Friday, July 07, 2023

UK
Opinion
Canada’s secret service is fighting a hidden civil war


Brian Lee Crowley
THE TELEGRAPH
Fri, July 7, 2023 

David Vigneault, Director of the Canadian Security Intelligence Service (CSIS), prepares to appear before a Parliamentary committee -
 Justin Tang/The Canadian Press

The Canada of our allies’ imagination is a peaceable land of winter, hockey and exquisite politeness. The winter and the hockey haven’t changed. But peaceable and polite? Not since the civil war broke out.

This civil war doesn’t pit Quebec nationalists against English Canada, but centres instead on China. The two sides are a political elite that yearns for the days when China was an economic opportunity, and a national security community aware of Beijing’s ambition to deindustrialize the West economically and neuter it geostrategically.

For decades Canada’s national security establishment has sounded the alarm about foreign authoritarian interference. Their dire warnings fell on the deaf ears of a political class bedazzled by China’s potential to counterbalance Canada’s dependence on American markets. Canada’s spies loyally but fruitlessly reported their disquieting findings, warning behind closed doors of Chinese infiltration of Canadian institutions, including our political parties and elections.

Then China abducted and detained two Canadians, Michael Kovrig and Michael Spavor. Beijing’s action was in retaliation for Canada’s legal detention of Chinese telecom giant Huawei’s CFO in response to an extradition request from the United States. The drama of the “Two Michaels” was a daily preoccupation of Canadians for over 1000 days until their 2021 release in an American-brokered deal.

The government, however, failed to see how the plight of the two Michaels transformed Canadians’ attitudes toward China. The public began to share the intelligence community’s anxieties about China’s malevolence.

Disgusted with the government’s attempted return to the pre-Michaels status quo, the intelligence community concluded that if the politicians were going to ignore their urgent warnings, a change of tactics was in order. An unprecedented series of leaks appeared in the media, upending Canadian politics and setting spies and politicians at each other’s throats.

The leaks reveal a China hell-bent on suborning Canadian institutions. The allegations include: charges of Chinese interference in elections at every level (federal, provincial and municipal), the existence of Chinese police stations operating with impunity on Canadian soil, the intimidation of Canadians and permanent residents of Chinese origin, and threats to the families of prominent Canadian politicians.

The government response was to fire back at the intelligence services, finding the charges of Chinese interference without merit, racist, or claiming the intelligence never reached the politicians. The intelligence community was pilloried for illegal leaks.

But every attack by the government was met with more revelations. For example Michael Chong, a prominent Conservative parliamentarian, learned that Canada’s spooks knew China was bearing down on Chong’s family in Hong Kong to punish him for “anti-China” activities. He criticized the government for not informing him. Mr Trudeau denied cabinet was informed about this by the Canadian Security and Intelligence Service (CSIS). Later, the prime minister’s national security advisor revealed the Prime Minister’s Office had been repeatedly briefed on the matter.

A former senior CSIS official testified that the behavior of the nation’s political leadership on China borders on the treasonous and warrants jail time.

Parliament, where the government does not command a majority, voted for an independent formal inquiry into Chinese interference. Mr Trudeau instead appointed a superannuated apologist for China and friend of the Trudeau family, David Johnston, to study the matter. Predictably he found it was all misunderstandings and media hype and recommended against an inquiry, finding that further hearings under his leadership would be sufficient. He too called for “malicious” leakers be rooted out.

That caused another former CSIS official to say that Mr Johnston’s comments on Canadian intelligence services were unfair and insulting and he owed Canada’s spies an apology. Parliament, in a non-binding motion, voted for Mr. Johnston to step down. He initially refused, backed by Mr Trudeau, but later resigned after weeks of continued pressure from parliament.

The civil war is now entrenched. Every denial and counter-attack by the political class is met with new leaks from the spooks. There is more to come as Canada’s allies, including the United States, have deepening doubts about Canada’s trustworthiness, including on intelligence sharing on China.

This conflict can only end in one of two ways. Either the government capitulates and calls a proper independent inquiry under a credible non-political figure or the prime minister succeeds in digging out the entrenched leakers, likely gutting the intelligence services in the process.

The smart money is on the leakers who, unlike the government, have public opinion on their side.

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