Sunday, December 15, 2024

 

Crowdsourcing hope: Book on community building shows impact of local action



Penn State
Cover image for Peace by Peace 

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"Peace by Peace: Risking Public Action, Creating Social Change" by Lisa Silvestri, associate teaching professor of communication arts and sciences at Penn State, tells the stories of ordinary individuals taking small steps to make big changes in their communities.

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Credit: University of South Carolina Press





UNIVERSITY PARK, Pa. — Dark-humored memes — like “This is fine,” featuring a dog wearing a bowler hat in a room on fire — tend to dominate social media during times when the world appears to be falling apart. But what bothers people most can spur action and change, especially on the local level, according to Lisa Silvestri, associate teaching professor of communication arts and sciences at Penn State.

Silvestri shifted her research focus to peace- and community building after studying war and its onset for more than a decade. Her new book, “Peace by Peace: Risking Public Action, Creating Social Change,” tells the stories of ordinary individuals who took small steps to make big changes in their local communities. The book offers a blueprint for tackling local challenges and reconnecting with physical spaces and people.

Penn State News spoke with Silvestri about her book, the modern problems it addresses and how ordinary people can take small steps to make large impacts.

Q: Where did the idea for “Peace by Peace” come from?

Silvestri: The idea emerged in summer 2018. I just had my first child and was living in Washington state. I was on parental leave. That can be an isolating feeling, especially when you're someone who loves going to work like I did, seeing my colleagues and my students, and then suddenly I'm in this house with a newborn, the demands were different, and I was tired. Plus, wildfire smoke led to a city ordinance to stay inside. 

All I was hearing on the news was sadness, dislocation and separation. I thought, this is not who we are, and this is not the world that I want for my child. I needed to hear that people were doing good things, so I curated an email list of people who I knew were artists, philosophers, changemakers and community activists. I said, hey, who's doing small-scale, life-giving, community building type work? Responses started peppering in, and I thought how I would love to talk to these people and find out how they got started. Always aware of my role as an educator, I wanted to glean some tips for my students who want to do good in the world. I was crowdsourcing hope. 

Q: You start the book talking about this concept called “drift.” What is it, and how did we get here?

Silvestri: Drift is this experience of aimless, inner floating, a general feeling of detachment. Around 2015, I was teaching a class on digital culture. What was hot at the time were these nihilistic memes, really dark humor that was circulating primarily among my age demographic, millennials. What does it say about the zeitgeist that we're feeling this nihilist impulse? I wrote an academic article on nihilism for the International Journal of Cultural Studies about this feeling of — not total passive nihilism, as in throw up your hands — but more like nothing means anything anymore, so why don't we try to build something with meaning. People wanted to make change, but they weren't quite sure how to go about doing it. 

This nihilist feeling seemed to emerge from the idea that we don't have any permanent relationships anymore to places, spaces, communities or each other. In 2000, sociologist Robert Putnam published a book called “Bowling Alone,” in which he notices that we don't have social institutions anymore, places like churches, bowling alleys or even malls where we gather together. Millennials were kind of the last generation to hang out at the mall as teenagers, and now our poor Gen Z kids have nowhere to hang out but online. All this was before the COVID-19 pandemic, which separated us even further. Now families are flung far across the country or the globe, and individuals are geographically removed from the social institutions they grew up with, from family and friends who gave them a sense of identity. The gig economy happened, the share economy happened, shifting the work experience from long-term, face-to-face jobs to short-term, freelance work facilitated through digital platforms. All of this made our relationships to one another and the places where we live impermanent. 

Sociologist Zygmunt Bauman describes our relationships like we’re tourists to our coworkers and neighbors. There used to be a sense of permanence built into our everyday life where we knew we were going to see the same people all the time, and so we felt some sense of obligation and responsibility to them. We knew we were going to live in the same home and in the same neighborhood, and so we felt a sense of commitment, care and concern. Now we have this Teflon cosmopolitanism where we slide past each other in a way that nothing meaningful really sticks. That is what created these conditions for drift.

Q: In the book, you identify practical wisdom as a tool to counteract drift. Can you describe what it is and how the average person can practice it?

Silvestri: Practical wisdom is the capacity to discern a practical course of action, one that preserves noble values, in unusual or complicated situations. The definition implies time and place because of its emphasis on the sticky particulars of the present situation. When we are experiencing drift, it's hard to anchor ourselves in the context long enough to look around and consider what is the right thing to do. But if we give ourselves the space and grace, we often know what the right action is even if it seems impractical or irrational, like allowing a loved one to remain in a hospital room after visiting hours. That is a practically wise thing — to know the rules but use your judgement. 

Practical wisdom is an old concept developed by the ancient Greek philosophers. Socrates, Aristotle and others considered it a virtue, and that we all have the capacity for practical wisdom. Today, not only do we have a hard time identifying those occasions in which we might do something practically wise, but we're also de-incentivized to do it. It's much easier to rely on bureaucracy or algorithms to make choices for us, because practical wisdom relies on human judgment, and human judgment is discerning, creative and inventive. 

I identify practical wisdom as a potentially good response to conditions of drift because it forces you to think about the time, place and your capacity for doing the right thing. We all have different capacities depending on our position, our social power as well as our resources. So, that's where it starts, locating the self within this broader experience of drift and letting yourself be bothered enough by something that you feel compelled to act.

Q: Each chapter of the book tells the story of an individual making a difference in their local community. Can you relate a story?

Silvestri: The scholar Cornel West has this concept called Santa Claus-ification that describes how people like Nelson Mandela or Mother Teresa have become in the public imagination these larger-than-life figures beyond our grasp. But we can identify regular people who maybe grew up working class, who aren't leading any sort of movement, they don't even consider themselves activists, who are doing the right thing, for the right reason, at the right time in their vicinity, without any kind of broader ego-centered outcome in mind. I like those stories because everyone can find someone or some aspect of these people to relate to.

Shawn Lent, a dance teacher in Chicago, started offering free dance classes to refugee children in her community. She learned that there's this big refugee population coming from different countries, they have had awful experiences with war, and she thought it would be a good activity to offer. She worked within her limit. She was already at the studio anyway, so why not do it? It was one hour a week.

She noticed that her Jewish and Arab students signed up for classes on Sunday because it’s a shared day of rest. Then she slowly integrated these classes for refugee children into the rest of the studio schedule. Now you see families from diverse backgrounds coming together to watch their children perform. It was a great way to blend the community. It’s these catalytic moments that I find really fascinating. 

Q: What steps can the average person take to avoid drift and build community?

Silvestri: So many people ask, what are your interests? Interests are so fickle. I love to ask my students what bothers them, because typically what bothers us is more consistent over the course of our life. When we think about ourselves on the playground and the types of things that bothered us, like seeing kids left out or some sort of injustice, that nugget is something that we carry with us. It just looks different over the course of our lives. Finding what bothers you is a good compass point for where you should put your energy and attention.

Next, accept, embrace and celebrate your smallness. You can't change the whole world, but you can change one heart at a time, and you can change the very specific conditions in a hyper-local scenario. In the context of social media and globalization, we often think that it doesn't matter what we do because it won't rise to the level of being an influencer or starting some sort of enormous movement. But why not do it? Do the small thing and sleep better at night. The global village has made it difficult for us to see the forest through the trees. Let's get local again.

Finally, talk to other people. Give what’s bothering you some air. We become radicalized when we're alone in our silos, but when we talk to other people in the brick-and-mortar world, we can get more of a healthy perspective and start to get things done.

 

Creating a global map of different physics laboratory classes



JILA
World map of number of survey responses. 

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World map of number of survey responses. Shown on a log scale, each colored country has at least one response; countries in gray have no responses.

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Credit: Steven Burrows/Lewandowski group and JILA




Physics lab courses are vital to science education, providing hands-on experience and technical skills that lectures can’t offer. Yet, it’s challenging for those in Physics Education Research (PER) to compare course to course, especially since these courses vary wildly worldwide. 

To better understand these differences, JILA Fellow and University of Colorado Boulder physics professor Heather Lewandowski and a group of international collaborators are working towards creating a global taxonomy, a classification system that could create a more equitable way to compare these courses. Their findings were recently published in Physical Review Physics Education Research.

With a global taxonomy, instructors can have a more precise roadmap for navigating and improving their courses, leading to a brighter future for physics education worldwide.

“The ultimate taxonomy will help education researchers both understand physics lab education broadly and also be able to compare and contrast studies done around the world,” says Lewandowski.

An International Need for Global Mapping

According to Gayle Geschwind, the paper’s first author and a recently graduated JILA Ph.D. researcher, the project began as an international conversation between physicists who realized that comparing lab course assessments was not always straightforward. 

“It can be hard for instructors to get useful information,” said Geschwind. “For example, a sophomore-level course can’t easily be compared to an introductory one, but right now, that’s often the only data available for comparison. Lab courses vary in how they're taught, the methods they use, and the equipment the students can interact with. And these lab courses are expensive; some use nice equipment, others aren’t able to.” 

This mismatch prompted the researchers to develop a method that will eventually result in a database of the many different laboratory courses for physics across the globe. 

Starting with Surveys

The team’s first task was to build a robust survey to capture how lab courses are structured worldwide. The researchers started with a brainstorming session that was then refined into a more extensive survey to address course content, the kinds of equipment available, and how students were assessed.

Once the survey was ready, the team interviewed instructors from 23 countries to ensure the questions were clear and applicable to different educational systems. From these early interviews, Geschwind, Lewandowski, and their collaborators improved their survey. While the earlier editions had options for instructors to put in the major and minor goals of the course, based on the feedback from the interviews, the team decided to add an option for a future goal, where an instructor could add other techniques students could learn in the future.

Along with the improvements to their survey, Lewandowski and Geschwind found a challenge early on in the phrasing of some of the survey questions. 

Geschwind shared a telling anecdote: “Heather and I spent three or four hours on one question’s wording about how many students are in each lab section... It turns out ‘lab section’ doesn’t mean the same thing outside the U.S., and eventually, we had to phrase the question very creatively to get our point across.”

Beyond the language issues, the team discovered surprising differences in lab structures. In some countries, labs might meet daily for two weeks rather than weekly throughout the semester. Other differences were more extreme, like an interviewee based in Africa who shared that students sometimes had to “stick screwdrivers into electrical outlets” just to see if the power was on that day—a stark contrast to the well-equipped labs in wealthier nations.

Finding the General Themes

After finalizing the survey through an iterative process of interviews and revisions, the team sent it to their network of lab instructors, asking them to complete it and share it with others. While the researchers initially gathered responses primarily from Western Europe and the U.S., they soon expanded their efforts by compiling a list of every country and cold-mailing institutions worldwide. To their surprise, they received many responses, including from regions historically underrepresented in STEM, helping enrich the global database of physics lab courses.

From the survey responses, the researchers found some prominent initial themes. Across the board, lab courses emphasized technical skills and group work. Geschwind was fascinated by the fact that “an introductory mechanics lab course doesn’t differ much from place to place” despite the variety in equipment and resources.

Another interesting result was about the number of learning goals instructors have for their students in the courses. On average, instructors identified nearly 12 distinct goals per course, highlighting the complex nature of laboratory environments as part of courses designed to foster a broad range of knowledge and skill development.

Perhaps one of the survey's most unexpected outcomes was its immediate impact on the instructors who took it. Many began rethinking their own courses during the process. 

“They’d see something in the survey and go, ‘Oh, that’s a cool idea! We don’t do that, but I’d love to implement it,’ ” Geschwind noted. 

In fact, the survey even included links to resources and best practices that participants could explore, making it a research tool and a learning opportunity for the instructors.

Creating a More Thorough Map

Looking ahead, the research team has big plans for their data. The ultimate goal is to create a global database of lab courses, and standardized categorization of these courses, that can help instructors compare and improve their teaching methods. Geschwind explained that this database could be beneficial for instructors who want to redesign their courses, as it would allow them to see what others are doing in similar classes worldwide.

“We eventually want to get this database of information...so if an instructor wants to restructure their electronics course, they can see what others are doing,” she added. 

The project is currently unfunded, with most of the team volunteering their time, but that hasn’t stopped them from envisioning future developments. Geschwind suggested that in the future, the team could use clustering algorithms to group similar courses and identify trends, such as whether certain types of lab courses, e.g., second-year electronics labs, unexpectedly share similarities with others, such as senior-level quantum labs.

As the project progresses, the team hopes to gather more data, particularly from underrepresented regions, to make the taxonomy even more comprehensive. 

“Eventually, this could lead to better assessments and more informed teaching practices, making physics lab education stronger globally,” Geschwind said.

This research was supported by the National Science Foundation. 

THE REAGAN FAMINE

Farmers’ struggles in the USA

AT THE MOVIES

4 December, 2024 - 
Author: John Cunningham
WORKERS LIBERTY


Jessica Lange (who appears as Jewell Ivy in the film) thought of Country as an update of Grapes of Wrath (see Solidarity 727).

Jewell and her husband Gilbert “Gil” Ivy (Sam Shepard) have worked their family farm for years but a combination of mounting debts, rising costs, low prices and a poor harvest brings the farm to its knees and they are threatened with foreclosure. Gil has to go out and find work but Jewell stays behind on the farm and fights to keep it alive.

Ronald Reagan thought the film was “a blatant propaganda message against our agri programme”. The farming crisis of the 1980s devastated the US Mid-West. The town of Waterloo, Iowa lost 14% of its population. Between 1981-83 farmers’ debts in the USA came to a staggering $125 billion and government aid was piecemeal and slow in coming. In 1935 there were 6.8m farms in the USA; by 1990, 2.1m.

Two other films from the same year also depict the struggles of farmers in the USA: The River and Places in the Heart. The latter is set in the 1930s and stars Sissy Spacek.

• Watch Country here
Undocumented migrants in Paris occupy cultural centre

The Belleville Park Youth Collective is occupying the Gaite Lyrique building to demand that the council provides young migrants with accommodation


Undocumented migrants outside the Gaite Lyrique, a cultural centre they have occupied

By Thomas Foster
Wednesday 11 December 2024 
SOCIALIST WORKER Issue 2935

Young undocumented migrants in Paris no longer want to sleep on the streets, face police repression or deal with the cold and hunger. That’s why over 200 of them began an occupation of the Gaite Lyrique cultural centre in Paris on Tuesday.

After arriving in France where the state abandons them, young migrants have taken matters into their own hands. They have occupied a Paris council-owned building until the council provides them with accommodation.

Young migrants entered the building on Tuesday afternoon, where they unfurled banners and chanted their demand, “What do we want? A roof!”

It’s the latest action by the Belleville Park Youth Collective, an organisation of young migrants and local activists that has carried out a number of occupations to win housing and schooling.

Mathieu, an anti-racist activist, told Socialist Worker, “Among them are 200 who are living outside near the river and it is really cold”. The temperature during harsh Parisian winters frequently drops below zero degrees Celsius.

He said, “They tried to meet with the mayor of Paris to find a solution but the city council didn’t answer. They acted in response. It was an emergency for 200 people and so they had to act.”

The young migrants are demanding a meeting with mayor of Paris, Anne Hildalgo, from the Labour-type Socialist Party, to be provided with housing.

A statement put out by the young migrants said, “For a year now, we have been challenging the public authorities by occupying buildings and disrupting events, because we know that we can expect nothing from this racist and repressive government.

“As a result of our actions, Paris City Council has shown that it is capable of providing emergency accommodation for hundreds of undocumented foreign minors.”

They said that “given the seriousness of the situation”, the council’s inaction “is not good enough”. “Temperatures outside are falling. We refuse to continue sleeping outside, repressed every day by the police.”

Those involved in the occupation put out a call for others to come and join, saying, “No more nights on the streets for unaccompanied minors!” The occupation began during a conference held by the charity Red Cross on “Reinventing the reception of refugees in France” on Tuesday afternoon.

“We have given Paris mayor Madame Hidalgo one last chance to receive us,” the young migrants announced one day before beginning the occupation. “Without a response from her, we will be forced to take action again.”

It was on this occasion that the Collective called out the mayor “to remind her that hundreds of young people sleep on her quays”.

The mood in the occupation is “very strong and determined”, Mathieu said. The young migrants want “to accentuate the pressure against the city and the state to win a solution at short notice”.

“They have a network of solidarity to support them. This weekend is the beginning of the day of mobilisation for the International Day of Migrants. There will be huge protests in Paris and dozens of other cities.

“It is clear that this mobilisation has to be the beginning of a larger movement for equality of rights and against racism and fascism,” he said.

The Collective also called for support in the form of non-perishable food, sanitary towels and items to combat the cold.

Jeanne Pavard, an activist for the Belleville Park Youth Collective, explained, “We have the support of the Gaite Lyrique, which is also asking that everyone be housed. This occupation is in line with other actions that have allowed 800 unaccompanied minors to gain accommodation.”

Activists declared that if Paris council doesn’t concede to the occupiers’ demands, the Gaite Lyrique cultural centre “will become a place of struggle”. “These young people on the streets are in danger,” they said.

The Collective posted, “The mobilisation will only grow, we will not give up. We call on all activists, unions, associations and collectives to join us in making our demands heard.

“Let’s show that there are many of demanding a dignified welcome and equal rights” for migrants.

The action comes at a time of deep crisis at the top of French society with parliament at a stalemate, and the fascist RN hoping to gain. The young migrants are showing the power of struggle from below against racism and the system.
German Die Linke (The Left)  party expels Palestinian activist Ramsis Kilani

Ramsis Kilani, a German-Palestinian activist, has been expelled from Die Linke on spurious charges


Die Linke has expelled Ramsis Kilani (front) (Photo: X/ @RamsyKilani)

By Yuri Prasad
Friday 13 December 2024   SOCIALIST WORKER Issue

The German left party, Die Linke, last weekend expelled leading German-Palestinian activist Ramsis Kilani on unsubstantiated charges of antisemitism.

Ramsis is a long standing party member known for his campaigning over Palestine and for an end to German complicity in Israel’s genocidal war. For this, he has been the target of continuous attacks by right wing newspapers.

Party bosses want to drive out the pro-Palestine left by falsely claiming that criticism of Israel is a form of anti-Jewish hatred. This, they hope, will ingratiate them into Germany’s political establishment and improve the party’s electoral fortunes.

Yet, even if the witch hunt is successful, Die Linke’s popularity is in freefall, and the party has lost a string of recent regional elections. It is unlikely to make a good showing in next year’s general election.

Ramisis issued a statement after a Die Linke administration panel expelled him.

“One of the main arguments for my expulsion was that there had been a media campaign waged against me because of my activities in support of Palestine solidarity, which resulted in institutions questioning cooperation with Die Linke,” he wrote.

“While the oral argumentation of the decision certified that no accusations of antisemitism had been made and that I had inflicted no intentional damage to Die Linke, I was expelled with immediate effect.”

Ramsis said the officials that expelled him are “following the logic of unconditional support for the State of Israel” and that they have put that above “the right to existence of, and equal rights for, Palestinian people.”

“The current development of the mass killing of the Palestinian civil population, which has also been confirmed by Amnesty International as a genocide, was given no import in the judgement of the context of my statements,” he said.

“My expulsion cannot be justified, either factually or politically.”

Ramsis remains defiant in the face of injustice. “I will continue to do everything possible with comrades within and external to Die Linke to build the solidarity movement with Palestine,” he said.

“The delivery of weapons for Israel’s genocide in Gaza must be ended. Human rights are indivisible—that is more than a ‘beautiful dream’.

“Let us stand up for them together.”
Transport workers join ‘mini strike wave’ in Manchester

The transport workers' action came amid a strike by mental health workers in the city


Transport strikers in Manchester


By Mike Killian in Manchester
Thursday 12 December 2024    
 SOCIALIST WORKER  Issue 2935
    
Around 500 Unite and Unison union members at Transport for Greater Manchester (TfGM) began a four-day strike on Thursday over pay and conditions.

Up to 60 strikers picketed TfGM’s main offices in central Manchester. And pickets were also out from early morning at the Altrincham, Stockport, Bolton and Shude Hill major interchanges.

Strikers were furious at Labour mayor Andy Burnham, who claimed the strikers were “unnecessary” and “unjustified”.

“Apparently we’re all on £50,000,” said striker Mike at the joint union march and lunchtime rally.

 “I’m sick of being lectured by senior managers on £200,000 a year.”

Unions want a pay offer that seriously addresses the decline of real pay over many years at TfGM.

Strikers were also determined to win improvements to parental leave policies – especially younger workers with young families.


Back vital Manchester mental health strike

Striker Anna’s banner declared that TfGM’s parental leave policies were “among the worst in the transport and public sectors”.

Membership of both unions is up substantially since the dispute began. “We’re the second highest-recruiting branch in north west Unison region,’ said branch secretary Tony Wilson. “Today is a huge confidence-boost for everyone.”

At mid-day, over 250 strikers marched on a city-centre meeting attended by Andy Burnham.

Workers plan further action from Friday 20 December until Monday 23 December.

UK

Labour on Thin Ice

DECEMBER 12, 2024

A new report from Compass shows that, contrary to what Labour’s dominant faction claim, the Party faces a greater electoral threat from the left than the right. It should change course accordingly.

Straight after the July general election, former Labour NEC member Mish Rahman correctly noted that there are no safe seats anymore. This new report from the centre-left group Compass, Thin Ice: Why the UK’s progressive majority could stop Labour’s landslide melting away, underlines this.

Labour’s landslide should be viewed cautiously. There were 202 seats where a progressive candidate won – the authors include the Lib Dems and nationalists in this designation – but the combined vote for the Conservatives and Reform was greater than the number of votes cast for the winning candidate. Additionally, 131 Labour seats were won by a margin of fewer than 5,000 votes, with 103 secured by less than 5% of the vote.

Record low voter turnout and increased electoral volatility underline the fragility of Labour’s win. Labour’s seats tally may look impressive, thanks to the distortions of first-past-the-post, but its vote share was just 34%, the smallest for a majority-winning party in British political history.

A key finding of the research for this report is that Labour Together, the Starmer-supporting centre-right group that controls the Party apparatus, got it wrong recently when it claimed the greatest electoral threat to Labour comes from parties to its right.

In fact, says the report, “Labour’s prospects are threatened by losing its existing electoral coalition to other progressive parties and independents after failing to sufficiently change the country – and in so doing fuelling the return of the Conservatives and the rise of the populist and even far-right.”

Polling carried out for the report said of those who voted Labour in July, more than twice as many would consider moving to a party on the left than to one on the right.

The conclusion the authors draw from this is what you would expect from Compass: “By electorally and programmatically working with other progressive parties it can grow its support, and secure real change for the country.”

But as the report admits, “New polling also reveals clear public support for Labour adopting a more radical progressive policy platform.” So an alternative to an electoral alliance with other parties might simply be a more radical, popular, inclusive Labour policy pitch.

Radical measures that Compass’s polling shows already enjoy majority support include upgrading older homes to be more energy-efficient, bringing the water network back into public ownership, increasing taxes on wealth and removing means-testing for the winter fuel allowance.

Speaking at a post-election event, Christabel Cooper, Research Director at Labour Together, conceded that Labour will need a strategy to win back votes lost on its left to Independents and Greens. So far there is no sign of that.

The urban voters particularly who turned to the left of Labour are less likely to be won over by talk of electoral alliances that the offer of clear policies that meet their needs. As Momentum tweeted in response to the report, “The Labour Leadership must offer bold, popular policies, such as public ownership and reversing cuts to Winter Fuel Payments, to fix the crises we face.”

Compass’s research found that Labour’s support among Muslim voters fell by over a quarter at the last election. “However, Labour experienced big vote reductions even in inner city seats that had a small Muslim population. Seats like Liverpool Riverside and Newcastle East saw sharp falls in the Labour vote.”

In 2024, Labour’s only solid resurgence was in Scotland, as John Curtice noted at the time: “Actually, but for the rise of the Labour Party in Scotland… we would be reporting that basically Labour’s vote has not changed from what it was in 2019.” 

Labour’s vote in Scotland increased by 16% and was the result of an almost direct transfer of votes from the Scottish National Party to Labour. Today, the SNP is again ahead of Labour in the polls – and by a big margin.

One thing is clear: Labour will not win again with more of the same. It could be squeezed both in its Red Wall heartlands and in its new southern territories. A radical plan to tackle the cost of living, health, housing and climate crises could halt that – but so far has not been forthcoming.

There is, as Compass argue, a progressive majority in Britain. The challenge facing Labour – and the left more generally – is how to mobilise it.

Thin Ice: Why the UK’s progressive majority could stop Labour’s landslide melting away is available here.

 

Optimistic against the odds


Mike Phipps reviews  A Woman Like Me, by Diane Abbott, published by Penguin Viking.

During this year’s general election campaign, Diane Abbott dominated the headlines, much to the irritation of Labour’s leadership. The refusal of Labour officials to guarantee that she would be allowed to run again as the Labour candidate in her Hackney North seat led to a massive campaign in the Party and beyond, which not only forced Keir Starmer to allow her to run but also stalled further attempts by the leadership to remove other left wingers on spurious grounds.

The uncertainty over her candidacy had festered despite the fact that a Party investigation into a badly-worded letter she had written to a newspaper, for which she quickly apologised at the time, had concluded months earlier. As pressure mounted, it became clear to many that the incident was being manipulated in a factional attempt to oust Abbott from her seat.

This book was finished before the final outcome of that drama, but it covers many of the other controversies which the author found herself at the centre of. The early chapters cover much of the ground – family, school, university – that is detailed in the 2020 Authorised Biography by Robin Bunce and Samara Linton, published by Biteback, reviewed on Labour Hub at the time.

As noted then, ”From early on, Abbott felt like an outsider. One of only three black pupils in a suburban primary school, and academically outstanding, still she was never invited to her best friend’s house, not even for a birthday party, despite their being inseparable at school. At grammar school, one teacher refused to mark her work, on the grounds that her essay was so good it must have been copied from elsewhere.”

The difference in Abbott’s own book is both a greater amount of human detail and her doggedly optimistic tone, notwithstanding the racism and social isolation she frequently encountered and the personal pain of her parents’ acrimonious break-up.

A short stint in the civil service as an administrative trainee at the Home Office gave her a penetrating insight into the ruthlessness senior civil servants would resort to in order to thwart the policies of elected ministers. Her growing involvement in Labour Party politics introduced her to many figures who would play a significant role on the Labour left over the next 40 years.

It is, however, the careerists who crossed her path about whom she is particularly caustic, as with Patricia Hewitt – later a privatising Blairite minister – who was head of the National Council for Civil Liberties when Diane Abbott worked there. Hewitt’s eagerness to get a parliamentary seat was such that “the joke among colleagues was that some elderly Labour MP only had to look a bit poorly and Patricia would be on the train to his constituency the next day.”

Despite being physically barred from entering her first Labour Party branch meeting when she moved to Paddington, Abbott soon established herself and got elected to Westminster Council, the first Black person to do so. Her recognition of how under-represented and marginalized Black people were in the Party led her to help set up the campaign for Black sections.

Her own attempt to get selected as an parliamentary candidate, however, met with frustration: “I was tired of being the token Black woman on the shortlist and tired of being humiliated.” Eventually, she won selection for the safe seat of Hackney North and was elected in 1987, the only Black woman to get in, the attempts by Sharon Atkin and Martha Osamor having been blocked by Labour’s apparatus.

Despite the leadership’s hostility, she served on the Commons backbench Treasury and Civil Service Select Committee. When the Party won office at the 1997 general election, Labour’s whips removed her from the Committee, as she was viewed by Chancellor Gordon Brown as too independent-minded. Had New Labour had any real commitment to governmental accountability, they would have promoted her to Chair.

This is a much more personal memoir than the 2020 biography, with greater emphasis on personal and family relationships. She describes being in labour, about to give birth to her son James, when she was lobbied by her midwife about a hospital pay dispute! Her efforts to manage a newborn baby alongside her parliamentary duties underline how unadapted for younger women members Parliament was – and arguably still is.

The New Labour years saw Diane, like most left MPs, stuck on the backbenches. One highlight for her was her 2008 speech against proposed legislation introducing 42 days’ detention without trial for terrorist suspects, which won her The Spectator’s Parliamentarian Speech of the Year and a Liberty Human Rights Award.

When Gordon Brown stood down after losing the 2010 general election, Abbott ran for the Party leadership, losing, but being ‘rewarded’ by Ed Miliband with a junior ministerial post in charge of public health, from which she would later be sacked as he moved rightwards.

Under Jeremy Corbyn’s leadership after 2015, she joined the Shadow Cabinet for the first time. Given Diane’s place at the heart of the critical events of the time, this is one of the more disappointing parts of the book, with few new insights into these turbulent years.

Diane’s treatment of the years since 2019 is equally cursory. But she is withering about both Keir Starmer’s support for Israel’s bombardment of Gaza and the shabby way his leadership team treated her: “The assault on Gaza has clarified the issues related to charges of anti-Semitism in the Labour Party. We have seen repeatedly that allies of the current leadership are treated very differently when it comes to allegations of anti-Semitism, as compared to the left of the party and critics of the current leadership… one of the cases most invoked to prove its factionalism is the way I have been treated.”

For Diane this attitude was not new. Since her election in 1987, the Party treated its first Black MP as an embarrassment, despite the vilification she received in the media – not to mention the huge volume of hate mail. Worse, in the Corbyn years, leading Party apparatchiks joined in, one calling her “truly repulsive” in subsequently-leaked WhatsApp messages. When Tory donor Frank Hester was reported this year to have said “Diane Abbott needs to be shot”, it was 24 hours before anyone from the Party bothered to get in touch.

Diane Abbott’s resilience shines through this book. Despite the years of defeat, she retains her optimism and commitment to resolving the issues she came into politics to address and still cares passionately about.

Mike Phipps’ book Don’t Stop Thinking About Tomorrow: The Labour Party after Jeremy Corbyn (OR Books, 2022) can be ordered here.

Labour MP Apsana Begum – Tackling Violence against Women & Girls Means Opposing Austerity, Racism & War


“The history of challenging Violence Against Women & Girls has always had pioneering activism, fighting for social change, at its heart.”

By Apsana Begum MP

Violence against women and girls is one of the most prevalent and pervasive human rights violations in the world. The statistics are stark and frightening. Globally, almost one in three women have been subjected to physical or sexual intimate partner violence at least once in their life.

As an ongoing survivor of domestic abuse and Chair of the APPG on Domestic Abuse and Violence, I know that Violence Against Women and Girls can affect people at all stages and in all aspects of their lives. That is why I led a debate in Parliament to mark the United Nation’s Sixteen Days of Activism Against Gender-Based Violence (25th November – 10th December) to highlight the chilling scale of the problem.

There can be no question that the criminal justice system woefully lets down survivors demonstrated by the mistrust of the police being at an all-time high, abysmal prosecution and conviction rates, the crisis in legal aid and lack of independent legal advice for survivors. Not only does the law and court systems let us down, but they can also even be used by our abusers.

Ending impunity by holding perpetrators accountable, establishing a zero tolerance and providing support at every stage of system is imperative. However, just as the impact of Violence Against Women and Girls is vast and far reaching, so must be the solution. A whole-system approach is therefore vital.

The cost-of-living crisis is especially dangerous for those faced with a choice that is no choice – remaining in an unsafe environment or facing destitution or homelessness. Lower incomes, rising poverty and soaring rents mean that people feel trapped into a relationship even when they need to leave. Therefore, it is no coincidence that the current Violence Against Women and Girls crisis comes after fourteen years of attacks on social security.

Women are more vulnerable to poverty due to lower incomes and wealth and because they are more likely to have caring responsibilities. This leaves them more reliant on social security and public services and means they are impacted more severely when public services and social security are cut. The sanctions regime and punitive measures such as the two-child benefit can trap people in abusive relationships.

Economic vulnerability and social isolation mean that Disabled women are twice as likely to experience abuse. Austerity and cuts to disability benefits support have for too many ripped away the means to live dignified, fulfilling, and independent lives. The ongoing scapegoating of Disabled people, with politicians and media outlets blaming welfare for society’s economic woes, fosters a dehumanizing punitive discourse of suspicion and discrimination. Likewise, the crisis in social care means that older people are also particularly vulnerable to domestic abuse.

The Women’s Budget Group has argued that “economic violence” has disregarded the needs of women, reduce the already inadequate services that they rely on, and deprioritise their safety and wellbeing. Oxfam’s publication, The Assault of Austerity, argued that most common austerity measures have been shown to precipitate both direct and indirect forms of Violence Against Women and Girls.

The specific funding crisis for domestic abuse services and other support continues to be catastrophic. The funding of such services literally can be the difference between life and death, hope and despair, imprisonment or empowerment.

Being anti-austerity and opposing attacks on social security are therefore both critical to tackling Violence against Women and Girls.

Safe, affordable housing – including social homes – for women and girls escaping is an urgent necessity and protection from eviction for survivors is essential.

In fact, domestic abuse is by its very nature a housing issue, with perpetrators often creating a context of fear and curtailed freedom usually within or association with the home. Indeed, there is a reason that my ex-husband and his supporters are so focussed on my living arrangements and regularly try to use the media in this regard still all these years after trying the vexatious case that was pursued against me about my housing.

Violence Against Women and Girls is also a workplace issue. For around one in ten survivors, the abuse continues in the workplace – often as their partner turning up at their workplace or stalking them outside their workplace – something that I know first-hand.  It also can also have an impact on an individual’s working life i.e. unexplained absences, lateness, and negatively impacting performance.

It is undisputedly the case that being a member of a trade union is the best way for workers to ensure their rights and this is certainly the case for survivors who will invariably need things like flexible working and paid leave.

Violence Against Women and Girls is also a question of migrant rights. The current political climate has created a toxic dangerous atmosphere for migrant women and immigration status and the fear of deportation are used as control tactics by perpetrators. It is therefore also a matter of urgency that the No Recourse to Public Funds rule is scrapped and that there is an end to the hostile environment.

Migrant women, including those who are pregnant, are being detained in Immigration Detention centres as I speak – this is despite centres like Yarl’s Wood being the subject of considerable political and media attention due to high-profile allegations of sexual abuse and mistreatment over the years.

Globally we know that Violence Against Women and Girls continues to be exacerbated by conflicts and imperialism. Palestinian women are not only facing the brutal reality of the “war on women” in Gaza, a United Nations Commission of Inquiry (June 2024) found that sexual and gender-based violence constitutes a major element in the ill-treatment of Palestinians by Israeli officials, intended to humiliate the community at large. Likewise, in August 2024, Israeli human rights organization B’Tselem also released a report highlighting the systematic abuse, torture, sexual violence and rape of Palestinian detainees.

So tackling Violence Against Women and Girls must be internationalist and include calling for a ceasefire and the stopping all UK arms to be sent to Israel or anywhere else to kill women.

Whilst Violence Against Women and Girls can affect individuals of all backgrounds, sadly society itself does not treat all survivors equally. Not only can the power and control the abuser wealds to perpetrate abuse interact with the range of experiences of oppression, but systemic discrimination can also make it is harder for individuals to seek help. Fears of discrimination or bias – such as racism, homophobia, or transphobia – are exacerbated by incidences of people being denied assistance and services.

When speaking out about my experiences I have been particularly anxious to not participate in perpetuating tired racist tropes against Muslims. Racism is in fact a driver and facilitator of abuse – leading to the voices and lives of ethnic minority women overlooked and devalued. It is fundamentally important that any Violence Against Women and Girls strategy must be actively anti-racist.

As we continue to raise awareness following on from the United Nation’s Sixteen Days of Activism Against Gender-Based Violence, we need to be clear that this is not a side or separate issue but at its core is a question of equality and the type of world we live in. It is intrinsically connected to structural discrimination, exploitation and the intersection of different oppressions.

This is why, the history of challenging Violence Against Women and Girls has always had pioneering activism, fighting for social change, at its heart. The movement has been driven by the bravery of so many who spoke out and organised despite the challenges against them – internationalist and anti-imperialist; opposing austerity and exploitation; and calling for justice and human rights for all.


 

“Trumpism” can only be challenged by the revolutionary ideas of the left


“The logic of Trumpism pulls toward the deepening disintegration, violence, and catastrophes of global capitalism. The logic of the alternative pulls toward economic democracy, expanding liberty, and justice for all.”
Paul Le Blanc, US Historian and Author

Joe Dwyer reports back from the recent lecture presented by renowned US Historian Paul Le Blanc, who visited the Marx Memorial Library in London shortly after Trump’s election victory.

In anticipation of the 1908 American Presidential election, the Irish socialist republican, James Connolly wrote, “Today the governmental machinery of the United States is completely in the hands of the servants of capital, and Senate and Congress are but instruments for registering the decrees of the trust magnates of the United States.” Before adding, “Freedom lies within the grasp of the American wage slave, he needs but the mind and knowledge to seize it.”

A cynic might say, ‘plus ça change!’ But, as the left must always bear in mind, cynicism is not wisdom. While economic, civic, and political freedom remains within the grasp of the American worker; the knowledge that it required to seize it – alas – remains allusive. Not that this, however, should not be cause for despondency or dejection. Instead, it should be seen as an opportunity for improvement and progression.

In this respect, it felt appropriate that on November 6, 2024 – as the world was still reeling from the news of Donald J. Trump’s triumphant return to the White House – left-wing activists of assorted hue and tradition gathered in London’s renowned Marx Memorial Library, in Clerkenwell, to reflect on the new political terrain that now exists.

The keynote speaker for the evening was the acclaimed historian, and veteran left-wing activist, Paul Le Blanc. His address was the latest contribution to the Lenin 100 lecture series, a venture launched to mark the centenary year of the death of the Bolshevik leader, generously supported and aided by the Arise Festival of Left-Wing Ideas.

Le Blanc’s latest work, ‘Lenin: Responding to Catastrophe, Forging Revolution’, has already acquired a richly deserved reputation as a practical summation of Lenin’s political thought, specifically when facing the domestic class struggles and global anti-colonial struggles of today.

The evening began with a considered examination of so-called Trumpism as a political movement. As outlined by Le Blanc, Trumpism draws its strength from three central elements.

Firstly, there is its armed and dangerous element. This face of Trumpism was most on display with the January 6 storming of the Capitol. It is the pseudo-militarised face of the Proud Boys, the Oath Keepers, and various other neo-Nazi and white supremacist groupings. As Le Blanc remarked, during President Trump’s previous term in office, “These once-marginalised elements had come into the political mainstream, and had grown substantially, with the active encouragement of Trump and others around him. But this cunning, avaricious, profoundly limited individual and his acolytes were hardly capable of controlling them. Indeed, as a whole, the huge and diverse “Make America Great Again” movement cannot be understood as being under his control.”

As Le Blanc noted, blended into many of this segment of Trumpism is a coal seam of “Christian nationalism.” Namely, a religious zealot trend that rejects the ideals of American secular democracy, as established in the Declaration of Independence, and instead asserts that the United States was founded as a “Christian nation” first and foremost. To illustrate this point, Le Blanc referenced the neo-conservative Robert Kagan who recently observed how, “what Christian nationalists call ‘liberal totalitarianism’,” the signers of the Declaration of Independence might have just as readily called “freedom of conscience”.

Secondly, Trumpism finds its roots in a cluster of varied conservative entities and individuals, largely drawn together in The Heritage Foundation’s Project 2025 Presidential Transition Project. Established in the 1970s, the Heritage Foundation has served as an epicentre for conservative academics, intellectuals, and policymakers since Ronald Reagan. The organisation has most recently issued a 900-page policy-making guide for Trump’s second administration, titled, Mandate for Leadership: The Conservative Promise. As Le Blanc explained, “The bottom line of this conservative manifesto is a defence of unrestrained capitalism. The primary goal of the US president, we are told, should be to unleash “the dynamic genius of free enterprise.” This dovetails with proposals to impose a centralised authoritarian regime to enforce a wide range of right-wing policies.” While it is true that, during the course of the election campaign, Donald Trump sought to distance himself from Project 2025, principally to court the support of moderate voters. There is no denying that many of its key advocates and adherents remain steadfastly loyal to the Trumpist movement.

The remaining essential element that bolsters Trumpism is today’s Republican Party. As Le Blanc recalled, most of the leading figures, staffers, and representatives of the party did not begin as Trump supporters. However, at first gradually but then suddenly, nearly all got on board the Trump bandwagon. Le Blanc cited the ex-Republican operative, Stuart Stevens, who suggested that it would be a mistake to conclude that Trump had “hijacked” the Republican Party. Instead, Trump is best understood as “the logical conclusion of what the Republican Party became over the last fifty years or so, a natural product of the seeds of race, self-deception, and anger that became the essence of the Republican Party.”

On the question of whether Trumpism today could be regarded as a fascist ideology, Le Blanc urged a measure of caution. As he said in his opening remarks, “The term fascist has certainly become a freely used insult applied to ideas, practices and people we detest.” Instead, Le Blanc considers the description “quasi-fascism” as more apt. Questioning whether Trump is consistent or coherent enough to play the role of a true fascist. As he suggested though, this is not grounds for comfort. As the term quasi-fascism, in the present moment, could be understood as “fascism in the making.”

Having identified the ideological and structural underpinnings of Trumpism, Le Blanc turned his attention to the collective response of the American Left to this new political dispensation.

With superb detail and insight, Le Blanc traded the history of the American left and demonstrated that is not the lamentable tale of failure that many might wish it to be. As he concluded, “Over the past century, the organised left has had a powerful impact, influencing politics, laws, consciousness, and culture within the US. The labour movement, the waves of feminism, the anti-racist and civil rights movements, the struggles against the Vietnam war, the various student movements, and more, were all instrumental in bringing about far-reaching changes on the US scene over many decades. This would not have been nearly as effective (and might not have come into existence) without the essential organising efforts of left-wing activists.”

However, by the end of the twentieth century, this organised Left had largely been co-opted or marginalised. With much of its rhetoric, values, and reforming agenda migrating over to a new political sphere – in considerably diluted terms – within the Democratic Party. As he reflected, by the turn of the century, “a sincere and practical commitment to replace the economic dictatorship of capitalism with the economic democracy of socialism was no longer on the table.”

This helps to explain why the opponents of Trump have often found themselves incapable of providing a durable alternative to Trumpism. Le Blanc traced how Kamala Harris consistently expressed her support for capitalism, advocating for a “forward-looking economy that helps everyone.” The only hurdle being that capitalist profits are often not consistent with “helping everyone.”

In contrast with the compromising political figures of today, Le Blanc juxtaposed the historical figure of Vladimir Ilyich Ulyanov, better known as Lenin. As he remarked, “The logic of Trump is to manipulate mass pressure, mass consciousness, and mass struggles to his advantage, for the enhancement of his position and power, but also to unleash the “dynamic genius” (and profits) of capitalism. The logic of Lenin (to use the old radical-labour slogan) is to “agitate, educate, and organise”. Draw together more and more of the working class, with a deepening sense of class consciousness, to struggle for immediate improvements in the condition of labouring people and the oppressed, and replace the power of the capitalists with the collective power of the working class.”

Le Blanc advanced that those who shared Lenin’s commitments carry a historic responsibility to adapt his perspectives to what has unfolded since his death one hundred years ago. In doing so, however, the Left must recognise Trumpism’s superiority as a global political force. As he surmised, “For now, Trumpism is far more powerful than the meagre and disparate forces currently drawn to the Leninist alternative. Yet the logic of Trumpism pulls toward the deepening disintegration, violence, and catastrophes of global capitalism. The logic of the alternative pulls toward economic democracy, expanding liberty, and justice for all. The choice, as Rosa Luxemburg noted long ago, is between socialism and barbarism.”

Le Blanc’s address left those assembled with much to contemplate. As the world, almost collectively, watches the United States with a sense of uncertainty and trepidation; President Trump’s unpredictability is perhaps the only thing that is predictable about his administration. The dramatic decline and fragmentation of the working-class movement in the capitalist centres where it once flourished remains the key challenge for those on the Left. Faith must be kept, however, that it is a process that can be reversed. Indeed, its reversal is fundamental to any hope of surmounting the problems of our time. How to respond to catastrophe will be the principal test in the time ahead. (“plus ça change!” – cynic.)


  • Paul Le Blanc is the author of ‘Lenin. Responding to Catastrophe, Forging Revolution,’ ‘Unfinished Leninism’ and ‘Lenin and the Revolutionary Party’. He presented a lecture on ‘The Logic of Lenin Vs the Logic of Trump’ in the Marx Memorial Library in London on 6 November 2024.
  • Joe Dwyer is a political organiser for the Sinn Féin London Office. You can follow him on Twitter/X here.