibid

[33] Page 42

[34] Page 42.

[35] ibid

The International Marxist-Humanist Organization (IMHO), the publisher of this journal, aims to develop and project a viable vision of an alternative to capitalism - a new, human society - that can give direction to today’s freedom struggles.''


On Kevin B. Anderson’s A Political Sociology of Twenty-First Century Revolutions and Resistances





October 14, 2024
https://imhojournal.org/



Summary: A student reflects on the possibilities and pitfalls of today’s revolutionary movements around the world — Editors


In this essay, I will focus on the parts of Kevin B. Anderson’s new book that resonate most with me and my generation.

One striking feature of this book, as highlighted in its title, is the notion of 21st-century revolutions. These revolutions have, to a significant extent, distinctive features, which are thoroughly explained, compared, and summarized in the book. This allows us to better understand them from a perspective of totality.

In today’s world, whether it is about understanding events themselves or forming our own positions, it seems to be increasingly challenging. Both require rigorous analysis, a critical approach, and steadfast principles, along with sufficient knowledge to grasp events that appear chaotic and complex. They also demand that a consistent humanistic attitude be maintained toward all involved parties.

I’ve often noticed that in nearly every revolution discussed, there’s a common issue that mirrors the present challenge we face. For instance, even the most controversial figures like Qaddafi in Libya can have the global left offering a more relaxed justification for their legitimacy—anti-imperialism being a prevalent one. We even see this, for example, in France, where there are excuses made for Macron’s government in the face of rising fascism. The indecision or ambiguity across certain regimes is something that has run through many revolutions of the 21st century. Therefore, we need enough wisdom and insight to avoid falling into these narratives, so we can see the conditions that truly serve the interests of the masses and the working class, as this is the core of humanism.

We are not drawn to the postmodernist framework of fragmentation, which can easily lead to frustration and thus reactionary tendencies. Indeed, from the chaotic “triangular conflict” (page 107), one of the main themes of 21st-century revolutions emerges a struggle for survival on the part of genuine revolutionaries caught between two reactionary forms of counter-revolution—the military-nationalist authoritarian regime and its reactionary theocratic antagonists.

These complex and rapidly changing situations, along with internal revolutionary conflicts, can create confusion, leading people to more easily revert to supporting the status quo. On the contrary, I believe this aligns with the second dialectical point: in an age of absolutes, where contradictions are so total that counter-revolution lies not just in among the supporters of the old system, but in the very innards of revolution itself.

To view things through a truly dialectical lens, identity politics can indeed present an obstacle to recognizing class contradictions. However, we must approach this with a fully dialectical method. In reality, identity politics is a visible trend brought about by the current stage of capitalism, and there is undeniable unity within it.

As to the new movements against oppression that have emerged in the wake of state-capitalism, we should acknowledge and theorize them in all their variety, and sometimes even in their contradictions with each another.

Furthermore, the book emphasizes throughout the need for reflection on the campist political positions held by many on the global and intellectual left. We should avoid the easy path of justification, such as basing it solely on anti-imperialism—especially in Third World countries facing diverse challenges. Escaping this dilemma is also dialectical: as Lenin once said, “all-round consideration of relationships in their concrete development, rather than a patchwork of bits and pieces.”

At the heart of all this is a rigorous reassessment of our stance. Hegel made it clear at the start of modern dialectics: we should not turn away from difficulties but instead engage in the seriousness, suffering, patience, and labor of the negative.

When discussing revolution, we gain important insights for organizations and updated tactics for revolution. For example, in the case of Iran, we see among the youthful opposition a move away from Marxist principles and a denial of revolution itself. This is deeply connected to the detachment observed in academia and intellectual circles, which again highlights the importance of discourse. Additionally, we’ve learned painful lessons about horizontalism and the over-reliance on spontaneity, pushing us to explore new paths between top-down vanguardism and the former.

When we talk about alternatives, it’s not just about a systemic overhaul or a replacement of orthodox Marxist theories. Instead, we need a more complete refinement of theory. Additionally, we must have knowledge from, for example, political science and economics, especially in considering concrete geopolitical situations across different regions. Given the current levels of the productive forces, we should also envision alternatives for governance and leadership that can hold power perhaps in the short term, and sufficiently armed against reactionary attacks from state-capitalism and inner contradictions that could also lead the revolution astray.

In the chapter on the French social movements and uprisings, another crucial point that Anderson drew on is that the younger generation needs to obtain a comprehensive vision of an alternative to capitalism and thus develop an ambition to set up fundamental aims to abolish the system.

As Anderson emphasizes, we have moved far from Marx’s early vision of capitalism. As our theories need updating, works like this are vital in helping us analyze contemporary events and point out the direction we need to strive toward.

The International Marxist-Humanist Organization (IMHO), the publisher of this journal, aims to develop and project a viable vision of an alternative to capitalism - a new, human society - that can give direction to today’s freedom struggles.

US Labor Rising, Rightward Drift

November 30, 2024
https://imhojournal.org/


Summary: The past few years have witnessed a resurgence in labor activism across the United States, even amid the rightward drift at the political level – Editors


The past few years have witnessed a resurgence in labor activism across the United States, with workers from diverse industries ranging from transportation and education to manufacturing taking bold steps to demand fair wages, safe conditions, and dignified treatment on the job. High-profile strikes, such as those by the International Longshoremen’s Association (ILA) and International Association of Machinists and Aerospace Workers (IAM), have signaled a renewed push by workers to reclaim their rights and assert their value in an economy that increasingly sidelines their needs. Yet, this labor resurgence occurs alongside a troubling political shift: a rightward turn in recent elections, which threatens to undermine the very gains these workers have fought so hard to achieve.

Within the last few months leading up to the presidential election labor activity has been at a high. The recent U.S. dockworker strike, which began on October 1, 2024, involved over 45,000 workers in multiple states from Texas to Maine. This major work stoppage led by the ILA, whose leadership has long eschewed militancy effectively halted operations at 36 key ports, affecting a significant portion of US shipping during the peak of the holiday supply season.

The strike was driven by demands for substantial wage increases and resistance to job losses due to automation. Back in June the union had claimed the United States Maritime Alliance (USMX) broke their contract by introducing an auto-gate system at several ports that replaced union jobs. Since then, the International Longshoremen’s Association had tried several times to negotiate a new contract with increased pay but was met with silence leading to the strike.

After three days of disrupted cargo flow and over $5 billion per day in projected economic losses, ILA and the USMX reached a tentative agreement on October 3, ending the strike temporarily. The deal includes a 62% wage increase over six years, addressing one of the union’s main demands. However, other contentious points, particularly regarding automation, were not fully resolved. To address these, both parties agreed to extend their master contract until January 2025 and resume negotiations.

The Boeing workers’ strike, led by over 30,000 machinists in the Pacific Northwest, emerged in mid-September after union members overwhelmingly rejected an initial contract offer that did not meet their demands. Boeing’s machinists, represented by the International Association of Machinists and Aerospace Workers (IAM), sought substantial improvements in wages, benefits, and pensions to counter high inflation and cost-of-living increases. Tensions were exacerbated by Boeing’s initial offer, which proposed a 25% wage increase over four years but lacked provisions for restoring defined benefit pensions, which is an issue particularly important to the workforce. The IAM bureaucracy twice recommended contracts that did not address pension restoration, and twice the workers voted them down by overwhelming majority, continuing to strike from September 13 through November 4.

Throughout the strike, Boeing faced significant production setbacks, especially impacting its 737 Max and 777 models, causing the company to project notable revenue losses and implement layoffs. Negotiations continued, and Boeing presented an enhanced offer in late October, including a 38% wage increase over several years, which ultimately led to a breakthrough.

This resolution, reached in early November, highlights a substantial victory for the workers which includes an immediate 13% raise, enhanced 401(k) contributions, and the reinstatement of the Aerospace Machinists Performance Plan, with a minimum 4% annual payout. Boeing acknowledged the strike’s impact on both its commercial output and its supply chain, prompting concessions to address workers’ concerns more fully but they did not reinstate the defined benefit pension plan that was lost in 2014.

Despite growing labor activism and some notable gains being made through collective bargaining, the electoral climate in the US has leaned further to the right, with a surge of conservative victories culminating in the election of Donald Trump. This is a particularly stark contrast when considering that President Joe Biden has been called the most pro-union president in decades.

During his time in office, Biden appointed a few pro-labor figures, such as Jennifer Abruzzo, as General Counsel of the NLRB. Under her leadership, the NLRB has pursued policies that give a bit more support to union efforts and has cracked down on practices like “captive audience” meetings, where employers pressure workers to vote against unionizing. During this time the NLRB was also given power to prevent union busting by ordering companies to grant approval of a union if they had been found to illegally obstruct worker organizing. Marty Walsh, a former union leader, who was appointed as Secretary of Labor, has focused on issues such as workplace safety, wage protections, and the importance of collective bargaining.

Biden and Vice President Kamala Harris both voiced support for the union workers during the October longshoremen’s strike. The administration emphasized their essential role during the pandemic and highlighted the need for fair compensation amid industry profits. Biden also urged the port operators to up their wage offer. This support was significant, as the administration resisted calls to pause the strike, allowing negotiations to reach a settlement independently.

The Biden-Harris administration also won enactment of several important pieces of legislation that labor unions enthusiastically supported: the $1.2 trillion Infrastructure Investment and Jobs Act (IIJA), the $280 billion CHIPS and Science Act to boost domestic research and manufacturing of semiconductors, and the Butch Lewis Act named after a former Teamster who championed the defense of union retirees’ pensions, which aims to prevent severe cuts to their benefits.

While the administration has faced rightful criticism from the left for not achieving certain labor goals such as not passing the PRO Act or fully supporting rail workers’ demands, overall, the administration has been more openly supportive of labor rights than recent predecessors.

Despite the pro-union and pro-worker legislation passed under Biden not all labor leaders feel the same about Biden and the Democrats. For the first time in 30 years the Teamsters didn’t endorse a Democratic candidate in the presidential election. Teamsters president Sean O’Brien has publicly criticized the Democratic Party, citing its history of policies that he believes have negatively impacted union members, including NAFTA and other trade deals. He not only voiced these criticisms of the Democratic Party but also gave implicit support to the reactionary Trump campaign as he spoke at the Republican National Convention to the surprise of many. His stance has raised accusations that by opposing Harris he hopes to put himself ahead other labor leaders under Trump, who has a long record of anti-union actions.

In contrast, the United Auto Workers president Shawn Fain has taken a more progressive approach choosing to speak at the Democratic National Convention. While wearing a “Trump is a scab” t-shirt he said that O’Brien shouldn’t have spoken at the RNC and criticized Trump for making so many promises to working class people but never delivering on them. He also expressed solidarity with migrant workers and emphasized that the UAW is working with labor unions in Mexico.

We do not need to speculate what Trump’s attitudes towards labor will be if we look at his track record in office. Trump’s previous term saw unfavorable legislation on labor as his administration leaned toward “business-friendly” deregulation: appointed several pro-business anti-union members to the NLRB, reduced OSHA’s budget and staffing, supported right-to-work laws, signed executive orders in 2018 aimed at weakening federal employee unions, and repealed the Fair Pay and Safe Workplaces rule.

Trump appealed to a working-class base with promises of protecting jobs and industries, yet his actions often conflicted with labor interests. His policies weakened workers’ power by making it harder for unions to organize and negotiate, particularly for federal workers, and rolled back Obama-era labor protections. Additionally, his administration implemented tax cuts favoring corporations and wealthy individuals, which exacerbated income inequality without directly benefiting the workers he claimed to fight for. But his populist messaging also resonated with a section of workers and union members who felt alienated by the shortcomings of the Democrats, as seen with O’Brien and the Teamsters.

Recent actions and proposals by Trump indicate he is likely to push for further anti-worker policies during his second term, primarily by reinforcing corporate power and targeting protections for marginalized workers. His tax policy plans are centered on corporate tax cuts, such as lowering the corporate tax rate from 21% to 15%.

Project 2025, an agenda promoted by Trump’s allies for his second term, outlines strategies that would weaken labor protections and civil rights enforcement. This includes actions like reducing diversity, equity, and inclusion (DEI) initiatives and eliminating affirmative action policies. Trump’s influence over the National Labor Relations Board (NLRB) would likely lead to a rollback of the limited gains in workers’ rights given under Biden. He is also on record praising Elon Musk on how he fires striking workers.

Given the recent upswing in union activity, his administration is likely to face opposition from labor groups as it pursues these anti-union policies in the coming years​. The dockworkers and Boeing machinists have achieved significant wage gains, setting a higher standard for wage negotiations across industries. This success could inspire other workers to take similar stands, even under potentially anti-labor federal policies. Trump’s second term might see increased pressures from unions and progressive groups pushing back against automation, outsourcing, and wage stagnation as these issues were amplified by these strikes.

Given the visibility of recent strikes, organized labor may push for broader coalitions and public campaigns. The strikes signal a readiness within unions to confront corporate giants, setting a precedent that could inspire organizing efforts in non-unionized sectors, such as tech. The strikes also reflect the broader struggle for workers to assert control over their own interests and resist not only corporate demands but also potentially unrepresentative union leadership. The negotiations and rejection of insufficient contracts by the workers such as in the case of Boeing also underscore the critical issue of struggle between the union rank-and-file and the labor bureaucracy.

As Donald Trump heads into another presidential term, recent strikes by dockworkers and Boeing machinists highlight the renewed momentum within organized labor. These high-profile labor actions could both challenge and reshape labor relations under Trump, especially as he aims to appeal to working-class voters. Labor movements have the potential to break through repressive political climates and foster a more humane society, especially important in today’s increasingly fascist political landscape. The strikes underscore a pivotal moment, where unions could expand their influence despite potential federal opposition and even opposition from bureaucratic union structures that can prioritize institutional stability or compromise over worker empowerment.

Although the rightward shift presents obstacles, it also highlights the urgent need for alternative, human-centered, and worker-driven vision of society as workers fight not only for higher compensation for their labor but also begin to question the character of labor under capitalism itself. In the battle against the reactionary tide, labor will continue to play an important role, especially as workers from key industries threaten to cut into capitalist profits. The rising labor movement is not only a response to immediate economic conditions but also a humanist challenge to a rightward political shift.

The International Marxist-Humanist Organization (IMHO), the publisher of this journal, aims to develop and project a viable vision of an alternative to capitalism - a new, human society - that can give direction to today’s freedom struggles.
What is Alienated Labor?



Summary: From a discussion at campus Marxist-Humanist reading group – Editors




November 10, 2024
https://imhojournal.org/


What is alienated labor? It’s labor that doesn’t unfold your personality and capacities through the fruits of your labor because it expands that which is alien to you. What alienated labor expands is an alien, impersonal, and abstract wealth, measured as a pure and homogenous quantity (money), that has an independent power over production and exchange. This alien, impersonal, and abstract wealth is Capital. Under capitalism, the whole point of labor, production, and exchange is Capital. Under capitalism, Capital isn’t made for us because as alienated beings we are made for capital. As alienated beings, we’re born into this world of capital for capital to become a mere appendage of capital or a mere personification of capital. As a mere appendage of capital, we exist to sacrifice our time and energy on the altar, on the clock, of capital. Through alienated labor, our time and energy transform into capital and then capital in return yanks more of our time and energy from us to further expand itself. It yanks our time and energy through its personification, capitalists, who increase productivity in the labor process. Increasing productivity for capital reduces us into cogs in the machine of the labor process. As cogs in the labor process, we mass produce commodities for profit that become an investment for more productive and automated machines that will replace us. It’s through our alienated labor that we render ourselves replaceable and expendable. It’s through alienated labor that we “sink to the level of a commodity” and become “the most wretched of commodities.”

When a machine discharges its cogs, we return to the job market as owners of a special commodity, our ability to work, and enter into a transactional relation to our prospective purchaser: capitalists. Our ability to work is our “life-activity” that embodies our time and energy in our creation through which we unfold ourselves to ourselves. We unfold ourselves through our creation when it becomes a use-value for others to enjoy. When others enjoy our creation, an authentic expression or “objectification” of our unique personality, they extend their recognition to us and confirm our sense of self-worth. This life-activity that is essential for discovering our unique self-worth through others is reduced to a commodity among a world of commodities. Unlike our creation which expresses our unique self-worth, a commodity’s worth is an abstract and homogenous value, making it exchangeable with the most abstract commodity: money. Unlike our unique self-worth, a commodity’s worth is measurable and calculable according to our standardized and homogenous labor-time. Such calculable and measurable worth can’t capture our unique self-worth. In a commodity, our unique self-worth is expunged by homogenous abstract value that renders a commodity exchangeable with money. When our life-activity becomes a commodity, whatever we create doesn’t authenticate our self-worth because it is merely another commodity among a homogenous sea of commodities. We create commodities to expand capital, but we don’t create to expand ourselves.

As Capital expands exponentially, it collapses under its own weight. Capital rises again like a phoenix, but then burns out its fuel and comes crashing down. Capital’s cycle of death and rebirth is a vicious cycle in which workers are trapped. But workers aren’t merely passive victims who are trapped in the vicious cycle of alienation. Workers resist by securing as much of their free time as possible because they know, in some sense, that the secret of Capital is their alienated labor. Their alienated labor in the form of capital is their opposite that stands opposed to them. In this sense, alienated labor, in the form of capital, is the negation of workers. Workers unconsciously yearn to reappropriate their alienated labor from capital. Workers’ yearning drives them to negate their negation in order to retrieve their alienated essence. The yearning of workers becomes their self-movement of transcending alienation. The workers’ self-movement, the collective overcoming of alienation, is the real movement of history. The abolition of capital is at the same time the birth of a new and unalienated humanity.

The International Marxist-Humanist Organization (IMHO), the publisher of this journal, aims to develop and project a viable vision of an alternative to capitalism - a new, human society - that can give direction to today’s freedom struggles.

Sunday, December 08, 2024

'You are now free': Joy as Syrians freed from prison after regime collapse

Thousands of Syrians, many of whom jailed in pro-regime detention centres, were freed by opposition rebels as the Assad regime has now come to an end.


The New Arab Staff
08 December, 2024

Prisons across Syria held scores of opposition activities, rebels and political prisoners for decade under the Assad regime [Getty/file photo]

Following the collapse of the Assad regime on Sunday after opposition rebels seized Damascus, scores of those imprisoned under the regime are now tasting freedom for the first time in years, if not decades.

Arabic-language media and social media has been flooded with clips of those imprisoned under the Assad regime being freed from prisons in several parts of the country.

Warning: Some clips included in this article may be distressing.

Several videos showed rebels freeing hundreds of detainees jailed at the notorious Sednaya Prison, located in Rif Dimashq.

The prison, known as the 'human slaughterhouse', was where thousands of anti-regime rebels and political prisoners were subjected multiple forms of abuse, torture and mass executions.


One video in particular showed overjoyed prisoners being freed from the overcrowded prison, chanting for freedom and "God is the Greatest".

One man can be heard chanting to the now-former prisoners: "You are now free, congratulations".

In another viral clip, women and children imprisoned in the notorious facility can be seen in shock after being told that they are now free, following the collapse of the regime.

Initially, the female prisoners were visibly frightened as the opposition rebels were opening up prison cell doors.

"Don’t be scared I’m going to open the lock, come out", one opposition member can be heard saying as opened up the doors.

In an attempt to calm them down, the fighter said to them: "Don't be afraid, don't be afraid, we are revolutionaries... Go out and go wherever you want."

Soon after, the women can be seen screaming in joy and hugging each other.

In one harrowing moment, a small child can be seen emerging from the cell. Al Jazeera Arabic, citing human rights organisations, said the child was born in prison and had never seen the outside world.

Other clips showed more prisoners taking to the streets and celebrating their freedom.

One freed detainee said that he was imprisoned for 10 years, while another innocently asked "what happened?", with an opposition rebel replying with "the regime has fallen", prompting the former prisoner to joyfully laugh at the news.


In another video, one prisoner can be seen reuniting with his family in an emotional moment in Hama.

A shocking clip shared to social media shows one group who said they were hours away from being executed before they were released from a prison in Rif Dimashq.

Ragheed al-Tatari, a Syrian pilot who refused to bomb the city of Hama during the 1980s campaign under Hafez al-Assad, was among the prisoners freed by the opposition advance. Tatari had spent more than four decades behind bars , and never underwent a trial.

He was arrested after refusing to comply with military orders, and was transferred across several jails including Sednaya, Suweida as well as Tartous Central Prison, from where he was released.

A previous statement by the Syrian Network for Human Rights estimated that the number of detainees in Syrian prisons from March 2011 until August 2024 amounted to 136,614 people, including 3,698 children and 8,504 women who are still under arrest or forcibly disappeared.

On 27 November, Syrian rebels led by the hardline Hayat Tahrir al-Sham (HTS) group seized large areas of Syria, including the key cities of Aleppo, Hama and Homs, before reaching Damascus early on Sunday. The capture of the capital city ended the decades-long rule of the Assad regime, whose leader Bashar has reportedly fled the country. His exact whereabouts remain unknown.
Opinion

Amnesty Israel: for human rights or Israel’s political agenda?


December 8, 2024

Palestinian child sits with his toy between the rubbles after an Israeli attack that destroyed Nuseirat Refugee Camp in Nuseirat, Gaza on December 7, 2024 [Ali Jadallah/Anadolu Agency]

by Ramona Wadi
walzerscent

Israel’s genocide in Gaza has been up for debate for over a year and diluted to the point that even humanitarian pauses have evaporated into nothingness. The only sliver of concern that remains is securing the release of the remaining Israeli hostages. And the only reason the hostages still feature prominently in Israel’s security narrative is that if the hostages are exploited, Israel can continue committing genocide under the auspices of saving them. The Palestinians, meanwhile? Butchered, permanently maimed, killed, dismembered, disappeared, burnt to death? Their plight will be catalogued in reports which diplomats, and even rights organisations, can either refute, undermine, or discard.

Amnesty International’s 296-page report, You Feel Like You are Subhuman: Israel’s Genocide Against Palestinians in Gaza, is one such example.

“According to Amnesty International,” the report’s conclusion states, “the evidence it has gathered provides a sufficient basis to conclude that Israel, through its policies, actions and omissions against Palestinians in Gaza following 7 October 2023, committed and is committing genocide. Although this report focused on a nine-month period, Amnesty International is unaware of evidence suggesting that Israel’s policies, actions and omissions have changed in any significant way.”

However, this unequivocal statement was rejected by the Israeli branch of Amnesty International. Distancing itself from the international human rights organisation, Amnesty Israel said that it “does not accept the claim that genocide has been proven to be taking place in the Gaza Strip and does not accept the operative findings of the report.” Four out of its nine board members have since resigned: one claiming that Israel is not adequately represented by the organisation and three on the grounds of insufficient representation of Palestinian voices.

Several purported criticisms were put forth by Amnesty Israel. The report was described as containing “artificial analysis” and working to establish a predetermined conclusion. “Predetermined conclusions of this kind are not typical of other Amnesty International investigations,” Amnesty Israel statements obtained by Ha’aretz partially read.

Amnesty Israel also accused the international organisation of “minimising the seriousness of the October 7 massacre” and “seeking to support a popular narrative among Amnesty International’s target audience.”

Amnesty: Israel committing genocide against Palestinians in Gaza

Amnesty Israel has conveniently forgotten that when human rights organisations were calling out Israel’s apartheid and military occupation, Amnesty International USA qualified its report by saying that it “hasn’t taken a position on occupation” and instead focused on “the Israeli government’s obligations, as the occupying power under international law.”

Could it be that Amnesty Israel expected a similar stance in the context of Gaza’s genocide? After all, Amnesty Israel could not escape stating that “the scale of the killing and destruction carried out by Israel in Gaza has reached horrific proportions and must be stopped immediately”. But it stopped short of recognising genocide.

Amnesty Israel’s branch endorsed Israel’s genocide under rhetoric that mellows the scale of the settler-colonial entity’s crimes against humanity. It isn’t alone in doing so – world leaders have, in varying degrees, also provided support for Israel’s genocide by focusing on what the world has already normalised and not what Israel is in the process of normalising. Therefore, forced displacement, “inhumane conditions”, Israel’s refusal to make humanitarian aid accessible, the official kill toll, together with the rhetoric of conflict, war and both sides, are all acceptable and safe diplomatic spaces to criticise Israel’s actions from, without taking a stance against genocide.

Amnesty Israel is in complicit company in denying the genocide in Gaza. The US also refuted the report. “We have said previously and we continue to find the allegations of genocide to be unfounded,” US State Department Deputy Spokesman Vidant Patel stated. Amnesty International’s report is merely “an opinion”, he stated. Meanwhile, the US admitted that it has not drawn any formal conclusion but continues to engage in “deliberative processes” relating to “the situations on the ground”.

Germany’s Foreign Ministry Spokesman Sebastian Fischer also said that there is no conclusive evidence of genocide in Gaza. “The question of genocide presupposes a clear intention to eradicate an ethnic group. I still do not recognise any such clear intention and therefore I cannot share the conclusions of the report,” he said.

Such a statement eliminates the continuous incitement by Israel officials to completely cleanse Gaza of Palestinians. Human animals – former Israeli Defence Minister Yoav Gallant set the scene for the Palestinian people’s current dehumanisation in Gaza, which fed into Israel’s security narrative and its purported right to defend itself – a bogus right still upheld by Israel’s political allies. Israeli President Isaac Herzog dismissed the reality of innocent civilians in Gaza, stating there aren’t any. All Palestinians in Gaza are legitimate targets, according to Herzog. And it is not just Herzog that espouses this violence.

So where exactly does Amnesty Israel stand? Its position is eerily similar to that popularised by the international community, yet this stance is coming from within Israel itself. Which shows that a segment of Israel’s settler society is attempting to find a non-existent middle ground that provides further impunity. As a human rights organisation, Amnesty Israel should be standing for human rights. And there is no endorsement of human rights in denying a genocide so documented, broadcast for the world to see, live streamed at times, and always hailed as defence.

Amnesty Israel is part of Israel’s settler-colonial fabric. How much of its statements with regard to Amnesty International’s report are related to state denial of genocide? Amnesty Israel has been boosted in Israel media for its stance. Unlike B’Tselem in 2021, which faced immense backlash after its designation of Israel as an apartheid state. One must ask why – when faced with the most serious of all crimes against humanity – a human rights organisation takes a step back to defend the politics of a settler-colonial enterprise that was founded upon premeditated ethnic cleansing?

Amnesty Israel’s stance is political, not rights based. It mirrors the diplomatic rhetoric that allows Israel to proceed with genocide. Now, from within Israel, Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu has a human rights organisation that is promoting a similar framework – the killing of Palestinians “must stop”. But the question is no longer about killing but wiping out an indigenous population rendered refugees since the 1948 Nakba and continuously since then. Has Amnesty Israel found a middle ground to condemn one part of premeditated murder but not the genocidal framework and its implementation? Is this the part where unrecognised genocide becomes part of Israel and the international community’s concept of so-called human rights?
Opinion

The sectarian risk: Turkiye’s Syrian mission




December 8, 2024 at 1:00 pm


Syrians living in Gaziantep gather near July 15 Democracy Square to celebrate the fall of the regime following overthrow of the 61-year-old Bashar al-Assad’s regime at Syria on December 8, 2024 in Turkiye [Mehmet Akif Parlak/Anadolu Agency]

by Dr Binoy Kampmark


Turkiye’s Recep Tayyip Erdogan must be delighted about what is unfolding in Syria, though it is a feeling bound to be tempered by swiftly changing circumstances. Iran’s Shia proxies have been weakened by relentless Israeli targeting and bombing. Russia’s eyes and resources are turned towards war in Ukraine. With reports that Syrian rebel groups are now fighting on the outskirts of the capital Damascus, the Assad regime looks frail, its leader either in hiding or evacuated.

In the salad mix of jihadis, nationalists, and run of the mill mercenaries, Turkiye’s hand looms large. Its intervention in Syria’s conflict was motivated by two main goals: the containment, if not elimination of Kurdish militants in northern Syria, seen as indistinguishable from their PKK (Kurdistan Workers’ Party) counterparts in Turkiye itself, and creating conditions of stability or “safe zones” that would enable a return of Syrian refugees when feasible.

Since August 2016, Turkiye has made three incursions seizing parts of Syria’s north, imposing an occupation using regular troops and auxiliary forces including the Syrian National Army (SNA) and a coalition of groups comprising former Free Syrian Army (FSA) fighters. In 2018, the Military Police was established by both Turkish authorities and the Syrian Interim Government (SIG), a force ostensibly intended to protect the civilian population. Instead, this period of Turkish rule has been marked by brutality, repression and sheer neglect.

In its February 2024 report, Human Rights Watch documented instances of abductions, arbitrary arrests, unlawful detentions (these include children), sexual violence and torture. The perpetrators spanned elements of the SNA, the Military Police, members of the Turkish Armed Forces, the Turkish National Intelligence Organisation (Milli İstihbarat Teşkilatı, MİT), and various military intelligence directorates. To this colourfully gruesome range of cruelties can be added the abuse of property rights, looting, pillaging, confiscation of property, extortion and the absence of any consistent system of restitution.

READ: Turkey’s Erdogan says there is a new reality in Syria

The group enduring the heaviest burden of suffering are Kurdish residents, notably those that had received protection from the US-backed Kurdish-led Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF) comprising the People’s Protection Unit (Yekineyen Parastina Gel, YPG), and the Women’s Protection Unit (Yekineyen Parastina Jin). These forces proved crucial in countering the Islamic State (ISIS) group. In October this year, Erdogan reiterated the long held view that such Kurdish protective units were merely “the Syrian branch of the PKK terror group, destined to be abandoned, left isolated.” Arabs and other groups seen as having links to the SDF and the Autonomous Administration of Northeast Syria (AANES) have also been targets of Turkish-led ire.

The SNA is no friend of the headline grabbing Islamist outfit, Hayat Tahrir-al Sham (HTS), the primary spear in the lighting operation against the Assad regime. HTS has marketed itself as a self-sufficient, modern, more considered group, less fire and brimstone from its al-Qaeda and al-Nusra iterations and supposedly more tolerant to other religions, sects and views. Its leader, Abu Mohammad Al-Jolani, has managed to receive praise and plaudits in the Western media for that change, despite his listing by the US State Department as a “Specially Designated Global Terrorist” worthy of a $10 million reward to anyone willing to offer information leading to his capture.

Even on the progress of HTS, Turkish influence cannot be discounted, despite Ankara eschewing open support for the group. As Fuad Shahbazov, writing for the Stimson Center remarks, the recent advances of HTS “would have been unthinkable without Turkiye’s military and logistical backing, and provision of advanced weaponry.” It has also been suggested that Ankara gave a nod of approval to the offensive led by HTS after it failed to secure a rapprochement with Assad.

Erdogan’s statements on the advance show a slippery mind in operation. On December 6, he told reporters after Friday prayers that the target of the offensive was evidently Damascus. “I would say we hope for this advance to continue without any issues.” But he also expressed the view that these advances were “problematic” and “not in a manner we desire”. While not elaborating on that point, it could be gleaned from the remarks that he is concerned about various “terrorist organisations” operating in the rebel forces.

OPINION: As predicted, the revolution in Syria has reignited

The next day, the Turkish President decided to be lofty in his assessment as the rebels entered the suburbs of Homs. “There is now a new reality in Syria, politically and diplomatically,” he declared in a speech delivered in the southern Turkish city of Gaziantep. “And Syria belongs to Syrians with all its ethnic, sectarian and religious elements.”

In keeping with the views of other leaders responsible for intervening in the affairs of another state, Erdogan spoke of Syrian independence as viable, the will of its people as inviolable. “The people of Syria are the ones who will decide the future of their own country.” He hoped that the country would “quickly regain the peace, stability, and tranquillity it has been longing for 13 years.” He went on to remark that “responsible actors and all international organisations” should support the preservation of the state’s territorial integrity.

The audacity of such statements does nothing to conceal the sectarian and ethnic dangers unfolding at the end of this Ankara-sponsored mission. The fall of Bashir al-Assad will imperil Shia communities and do even more harm to the Kurds, leaving the door open for Salafism. The rebel groups, only united by the common cause of overthrowing Assad, may well find battling each other hard to avoid. As for the territorial integrity Erdogan speaks of, Turkish officialdom and policy will never wear it short of any number of guarantees Ankara is bound to extort on hefty terms. And as for refugees? Expect many more to gush out in desperation.