November 30, 2024
https://imhojournal.org/
https://imhojournal.org/
Summary: The past few years have witnessed a resurgence in labor activism across the United States, even amid the rightward drift at the political level – Editors
The past few years have witnessed a resurgence in labor activism across the United States, with workers from diverse industries ranging from transportation and education to manufacturing taking bold steps to demand fair wages, safe conditions, and dignified treatment on the job. High-profile strikes, such as those by the International Longshoremen’s Association (ILA) and International Association of Machinists and Aerospace Workers (IAM), have signaled a renewed push by workers to reclaim their rights and assert their value in an economy that increasingly sidelines their needs. Yet, this labor resurgence occurs alongside a troubling political shift: a rightward turn in recent elections, which threatens to undermine the very gains these workers have fought so hard to achieve.
Within the last few months leading up to the presidential election labor activity has been at a high. The recent U.S. dockworker strike, which began on October 1, 2024, involved over 45,000 workers in multiple states from Texas to Maine. This major work stoppage led by the ILA, whose leadership has long eschewed militancy effectively halted operations at 36 key ports, affecting a significant portion of US shipping during the peak of the holiday supply season.
The strike was driven by demands for substantial wage increases and resistance to job losses due to automation. Back in June the union had claimed the United States Maritime Alliance (USMX) broke their contract by introducing an auto-gate system at several ports that replaced union jobs. Since then, the International Longshoremen’s Association had tried several times to negotiate a new contract with increased pay but was met with silence leading to the strike.
After three days of disrupted cargo flow and over $5 billion per day in projected economic losses, ILA and the USMX reached a tentative agreement on October 3, ending the strike temporarily. The deal includes a 62% wage increase over six years, addressing one of the union’s main demands. However, other contentious points, particularly regarding automation, were not fully resolved. To address these, both parties agreed to extend their master contract until January 2025 and resume negotiations.
The Boeing workers’ strike, led by over 30,000 machinists in the Pacific Northwest, emerged in mid-September after union members overwhelmingly rejected an initial contract offer that did not meet their demands. Boeing’s machinists, represented by the International Association of Machinists and Aerospace Workers (IAM), sought substantial improvements in wages, benefits, and pensions to counter high inflation and cost-of-living increases. Tensions were exacerbated by Boeing’s initial offer, which proposed a 25% wage increase over four years but lacked provisions for restoring defined benefit pensions, which is an issue particularly important to the workforce. The IAM bureaucracy twice recommended contracts that did not address pension restoration, and twice the workers voted them down by overwhelming majority, continuing to strike from September 13 through November 4.
Throughout the strike, Boeing faced significant production setbacks, especially impacting its 737 Max and 777 models, causing the company to project notable revenue losses and implement layoffs. Negotiations continued, and Boeing presented an enhanced offer in late October, including a 38% wage increase over several years, which ultimately led to a breakthrough.
This resolution, reached in early November, highlights a substantial victory for the workers which includes an immediate 13% raise, enhanced 401(k) contributions, and the reinstatement of the Aerospace Machinists Performance Plan, with a minimum 4% annual payout. Boeing acknowledged the strike’s impact on both its commercial output and its supply chain, prompting concessions to address workers’ concerns more fully but they did not reinstate the defined benefit pension plan that was lost in 2014.
Despite growing labor activism and some notable gains being made through collective bargaining, the electoral climate in the US has leaned further to the right, with a surge of conservative victories culminating in the election of Donald Trump. This is a particularly stark contrast when considering that President Joe Biden has been called the most pro-union president in decades.
During his time in office, Biden appointed a few pro-labor figures, such as Jennifer Abruzzo, as General Counsel of the NLRB. Under her leadership, the NLRB has pursued policies that give a bit more support to union efforts and has cracked down on practices like “captive audience” meetings, where employers pressure workers to vote against unionizing. During this time the NLRB was also given power to prevent union busting by ordering companies to grant approval of a union if they had been found to illegally obstruct worker organizing. Marty Walsh, a former union leader, who was appointed as Secretary of Labor, has focused on issues such as workplace safety, wage protections, and the importance of collective bargaining.
Biden and Vice President Kamala Harris both voiced support for the union workers during the October longshoremen’s strike. The administration emphasized their essential role during the pandemic and highlighted the need for fair compensation amid industry profits. Biden also urged the port operators to up their wage offer. This support was significant, as the administration resisted calls to pause the strike, allowing negotiations to reach a settlement independently.
The Biden-Harris administration also won enactment of several important pieces of legislation that labor unions enthusiastically supported: the $1.2 trillion Infrastructure Investment and Jobs Act (IIJA), the $280 billion CHIPS and Science Act to boost domestic research and manufacturing of semiconductors, and the Butch Lewis Act named after a former Teamster who championed the defense of union retirees’ pensions, which aims to prevent severe cuts to their benefits.
While the administration has faced rightful criticism from the left for not achieving certain labor goals such as not passing the PRO Act or fully supporting rail workers’ demands, overall, the administration has been more openly supportive of labor rights than recent predecessors.
Despite the pro-union and pro-worker legislation passed under Biden not all labor leaders feel the same about Biden and the Democrats. For the first time in 30 years the Teamsters didn’t endorse a Democratic candidate in the presidential election. Teamsters president Sean O’Brien has publicly criticized the Democratic Party, citing its history of policies that he believes have negatively impacted union members, including NAFTA and other trade deals. He not only voiced these criticisms of the Democratic Party but also gave implicit support to the reactionary Trump campaign as he spoke at the Republican National Convention to the surprise of many. His stance has raised accusations that by opposing Harris he hopes to put himself ahead other labor leaders under Trump, who has a long record of anti-union actions.
In contrast, the United Auto Workers president Shawn Fain has taken a more progressive approach choosing to speak at the Democratic National Convention. While wearing a “Trump is a scab” t-shirt he said that O’Brien shouldn’t have spoken at the RNC and criticized Trump for making so many promises to working class people but never delivering on them. He also expressed solidarity with migrant workers and emphasized that the UAW is working with labor unions in Mexico.
We do not need to speculate what Trump’s attitudes towards labor will be if we look at his track record in office. Trump’s previous term saw unfavorable legislation on labor as his administration leaned toward “business-friendly” deregulation: appointed several pro-business anti-union members to the NLRB, reduced OSHA’s budget and staffing, supported right-to-work laws, signed executive orders in 2018 aimed at weakening federal employee unions, and repealed the Fair Pay and Safe Workplaces rule.
Trump appealed to a working-class base with promises of protecting jobs and industries, yet his actions often conflicted with labor interests. His policies weakened workers’ power by making it harder for unions to organize and negotiate, particularly for federal workers, and rolled back Obama-era labor protections. Additionally, his administration implemented tax cuts favoring corporations and wealthy individuals, which exacerbated income inequality without directly benefiting the workers he claimed to fight for. But his populist messaging also resonated with a section of workers and union members who felt alienated by the shortcomings of the Democrats, as seen with O’Brien and the Teamsters.
Recent actions and proposals by Trump indicate he is likely to push for further anti-worker policies during his second term, primarily by reinforcing corporate power and targeting protections for marginalized workers. His tax policy plans are centered on corporate tax cuts, such as lowering the corporate tax rate from 21% to 15%.
Project 2025, an agenda promoted by Trump’s allies for his second term, outlines strategies that would weaken labor protections and civil rights enforcement. This includes actions like reducing diversity, equity, and inclusion (DEI) initiatives and eliminating affirmative action policies. Trump’s influence over the National Labor Relations Board (NLRB) would likely lead to a rollback of the limited gains in workers’ rights given under Biden. He is also on record praising Elon Musk on how he fires striking workers.
Given the recent upswing in union activity, his administration is likely to face opposition from labor groups as it pursues these anti-union policies in the coming years. The dockworkers and Boeing machinists have achieved significant wage gains, setting a higher standard for wage negotiations across industries. This success could inspire other workers to take similar stands, even under potentially anti-labor federal policies. Trump’s second term might see increased pressures from unions and progressive groups pushing back against automation, outsourcing, and wage stagnation as these issues were amplified by these strikes.
Given the visibility of recent strikes, organized labor may push for broader coalitions and public campaigns. The strikes signal a readiness within unions to confront corporate giants, setting a precedent that could inspire organizing efforts in non-unionized sectors, such as tech. The strikes also reflect the broader struggle for workers to assert control over their own interests and resist not only corporate demands but also potentially unrepresentative union leadership. The negotiations and rejection of insufficient contracts by the workers such as in the case of Boeing also underscore the critical issue of struggle between the union rank-and-file and the labor bureaucracy.
As Donald Trump heads into another presidential term, recent strikes by dockworkers and Boeing machinists highlight the renewed momentum within organized labor. These high-profile labor actions could both challenge and reshape labor relations under Trump, especially as he aims to appeal to working-class voters. Labor movements have the potential to break through repressive political climates and foster a more humane society, especially important in today’s increasingly fascist political landscape. The strikes underscore a pivotal moment, where unions could expand their influence despite potential federal opposition and even opposition from bureaucratic union structures that can prioritize institutional stability or compromise over worker empowerment.
Although the rightward shift presents obstacles, it also highlights the urgent need for alternative, human-centered, and worker-driven vision of society as workers fight not only for higher compensation for their labor but also begin to question the character of labor under capitalism itself. In the battle against the reactionary tide, labor will continue to play an important role, especially as workers from key industries threaten to cut into capitalist profits. The rising labor movement is not only a response to immediate economic conditions but also a humanist challenge to a rightward political shift.
The past few years have witnessed a resurgence in labor activism across the United States, with workers from diverse industries ranging from transportation and education to manufacturing taking bold steps to demand fair wages, safe conditions, and dignified treatment on the job. High-profile strikes, such as those by the International Longshoremen’s Association (ILA) and International Association of Machinists and Aerospace Workers (IAM), have signaled a renewed push by workers to reclaim their rights and assert their value in an economy that increasingly sidelines their needs. Yet, this labor resurgence occurs alongside a troubling political shift: a rightward turn in recent elections, which threatens to undermine the very gains these workers have fought so hard to achieve.
Within the last few months leading up to the presidential election labor activity has been at a high. The recent U.S. dockworker strike, which began on October 1, 2024, involved over 45,000 workers in multiple states from Texas to Maine. This major work stoppage led by the ILA, whose leadership has long eschewed militancy effectively halted operations at 36 key ports, affecting a significant portion of US shipping during the peak of the holiday supply season.
The strike was driven by demands for substantial wage increases and resistance to job losses due to automation. Back in June the union had claimed the United States Maritime Alliance (USMX) broke their contract by introducing an auto-gate system at several ports that replaced union jobs. Since then, the International Longshoremen’s Association had tried several times to negotiate a new contract with increased pay but was met with silence leading to the strike.
After three days of disrupted cargo flow and over $5 billion per day in projected economic losses, ILA and the USMX reached a tentative agreement on October 3, ending the strike temporarily. The deal includes a 62% wage increase over six years, addressing one of the union’s main demands. However, other contentious points, particularly regarding automation, were not fully resolved. To address these, both parties agreed to extend their master contract until January 2025 and resume negotiations.
The Boeing workers’ strike, led by over 30,000 machinists in the Pacific Northwest, emerged in mid-September after union members overwhelmingly rejected an initial contract offer that did not meet their demands. Boeing’s machinists, represented by the International Association of Machinists and Aerospace Workers (IAM), sought substantial improvements in wages, benefits, and pensions to counter high inflation and cost-of-living increases. Tensions were exacerbated by Boeing’s initial offer, which proposed a 25% wage increase over four years but lacked provisions for restoring defined benefit pensions, which is an issue particularly important to the workforce. The IAM bureaucracy twice recommended contracts that did not address pension restoration, and twice the workers voted them down by overwhelming majority, continuing to strike from September 13 through November 4.
Throughout the strike, Boeing faced significant production setbacks, especially impacting its 737 Max and 777 models, causing the company to project notable revenue losses and implement layoffs. Negotiations continued, and Boeing presented an enhanced offer in late October, including a 38% wage increase over several years, which ultimately led to a breakthrough.
This resolution, reached in early November, highlights a substantial victory for the workers which includes an immediate 13% raise, enhanced 401(k) contributions, and the reinstatement of the Aerospace Machinists Performance Plan, with a minimum 4% annual payout. Boeing acknowledged the strike’s impact on both its commercial output and its supply chain, prompting concessions to address workers’ concerns more fully but they did not reinstate the defined benefit pension plan that was lost in 2014.
Despite growing labor activism and some notable gains being made through collective bargaining, the electoral climate in the US has leaned further to the right, with a surge of conservative victories culminating in the election of Donald Trump. This is a particularly stark contrast when considering that President Joe Biden has been called the most pro-union president in decades.
During his time in office, Biden appointed a few pro-labor figures, such as Jennifer Abruzzo, as General Counsel of the NLRB. Under her leadership, the NLRB has pursued policies that give a bit more support to union efforts and has cracked down on practices like “captive audience” meetings, where employers pressure workers to vote against unionizing. During this time the NLRB was also given power to prevent union busting by ordering companies to grant approval of a union if they had been found to illegally obstruct worker organizing. Marty Walsh, a former union leader, who was appointed as Secretary of Labor, has focused on issues such as workplace safety, wage protections, and the importance of collective bargaining.
Biden and Vice President Kamala Harris both voiced support for the union workers during the October longshoremen’s strike. The administration emphasized their essential role during the pandemic and highlighted the need for fair compensation amid industry profits. Biden also urged the port operators to up their wage offer. This support was significant, as the administration resisted calls to pause the strike, allowing negotiations to reach a settlement independently.
The Biden-Harris administration also won enactment of several important pieces of legislation that labor unions enthusiastically supported: the $1.2 trillion Infrastructure Investment and Jobs Act (IIJA), the $280 billion CHIPS and Science Act to boost domestic research and manufacturing of semiconductors, and the Butch Lewis Act named after a former Teamster who championed the defense of union retirees’ pensions, which aims to prevent severe cuts to their benefits.
While the administration has faced rightful criticism from the left for not achieving certain labor goals such as not passing the PRO Act or fully supporting rail workers’ demands, overall, the administration has been more openly supportive of labor rights than recent predecessors.
Despite the pro-union and pro-worker legislation passed under Biden not all labor leaders feel the same about Biden and the Democrats. For the first time in 30 years the Teamsters didn’t endorse a Democratic candidate in the presidential election. Teamsters president Sean O’Brien has publicly criticized the Democratic Party, citing its history of policies that he believes have negatively impacted union members, including NAFTA and other trade deals. He not only voiced these criticisms of the Democratic Party but also gave implicit support to the reactionary Trump campaign as he spoke at the Republican National Convention to the surprise of many. His stance has raised accusations that by opposing Harris he hopes to put himself ahead other labor leaders under Trump, who has a long record of anti-union actions.
In contrast, the United Auto Workers president Shawn Fain has taken a more progressive approach choosing to speak at the Democratic National Convention. While wearing a “Trump is a scab” t-shirt he said that O’Brien shouldn’t have spoken at the RNC and criticized Trump for making so many promises to working class people but never delivering on them. He also expressed solidarity with migrant workers and emphasized that the UAW is working with labor unions in Mexico.
We do not need to speculate what Trump’s attitudes towards labor will be if we look at his track record in office. Trump’s previous term saw unfavorable legislation on labor as his administration leaned toward “business-friendly” deregulation: appointed several pro-business anti-union members to the NLRB, reduced OSHA’s budget and staffing, supported right-to-work laws, signed executive orders in 2018 aimed at weakening federal employee unions, and repealed the Fair Pay and Safe Workplaces rule.
Trump appealed to a working-class base with promises of protecting jobs and industries, yet his actions often conflicted with labor interests. His policies weakened workers’ power by making it harder for unions to organize and negotiate, particularly for federal workers, and rolled back Obama-era labor protections. Additionally, his administration implemented tax cuts favoring corporations and wealthy individuals, which exacerbated income inequality without directly benefiting the workers he claimed to fight for. But his populist messaging also resonated with a section of workers and union members who felt alienated by the shortcomings of the Democrats, as seen with O’Brien and the Teamsters.
Recent actions and proposals by Trump indicate he is likely to push for further anti-worker policies during his second term, primarily by reinforcing corporate power and targeting protections for marginalized workers. His tax policy plans are centered on corporate tax cuts, such as lowering the corporate tax rate from 21% to 15%.
Project 2025, an agenda promoted by Trump’s allies for his second term, outlines strategies that would weaken labor protections and civil rights enforcement. This includes actions like reducing diversity, equity, and inclusion (DEI) initiatives and eliminating affirmative action policies. Trump’s influence over the National Labor Relations Board (NLRB) would likely lead to a rollback of the limited gains in workers’ rights given under Biden. He is also on record praising Elon Musk on how he fires striking workers.
Given the recent upswing in union activity, his administration is likely to face opposition from labor groups as it pursues these anti-union policies in the coming years. The dockworkers and Boeing machinists have achieved significant wage gains, setting a higher standard for wage negotiations across industries. This success could inspire other workers to take similar stands, even under potentially anti-labor federal policies. Trump’s second term might see increased pressures from unions and progressive groups pushing back against automation, outsourcing, and wage stagnation as these issues were amplified by these strikes.
Given the visibility of recent strikes, organized labor may push for broader coalitions and public campaigns. The strikes signal a readiness within unions to confront corporate giants, setting a precedent that could inspire organizing efforts in non-unionized sectors, such as tech. The strikes also reflect the broader struggle for workers to assert control over their own interests and resist not only corporate demands but also potentially unrepresentative union leadership. The negotiations and rejection of insufficient contracts by the workers such as in the case of Boeing also underscore the critical issue of struggle between the union rank-and-file and the labor bureaucracy.
As Donald Trump heads into another presidential term, recent strikes by dockworkers and Boeing machinists highlight the renewed momentum within organized labor. These high-profile labor actions could both challenge and reshape labor relations under Trump, especially as he aims to appeal to working-class voters. Labor movements have the potential to break through repressive political climates and foster a more humane society, especially important in today’s increasingly fascist political landscape. The strikes underscore a pivotal moment, where unions could expand their influence despite potential federal opposition and even opposition from bureaucratic union structures that can prioritize institutional stability or compromise over worker empowerment.
Although the rightward shift presents obstacles, it also highlights the urgent need for alternative, human-centered, and worker-driven vision of society as workers fight not only for higher compensation for their labor but also begin to question the character of labor under capitalism itself. In the battle against the reactionary tide, labor will continue to play an important role, especially as workers from key industries threaten to cut into capitalist profits. The rising labor movement is not only a response to immediate economic conditions but also a humanist challenge to a rightward political shift.
The International Marxist-Humanist Organization (IMHO), the publisher of this journal, aims to develop and project a viable vision of an alternative to capitalism - a new, human society - that can give direction to today’s freedom struggles.
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