Majdi Mohammed/APView caption
CHRISTIAN SCIENCE MONITOR
By Taylor Luck Special correspondent
Neri Zilber Special contributor
Fatima AbdulKarim Special contributor
July 7, 2023
|TEL AVIV, ISRAEL; AND RAMALLAH, WEST BANK
Israel’s 48-hour incursion of hundreds of troops this week into the northern West Bank city of Jenin, which has emerged as a potent stronghold for Palestinian militant groups, left behind some telling images.
What they promised for the future was not security for anyone, but escalation and a deadly cycle of violence that in recent years had been alien to the once-stable West Bank and that evoked comparisons among some observers to Gaza.
They also highlighted the increasing irrelevance and ineffectiveness of a Palestinian Authority caught between growing support for armed groups at home and an intransigent far-right government in Israel.
WHY WE WROTE THIS
Israel’s 48-hour incursion of hundreds of troops this week into the northern West Bank city of Jenin, which has emerged as a potent stronghold for Palestinian militant groups, left behind some telling images.
What they promised for the future was not security for anyone, but escalation and a deadly cycle of violence that in recent years had been alien to the once-stable West Bank and that evoked comparisons among some observers to Gaza.
They also highlighted the increasing irrelevance and ineffectiveness of a Palestinian Authority caught between growing support for armed groups at home and an intransigent far-right government in Israel.
WHY WE WROTE THIS
A story focused on SAFETY
In the name of security, Israel has fought Hamas again and again in Gaza. Now, the largest Israeli incursion in the West Bank in two decades, targeting popular young militants in Jenin, seems to be paving the way only for more clashes.
Families are now returning to smashed homes and rubble-strewn streets left by receding Israeli forces after the largest Israeli military incursion into the West Bank in two decades. The raid displaced thousands of residents from the targeted refugee camp, with more than 140 injured.
At a funeral Tuesday for some of the dozen young militants killed in the battle, which involved Israeli drone strikes and ground forces, angry mourners chased away two senior Fatah and Palestinian Authority (PA) representatives who arrived to express their condolences.
Palestinian protests also erupted against the PA and its aging autocratic ruler Mahmoud Abbas over its inability to protect citizens from increased settler attacks and its alleged facilitating of Israeli military operations.
Ammar Awad/ReutersView
“We are talking about devastated families and households who are in need of more than just diapers and canned foods. We need to feel safe,” says Saja Bawaqneh, a 30-something lawyer whose family home in Jenin was damaged by Israeli forces for the second time in less than a year. “Over the past few years, we haven’t felt safe in our homes at all.”
And Israeli military officials admitted that despite its devastating scope, the large-scale operation had fundamentally changed little on the ground and was likely just a prelude for future military action.
Israel launched the long-anticipated raid after months of deadly militant attacks – many emanating from the Jenin region – and escalating Israeli-Palestinian violence that has claimed the lives of more than 160 Palestinians and 20 Israelis this year alone.
Declaring that Jenin was “no longer a safe haven” for militant activity, Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu hinted Wednesday at further West Bank military operations.
“This is just a first step. It’s not, by any means, the last action that we will take,” Mr. Netanyahu said at the conclusion of the operation.
In the name of security, Israel has fought Hamas again and again in Gaza. Now, the largest Israeli incursion in the West Bank in two decades, targeting popular young militants in Jenin, seems to be paving the way only for more clashes.
Families are now returning to smashed homes and rubble-strewn streets left by receding Israeli forces after the largest Israeli military incursion into the West Bank in two decades. The raid displaced thousands of residents from the targeted refugee camp, with more than 140 injured.
At a funeral Tuesday for some of the dozen young militants killed in the battle, which involved Israeli drone strikes and ground forces, angry mourners chased away two senior Fatah and Palestinian Authority (PA) representatives who arrived to express their condolences.
Palestinian protests also erupted against the PA and its aging autocratic ruler Mahmoud Abbas over its inability to protect citizens from increased settler attacks and its alleged facilitating of Israeli military operations.
Ammar Awad/ReutersView
“We are talking about devastated families and households who are in need of more than just diapers and canned foods. We need to feel safe,” says Saja Bawaqneh, a 30-something lawyer whose family home in Jenin was damaged by Israeli forces for the second time in less than a year. “Over the past few years, we haven’t felt safe in our homes at all.”
And Israeli military officials admitted that despite its devastating scope, the large-scale operation had fundamentally changed little on the ground and was likely just a prelude for future military action.
Israel launched the long-anticipated raid after months of deadly militant attacks – many emanating from the Jenin region – and escalating Israeli-Palestinian violence that has claimed the lives of more than 160 Palestinians and 20 Israelis this year alone.
Declaring that Jenin was “no longer a safe haven” for militant activity, Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu hinted Wednesday at further West Bank military operations.
“This is just a first step. It’s not, by any means, the last action that we will take,” Mr. Netanyahu said at the conclusion of the operation.
A retaliatory car-ramming and stabbing attack on Tuesday by a Palestinian in Tel Aviv that injured seven, and the killing of an Israeli soldier by a Hamas gunman in the West Bank on Thursday, hit home for many that this week’s destruction in Jenin was a prelude to more confrontation and bloodshed, not less.
To fight another day
The focus of the Israeli operation was the Jenin Brigades, a militant network formed in 2021. Like the Lions’ Den in Nablus, it is a grouping of young men from a cross section of Palestinian factions and backgrounds united by their desire to raise arms against Israel.
According to one senior Israeli military officer, the intent of the operation was to dismantle the “terrorist activities and infrastructure” inside the 0.16-square-mile camp of 23,000 people, as attested by the myriad explosive devices and weapons caches Israel seized.
Jacob Turcotte/Staff
Another major aim was to “increase our freedom of operations into the camp,” the Israeli military official said. Heavily armored bulldozers tore up streets looking for buried improvised explosive devices lying in wait.
Yet Israeli officials admitted that most of the hundreds of armed militants estimated to be inside the Jenin camp simply dispersed at the launch of the operation.
Israel estimates that 13 armed combatants were killed in the two-day operation along with one Israeli soldier whom sources say was possibly killed by friendly fire. Palestinian health officials say Israeli forces killed 12 people, including four teenagers.
“In the short term [the operation] may change things a little – degrade the local capabilities of the militants … allow the [army] greater freedom of movement, so not every raid into Jenin will turn into ‘Black Hawk Down,’” says Amos Harel, defense analyst for Haaretz newspaper.
“But even the most optimistic officials and analysts admit [that the operation] doesn’t change things fundamentally and could trigger more revenge attacks in the West Bank, from Hamas in Gaza, or Hezbollah in Lebanon,” he adds.
Majdi Mohammed/APView caption
The ability of the Jenin Brigades to disperse, regroup, and live to fight another day undermined Israel’s second and perhaps greater goal: “to dismantle the heroic image of Jenin camp” – as the Israeli officer said – in the minds of the Palestinian public as a bastion of resistance.
Instead, the operation has cemented support for Jenin and its armed groups among Palestinians in both the West Bank and Gaza.
With PA forces unable to stop armed far-right Israeli settlers from marauding in Palestinian villages, residents are increasingly turning to these militant groups as the only actors defending Palestinian lands and homes – even as they remain wary of the prospect of a wider conflict and the proliferation of armed groups.
Political aims
Israeli analysts say the operation did more to further the political goals of the Israeli government: It allowed Prime Minister Netanyahu to appear tougher on security than the previous government, and it advanced the agenda of his far-right settler coalition partners, who wish to expand and secure their presence in the West Bank.
“The settlers ... want to exert their new influence on this government, and their ultimate aim is to destroy the Palestinian Authority,” says Mr. Harel. “An Israeli incursion like this, they know, will weaken it even further.”
Ammar Awad/ReutersView caption
Indeed, the ability of Jenin’s militants to withstand a major ground operation and drone strikes two weeks after they bogged down Israeli armored vehicles in the mazelike camp for several hours has cemented a Palestinian narrative of a David versus Goliath struggle. That narrative is winning support and plaudits for the armed groups even among Fatah officials and Ramallah politicians who advocate nonviolent means to statehood and the end of Israel’s occupation.
“This is a chance for us to raise our heads up high, even when we cannot openly support them with arms,” says Mohammed, a senior Fatah member in Ramallah.
To fight another day
The focus of the Israeli operation was the Jenin Brigades, a militant network formed in 2021. Like the Lions’ Den in Nablus, it is a grouping of young men from a cross section of Palestinian factions and backgrounds united by their desire to raise arms against Israel.
According to one senior Israeli military officer, the intent of the operation was to dismantle the “terrorist activities and infrastructure” inside the 0.16-square-mile camp of 23,000 people, as attested by the myriad explosive devices and weapons caches Israel seized.
Jacob Turcotte/Staff
Another major aim was to “increase our freedom of operations into the camp,” the Israeli military official said. Heavily armored bulldozers tore up streets looking for buried improvised explosive devices lying in wait.
Yet Israeli officials admitted that most of the hundreds of armed militants estimated to be inside the Jenin camp simply dispersed at the launch of the operation.
Israel estimates that 13 armed combatants were killed in the two-day operation along with one Israeli soldier whom sources say was possibly killed by friendly fire. Palestinian health officials say Israeli forces killed 12 people, including four teenagers.
“In the short term [the operation] may change things a little – degrade the local capabilities of the militants … allow the [army] greater freedom of movement, so not every raid into Jenin will turn into ‘Black Hawk Down,’” says Amos Harel, defense analyst for Haaretz newspaper.
“But even the most optimistic officials and analysts admit [that the operation] doesn’t change things fundamentally and could trigger more revenge attacks in the West Bank, from Hamas in Gaza, or Hezbollah in Lebanon,” he adds.
Majdi Mohammed/APView caption
The ability of the Jenin Brigades to disperse, regroup, and live to fight another day undermined Israel’s second and perhaps greater goal: “to dismantle the heroic image of Jenin camp” – as the Israeli officer said – in the minds of the Palestinian public as a bastion of resistance.
Instead, the operation has cemented support for Jenin and its armed groups among Palestinians in both the West Bank and Gaza.
With PA forces unable to stop armed far-right Israeli settlers from marauding in Palestinian villages, residents are increasingly turning to these militant groups as the only actors defending Palestinian lands and homes – even as they remain wary of the prospect of a wider conflict and the proliferation of armed groups.
Political aims
Israeli analysts say the operation did more to further the political goals of the Israeli government: It allowed Prime Minister Netanyahu to appear tougher on security than the previous government, and it advanced the agenda of his far-right settler coalition partners, who wish to expand and secure their presence in the West Bank.
“The settlers ... want to exert their new influence on this government, and their ultimate aim is to destroy the Palestinian Authority,” says Mr. Harel. “An Israeli incursion like this, they know, will weaken it even further.”
Ammar Awad/ReutersView caption
Indeed, the ability of Jenin’s militants to withstand a major ground operation and drone strikes two weeks after they bogged down Israeli armored vehicles in the mazelike camp for several hours has cemented a Palestinian narrative of a David versus Goliath struggle. That narrative is winning support and plaudits for the armed groups even among Fatah officials and Ramallah politicians who advocate nonviolent means to statehood and the end of Israel’s occupation.
“This is a chance for us to raise our heads up high, even when we cannot openly support them with arms,” says Mohammed, a senior Fatah member in Ramallah.
Some of the estimated 4,000 civilians pushed from their homes by fighting are returning to destruction and deteriorating services in Jenin.
Torn-up roads have hindered the access of ambulances, and electricity and water services have been disrupted throughout the refugee camp.
The closure of United Nations Relief and Works Agency health facilities and schools, ATMs, banks, and shops that honor U.N. food assistance vouchers has exacerbated the situation for thousands of residents who were already vulnerable and skirting the poverty line before the incursion.
The U.N. relief agency said it was working to support Palestinian authorities to restore basic services, reopen schools, and provide cash assistance.
Majdi Mohammed/APView “Spirits are high”
Yet morale, even among families that lost homes, remains high.
Alaa Salah, a 20-something camp resident who was reached by phone and whose house was entirely destroyed, says that “the most important thing was the camp fought back.”
“My home is damaged, my brother and cousin are injured, and my mother is now living with our relatives, but our spirits are high. What matters is that the shabab [militants] survived and are safe,” he says from Jenin. “These men are real men; they protected us when no one could, not the PA or any other faction. [Palestinian factions] are all useless and it is now all in the hands of the resistance.”
Ms. Bawaqneh, the lawyer, whose father was killed by Israeli forces in a Jenin raid last year, said the operation has deepened a sense of insecurity across the West Bank.
Yet she says Jenin residents have taken heart in the fact the operation has “united” diverse Palestinian factions who offered moral support for the Jenin Brigades.
“United on the battleground, they are giving us a sense of hope that we are protected,” she says.
The PA this week said it broke off communication and security cooperation with Israel in protest over the raid, yet it has not lessened the view among Palestinians that it has facilitated such operations.
Despite Mr. Abbas’ insistence on negotiations as the only viable path out of the conflict, there is neither political will in Israel nor in the United States and the international community to restart talks, Palestinian analysts say. And that too is fueling support for resistance.
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Why Israel's offensive on Jenin was a failure
Events on the ground proved that the Palestinian resistance anticipated Israel's invasion and how to confront it amid a battle between two unequal parties
A banner bearing a slogan of solidarity with the Jenin refugee camp and pictures of fighters hangs around a fountain in Al-Aqsa Mosque complex in Jerusalem during Friday prayers on 7 July 2023 (AFP)
Ameer Makhoul
7 July 2023
Israel's Minister of Defence Yoav Gallant boasted that the offensive in Jenin has "fully achieved" its goals, claiming that when Palestinian fighters return to the refugee camp, they would "not recognise it" due to the severity of the attack.
"Most of them left their place of residence, and those who remained hid in places where they were protected by the civilian population, such as hospitals. This is something that indicates more than anything the cowardice and lack of courage that they tried to demonstrate on the outside," Gallant said.
The Israeli military's reaction, on the other hand, was more serious. It expressed real concern that the Palestinian resistance and tactics - including the use of explosive devices - would expand to various areas in the occupied West Bank.
Gallant appears to be speaking to the Israeli public to promote himself and increase his political clout by concealing the failure of his offensive rather than presenting an honest picture of its outcome.
'Palestinian triumph'
Seeking to raise Israeli morale, Gallant bragged that the Palestinian fighters fled during the attack. Yet it can also be said that Israel's army - considered one of the most advanced in the world and equipped with its airforce, satellites, elite forces and cutting-edge military technology - failed to advance into the centre of the Jenin refugee camp.
Israel's army - considered one of the most advanced in the world - failed to advance into the centre of the Jenin refugee camp
Instead of marching, the soldiers crawled on the ground to avoid being sniped. During their withdrawal from the camp, the scene was more of a retreat in armoured vehicles and personnel carriers.
A more thrilling scene was the victory celebrations from the camp's residents along with the fighters following the Israeli army's withdrawal. These are the refugees whose families and grandparents were expelled from Haifa and its surroundings during the Nakba in 1948, and who were recently displaced from their homes which the army seized to use as shields and military barracks after destroying them.
While the displacement affected one-third of the camp's population, this popular spontaneous scene of celebration depicts the Palestinian triumph.
But why did the Israeli Minister of War use the term "fled" to describe the resistance fighters, whose number does not exceed a few dozen and who do not possess any lethal weapons, while the Israeli military and civilian media portray them as a regular army with a military arsenal and a command staff?
The answer to this question lies in the objectives of the attack on Jenin, which - as mentioned by the Israeli media beforehand - was to turn the Jenin camp into a "cemetery for terrorists". Ron Ben-Yishai, an Israeli military analyst for Ynet, pointed out the "disappointment in the army as a result of the small number of dead" among the Palestinian fighters.
Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and Gallant consider the Jenin camp the "capital of terrorism", while Israel's security agency, Shin Bet, said the objective was to eliminate the "terrorist infrastructure" and the "advanced combat capabilities, including the development of rudimentary rocket capabilities".
However, the managing director of the Institute for National Security Studies and the former head of the Military Intelligence Division, General Tamir Hayman, estimated that the resistance "lives in the hearts of the Palestinians" and has no capital, and therefore cannot be eliminated by storming the Jenin camp.
Hayman added that Israel has "only the military option without any political horizon".
Annexation policy
For the occupation, achieving this objective requires eliminating the resistance in this area and marginalising the role of the Palestinian Authority, especially since the resistance targets the Israeli army and settlers. Israeli settlers will not relocate to live in this area unless the state provides them with security and tranquillity, which will be achieved at the expense of the Palestinians.
Why the Palestinian Authority is out of time
Through a political decision, the Israeli army sought to carry out a mass expulsion of Palestinian refugees from the camp, which indicates that the mentality of displacement and the Nakba still runs deep within Israeli rule. There are people who support it and advocate for its implementation.
However, Palestinians responded by returning to their homes immediately after the withdrawal of the occupation forces, while a significant portion of the population refused to leave their homes despite threats by Israeli soldiers.
The mentality of the Nakba and displacement has not changed, but the mentality of Palestinians has. They do not want to leave their homes, towns or lands. They insist on staying in their homes no matter the severity of the occupation or the aggression.
To the Israeli forces, particularly during military operations, Palestinians are enemies wherever they may be and should be targeted as such.
On a political level, Netanyahu succeeded on two important matters. Domestically, he gained the support of the heads of the parliamentary opposition regarding the attack and the government's decision. He also enjoyed unanimous support from the national Zionist consensus, including from the popular opposition, which did not take a stance against the aggression, while the large-scale protests sweeping the country "for democracy" ignored the attack.
Internationally, Netanyahu received unequivocal support from the Biden administration, as well as from Britain and Germany, who backed "Israel's right to protect its citizens" and condemned "Palestinian terrorism".
According to estimates, Netanyahu's popularity has increased, especially as Israeli society and media do not care about the number of Palestinian casualties or the extensive destruction. They primarily and solely focus on Israeli losses.
The Palestinian situation is subject to ongoing Israeli aggression whose methods may change, but its essence will always persist.
The resistance will emerge from the recent offensive more determined, experienced and with broader popular support
The ruling political class does not have any prospect for a just solution or even effective management of the occupation and the conflict. It relies mainly on military force to address or postpone crises. However, what actually happens is that each aggression sparks the opposite of its intended goals.
The resistance will emerge from the recent offensive more determined, experienced and with broader popular support.
Israel will seek to provoke internal Palestinian discord, particularly between the two main political factions, Fatah and Hamas, in order to achieve its military objectives through Palestinian hands. This is currently the most dangerous scenario.
Israel's aggression did not change the rules of the game but rather reinforces persisting Israeli policy. The occupation army may have withdrawn from the Jenin camp, but its next offensive is only a matter of time, and the countdown has already begun.
Providing protection for Palestinians is, therefore, an urgent need and must become a top priority.
The views expressed in this article belong to the author and do not necessarily reflect the editorial policy of Middle East Eye.
Events on the ground proved that the Palestinian resistance anticipated Israel's invasion and how to confront it amid a battle between two unequal parties
A banner bearing a slogan of solidarity with the Jenin refugee camp and pictures of fighters hangs around a fountain in Al-Aqsa Mosque complex in Jerusalem during Friday prayers on 7 July 2023 (AFP)
Ameer Makhoul
7 July 2023
Israel's Minister of Defence Yoav Gallant boasted that the offensive in Jenin has "fully achieved" its goals, claiming that when Palestinian fighters return to the refugee camp, they would "not recognise it" due to the severity of the attack.
"Most of them left their place of residence, and those who remained hid in places where they were protected by the civilian population, such as hospitals. This is something that indicates more than anything the cowardice and lack of courage that they tried to demonstrate on the outside," Gallant said.
The Israeli military's reaction, on the other hand, was more serious. It expressed real concern that the Palestinian resistance and tactics - including the use of explosive devices - would expand to various areas in the occupied West Bank.
Gallant appears to be speaking to the Israeli public to promote himself and increase his political clout by concealing the failure of his offensive rather than presenting an honest picture of its outcome.
'Palestinian triumph'
Seeking to raise Israeli morale, Gallant bragged that the Palestinian fighters fled during the attack. Yet it can also be said that Israel's army - considered one of the most advanced in the world and equipped with its airforce, satellites, elite forces and cutting-edge military technology - failed to advance into the centre of the Jenin refugee camp.
Israel's army - considered one of the most advanced in the world - failed to advance into the centre of the Jenin refugee camp
Instead of marching, the soldiers crawled on the ground to avoid being sniped. During their withdrawal from the camp, the scene was more of a retreat in armoured vehicles and personnel carriers.
A more thrilling scene was the victory celebrations from the camp's residents along with the fighters following the Israeli army's withdrawal. These are the refugees whose families and grandparents were expelled from Haifa and its surroundings during the Nakba in 1948, and who were recently displaced from their homes which the army seized to use as shields and military barracks after destroying them.
While the displacement affected one-third of the camp's population, this popular spontaneous scene of celebration depicts the Palestinian triumph.
But why did the Israeli Minister of War use the term "fled" to describe the resistance fighters, whose number does not exceed a few dozen and who do not possess any lethal weapons, while the Israeli military and civilian media portray them as a regular army with a military arsenal and a command staff?
The answer to this question lies in the objectives of the attack on Jenin, which - as mentioned by the Israeli media beforehand - was to turn the Jenin camp into a "cemetery for terrorists". Ron Ben-Yishai, an Israeli military analyst for Ynet, pointed out the "disappointment in the army as a result of the small number of dead" among the Palestinian fighters.
Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and Gallant consider the Jenin camp the "capital of terrorism", while Israel's security agency, Shin Bet, said the objective was to eliminate the "terrorist infrastructure" and the "advanced combat capabilities, including the development of rudimentary rocket capabilities".
However, the managing director of the Institute for National Security Studies and the former head of the Military Intelligence Division, General Tamir Hayman, estimated that the resistance "lives in the hearts of the Palestinians" and has no capital, and therefore cannot be eliminated by storming the Jenin camp.
Hayman added that Israel has "only the military option without any political horizon".
A new 'Nakba'
If we consider this to be the central objective of the Israeli government, then it has ultimately failed to achieve it. The resistance has not been eliminated, nor have its capabilities or accumulated knowledge in the art of combat and confrontation.
On the contrary, events on the ground have proven that the resistance anticipated the occupation army's invasion, monitored its movements, and determined how, where and when to confront it amid a battle between two unequal parties. The Palestinians stood firm in the face of the Israeli war arsenal.
Another Israeli objective was to target the Palestinian popular base, which is the Palestinian people as a whole and the residents of the camp in particular, considering them part of the "terrorist infrastructure".
This was the main motive for the targeting of civilians, the complete destruction of infrastructure, the cutting off of water, electricity and communication services, as well as the forced displacement of 5,000 people from their homes, which reminded Palestinians of the Nakba.
The destruction of property, on the other hand, reminded them of the attacks carried out by settler gangs, which include burning villages and destroying property in Huwwara, Turmus Ayya, Um Safa and Masafer Yatta.
The objectives of these various operations are integrated and interrelated. They are aligned with the prevailing Religious Zionist ideology that prioritises a "project of resolution" for the Palestinians - in other words, ethnic cleansing - and annexation instead of occupation.
The ideology seeks to create a situation where it is in the Palestinians' interest to leave their homeland. This project was formulated by the minister of security, Betzalel Smotrich, who is also the leader of the Religious Zionism party and the official responsible for managing affairs and settlement in the occupied West Bank.
The occupation has sought to suppress the consciousness of Palestinians, terrorise the population with mass destruction and expulsion, and make them pay the price for being the popular incubator of the resistance.
As a prelude to another broad offensive on the northern region of the West Bank, including Nablus, the central political objective of the offensive in Jenin is the re-settlement of the northern West Bank. This comes after the Israeli parliament annulled in March 2023 the Disengagement Law of 2005, which mandated Israel's disengagement from Gaza and the northern parts of the West Bank, and following the re-establishment of the illegal settlement of Homesh.
The goal is to build dozens of settlement outposts in the area, and to Judaise and annex it in accordance with the coalition agreements.
If we consider this to be the central objective of the Israeli government, then it has ultimately failed to achieve it. The resistance has not been eliminated, nor have its capabilities or accumulated knowledge in the art of combat and confrontation.
On the contrary, events on the ground have proven that the resistance anticipated the occupation army's invasion, monitored its movements, and determined how, where and when to confront it amid a battle between two unequal parties. The Palestinians stood firm in the face of the Israeli war arsenal.
Another Israeli objective was to target the Palestinian popular base, which is the Palestinian people as a whole and the residents of the camp in particular, considering them part of the "terrorist infrastructure".
This was the main motive for the targeting of civilians, the complete destruction of infrastructure, the cutting off of water, electricity and communication services, as well as the forced displacement of 5,000 people from their homes, which reminded Palestinians of the Nakba.
The destruction of property, on the other hand, reminded them of the attacks carried out by settler gangs, which include burning villages and destroying property in Huwwara, Turmus Ayya, Um Safa and Masafer Yatta.
The objectives of these various operations are integrated and interrelated. They are aligned with the prevailing Religious Zionist ideology that prioritises a "project of resolution" for the Palestinians - in other words, ethnic cleansing - and annexation instead of occupation.
The ideology seeks to create a situation where it is in the Palestinians' interest to leave their homeland. This project was formulated by the minister of security, Betzalel Smotrich, who is also the leader of the Religious Zionism party and the official responsible for managing affairs and settlement in the occupied West Bank.
The occupation has sought to suppress the consciousness of Palestinians, terrorise the population with mass destruction and expulsion, and make them pay the price for being the popular incubator of the resistance.
As a prelude to another broad offensive on the northern region of the West Bank, including Nablus, the central political objective of the offensive in Jenin is the re-settlement of the northern West Bank. This comes after the Israeli parliament annulled in March 2023 the Disengagement Law of 2005, which mandated Israel's disengagement from Gaza and the northern parts of the West Bank, and following the re-establishment of the illegal settlement of Homesh.
The goal is to build dozens of settlement outposts in the area, and to Judaise and annex it in accordance with the coalition agreements.
Annexation policy
For the occupation, achieving this objective requires eliminating the resistance in this area and marginalising the role of the Palestinian Authority, especially since the resistance targets the Israeli army and settlers. Israeli settlers will not relocate to live in this area unless the state provides them with security and tranquillity, which will be achieved at the expense of the Palestinians.
Why the Palestinian Authority is out of time
Read More »
This would mean the failure of the Judaisation and settlement project of the northern West Bank, and a temporary failure, at least, of the annexation project, which Palestinians will resist.
This project was initially marginal in Israeli politics but gained significance after former US President Donald Trump endorsed it, and following the rise of Religious Zionism to power, which has a significant influence over Israeli politics and a strong ideological conviction.
This could lend the annexation project political weight while certain aspects of it were implemented on the ground in the Palestinian territories, under what is known as the de facto annexation, without announcing it officially.
The results of the attack on Jenin were disappointing for those who held on to the annexation project.
This would mean the failure of the Judaisation and settlement project of the northern West Bank, and a temporary failure, at least, of the annexation project, which Palestinians will resist.
This project was initially marginal in Israeli politics but gained significance after former US President Donald Trump endorsed it, and following the rise of Religious Zionism to power, which has a significant influence over Israeli politics and a strong ideological conviction.
This could lend the annexation project political weight while certain aspects of it were implemented on the ground in the Palestinian territories, under what is known as the de facto annexation, without announcing it officially.
The results of the attack on Jenin were disappointing for those who held on to the annexation project.
Through a political decision, the Israeli army sought to carry out a mass expulsion of Palestinian refugees from the camp, which indicates that the mentality of displacement and the Nakba still runs deep within Israeli rule. There are people who support it and advocate for its implementation.
However, Palestinians responded by returning to their homes immediately after the withdrawal of the occupation forces, while a significant portion of the population refused to leave their homes despite threats by Israeli soldiers.
The mentality of the Nakba and displacement has not changed, but the mentality of Palestinians has. They do not want to leave their homes, towns or lands. They insist on staying in their homes no matter the severity of the occupation or the aggression.
To the Israeli forces, particularly during military operations, Palestinians are enemies wherever they may be and should be targeted as such.
On a political level, Netanyahu succeeded on two important matters. Domestically, he gained the support of the heads of the parliamentary opposition regarding the attack and the government's decision. He also enjoyed unanimous support from the national Zionist consensus, including from the popular opposition, which did not take a stance against the aggression, while the large-scale protests sweeping the country "for democracy" ignored the attack.
Internationally, Netanyahu received unequivocal support from the Biden administration, as well as from Britain and Germany, who backed "Israel's right to protect its citizens" and condemned "Palestinian terrorism".
According to estimates, Netanyahu's popularity has increased, especially as Israeli society and media do not care about the number of Palestinian casualties or the extensive destruction. They primarily and solely focus on Israeli losses.
The Palestinian situation is subject to ongoing Israeli aggression whose methods may change, but its essence will always persist.
The resistance will emerge from the recent offensive more determined, experienced and with broader popular support
The ruling political class does not have any prospect for a just solution or even effective management of the occupation and the conflict. It relies mainly on military force to address or postpone crises. However, what actually happens is that each aggression sparks the opposite of its intended goals.
The resistance will emerge from the recent offensive more determined, experienced and with broader popular support.
Israel will seek to provoke internal Palestinian discord, particularly between the two main political factions, Fatah and Hamas, in order to achieve its military objectives through Palestinian hands. This is currently the most dangerous scenario.
Israel's aggression did not change the rules of the game but rather reinforces persisting Israeli policy. The occupation army may have withdrawn from the Jenin camp, but its next offensive is only a matter of time, and the countdown has already begun.
Providing protection for Palestinians is, therefore, an urgent need and must become a top priority.
The views expressed in this article belong to the author and do not necessarily reflect the editorial policy of Middle East Eye.
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