Monday, January 06, 2025

Tears of Our Children

From Palestine to Sudan, imperialist wars are destroying the lives of innocent children, leaving long-term physical and psychological wounds on those who survive.
January 4, 2025
Surce: Tricontinental Institute


Malak Mattar (Gaza, Occupied Palestinian Territory), Prematurely Stolen, 2023.



A study came out in December that made me cry. Titled Needs Study: Impact of War in Gaza on Children with Vulnerabilities and Families, it was conducted by the Community Training Centre for Crisis Management (CTCCM) in Gaza. Written in a clinical style, nothing about the language should have impacted me in the way that it did. But the study’s findings were shocking. Here are some of the cold facts:79% of the children in Gaza suffer from nightmares.
87% of them experience severe fear.
38% report bedwetting.
49% of caregivers said that their children believed that they would die in the war.
96% of the children in Gaza felt that death was imminent.

Put simply, every single child in Gaza feels that they are going to die.
Galal Yousif Goly (Sudan), Untitled, 2024.

This newsletter, the first of 2025, could have ended after that last line. What more needs to be said? But there is more to say.

In March 2024, the United Nations Committee on the Rights of the Child released a sharp statement on the war in Sudan between the Sudanese Armed Forces and the paramilitary Rapid Support Forces, both backed by a range of foreign powers. That statement had its own powerful facts:24 million children in Sudan – nearly half of the country’s total population of 50 million – are at risk of ‘generational catastrophe’.
19 million children are out of school.
4 million children are displaced.
3.7 million children are acutely malnourished.

The first point refers to the totality of Sudan’s children, all of whom are at risk of a ‘generational catastrophe’. This concept, which was first used by the United Nations to describe the trauma and setbacks that children experienced due to COVID-19 lockdowns, means that the children of Sudan will not recover from the ordeal that the war has inflicted upon them. It will take generations before anything resembling normality returns to the country
.
Pacita Abad (Philippines), Water of Life, 1980.

A scientific study from 2017 found that deep childhood traumas can mark a person both physically and psychologically. Trauma reroutes children’s developing nervous systems, causing them to be highly alert and anxious even decades later. This process, the authors write, generates a mechanism called ‘enhanced threat processing’. No wonder studies of children who lived through earlier wars show that they disproportionately suffer from medical conditions, including heart ailments and cancer.

In March 2022, five doctors from Afghanistan, India, Ireland, and Sri Lanka wrote a heartfelt letter to The Lancet in which they reminded the world of the plight of the children of Afghanistan. As of 2019, every child in Afghanistan was born and raised during war. Not one of them had experienced peace. The authors noted that ‘studies on psychotherapeutic interventions in Afghan children and adolescents are rare, and the evidence they have produced is low quality’. So, they proposed an integrated healthcare plan for Afghan children that relied upon telehealth care and non-medical professionals. In another world, the plan could have been debated. Some of the funds that had enriched the arms merchants during that war would have instead been expended to realise this plan. But this is not the way forward in our world.
Mahoud Ahmad (Iraq), Title Not Known (Ahmad 9), 1976.

The statement about arms merchants is not made idly. According to a December 2024 fact sheet from the Stockholm International Peace Research Institute (SIPRI), the world’s top 100 largest arms-producing and military services companies increased their combined arms revenues by 4.2% in 2023, reaching a staggering $632 billion. Five US-based companies accounted for nearly a third of these revenues. These 100 companies increased their total arms revenues by 19% between 2015 and 2023. Though the full numbers for 2024 are not yet available, if one looks at the quarterly filings from the main merchants of death, their earnings have spiked even further. Billions for warmongers, but nothing for children who are born into warzones.
Ismail Shammout (Gaza, Occupied Palestinian Territory), We Will Not Leave, 1987.

In 2014, Israel’s bombardment of Gaza resulted in the death of innocent children. Two incidents in July struck a special chord. First, Israel fired a missile that hit the Fun Time Beach Café (Waqt al-Marah) in Khan Younis at 11:30pm on 9 July. In the café, which was a makeshift structure about thirty metres from the Mediterranean Sea, several people had gathered to watch the 2014 FIFA World Cup semi-final match between Argentina and the Netherlands. They were all serious football fans. The Israeli missile killed nine young people: Musa Astal (age 16), Suleiman Astal (age 16), Ahmed Astal (age 18), Mohammed Fawana (age 18), Hamid Sawalli (age 20), Mohammed Ganan (age 24), Ibrahim Ganan (age 25), and Ibrahim Sawalli (age 28). They never got to watch Argentina win the match in the penalty stage or see Germany win the tournament in a tense match a few days later.

Israel’s bombing, meanwhile, was unabated. Three days later, on 16 July, several boys were playing football – as if replaying the World Cup on Gaza’s beach – when an Israeli navy ship fired first at a jetty and then, as the boys ran from the explosion, at the boys. Israel killed four of them – Ismail Mahmoud Bakr (age 9), Zakariya Ahed Bakr (age 10), Ahed Atef Bakr (age 10), and Mohammad Ramez Bakr (age 11) – and wounded others.

The 2014 Israeli barrage on Gaza killed at least 150 children in total. When the human rights group B’Tselem produced an advertisement to broadcast the names of the children on Israeli television, the Israel Broadcast Authority banned it. The British poet Michael Rosen responded to the killings and the ban with the beautiful poem ‘Don’t Mention the Children’.


Don’t mention the children.
Don’t name the dead children.
The people must not know the names
of the dead children.
The names of the children must be hidden.
The children must be nameless.
The children must leave this world
having no names.
No one must know the names of
the dead children.
No one must say the names of
the dead children.
No one must even think that the children
have names.
People must understand that it would be dangerous
to know the names of the children.
The people must be protected from
knowing the names of the children.
The names of the children could spread
like wildfire.
The people would not be safe if they knew
the names of the children.
Don’t name the dead children.
Don’t remember the dead children.
Don’t think of the dead children.
Don’t say: ‘dead children’.

Yes, the children have names. We will continue to name all those whose names we can remember. We will not forget them. In September 2024, the Palestinian Ministry of Health released an updated list of the names of Palestinians killed in the US-Israeli genocide from October 2023 to August 2024. On that list are 710 newborns whose ages are listed as zero. Many of them had only just been named.

Though the list is too long to reproduce here, the story of Ayssel and Asser Al-Qumsan is emblematic. On 13 August 2024, Mohammed Abu Al-Qumsan left his apartment in Deir al-Balah, within central Gaza’s ‘safe zone’, to register the birth of his twin children Ayssel and Asser. He left the twins with their mother, Dr. Jumana Arfa (age 29), who had given birth to them three days earlier at Al-Awda Hospital in Nuseirat. Dr. Jumann Arfa was a pharmacist trained at Al-Azhar University in Gaza. A few days before giving birth to her children, she posted on Facebook about Israel’s targeting of children, citing an interview with Jewish-American surgeon Dr. Mark Perlmutter on a powerful CBS News segment called Children of Gaza. When Mohammed returned from registering the twins, he found that their home had been destroyed and that his wife, newborn children, and mother-in-law had all been killed in an Israeli strike.


Ayssel Al-Qumsan.
Asser Al-Qumsan.

We must name the dead children.
Malak Mattar (Gaza, Occupied Palestinian Territory), Tiger Embracing the Boy, 2024.



Vijay Prashad

Vijay Prashad is an Indian historian, editor, and journalist. He is a writing fellow and chief correspondent at Globetrotter. He is an editor of LeftWord Books and the director of Tricontinental: Institute for Social Research. He is a senior non-resident fellow at Chongyang Institute for Financial Studies, Renmin University of China. He has written more than 20 books, including The Darker Nations and The Poorer Nations. His latest books are Struggle Makes Us Human: Learning from Movements for Socialism and (with Noam Chomsky) The Withdrawal: Iraq, Libya, Afghanistan, and the Fragility of U.S. Power. Tings Chak is the art director and a researcher at Tricontinental: Institute for Social Research and lead author of the study “Serve the People: The Eradication of Extreme Poverty in China.” She is also a member of Dongsheng, an international collective of researchers interested in Chinese politics and society.
Brazilian Judiciary Orders Investigation of Israeli Soldier-Tourist for War Crimes in Gaza

January 5, 2025
Source: Informed Comment


Rio de Janeiro

According to Junio Silva at the Brazilian newspaper Metrópoles , on December 31, Federal Judge Raquel Soares Charelli directed the Federal Police to open an immediate investigation into Israeli soldier vacationing in Brazil who is alleged to have perpetrated war crimes in Gaza.

The court was petitioned by the Hind Rajab Foundation, an organization based in Belgium and operating globally to expose crimes against humanity, war crimes, and human rights violations in Palestine. The foundation and other sources provided 500 pages of legal documentation connected to the case, gathered through open-source investigation. A lot of Israeli soldiers have posted videos to Telegram and other outlets boasting of their atrocities, which allow organizations like the Hind Rajab Foundation to build a case.

The foundation’s petition included a plea for the detention of the Israeli national lest he flee the country.

Junio writes that the accused Israeli national is alleged to have participated in demolishing a residential complex in the Gaza Strip with explosives in November 2024. This act reportedly occurred outside an active combat zone. The demolished homes had served as refuge for internally displaced Palestinians within the enclave following the onset of the conflict between Israel and Hamas.

Junio quotes the Hind Rajab Foundation’s attorney, Maira Pinheiro, who clarified that the decision leverages the Rome Statute, a treaty that Brazil ratified. The Rome Statute established the International Criminal Court (ICC) and has been in effect since 2002.

Pinheiro said, “Since Brazil is a signatory to the Rome Statute [Como o Brasil é signatário do Estatuto de Roma], universal jurisdiction also applies within Brazilian territory [vale também em território brasileiro a jurisdição universal]. This means any member state must act to ensure crimes outlined in the Statute – war crimes, crimes against humanity, and genocide – are investigated and prosecuted. Based on the extraterritoriality principle in Article 7 of the Brazilian Penal Code, Brazil has jurisdiction to investigate criminal offenses committed abroad when they arise from international treaties and the perpetrator enters Brazilian territory.”

The International Criminal Court has issued arrest warrants for Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and former Defense Minister Yoav Gallant.

Camila França at Brasil 247 notes, “The decision is considered a landmark in the application of international law within national territory.”

She notes that a similar case is unfolding in Chile, where 620 attorneys have filed a case against a member of Israel’s 749th Combat Engineering Battalion who was vacationing in Chilean Patagonia. Lawyer and former ambassador Nelson Hadad in Santiago also called for the immediate arrest of that individual. She writes that the complaint is supported by Chilean Senator Francisco Chahuan, who said that the Public Prosecutor’s office was in receipt of mounds of evidence, including videos and photos from the accused’s Instagram account, which allegedly depict his involvement in the destruction of neighborhoods, civilian infrastructure, and cultural sites in Gaza. She notes that Senator Chahuan alleges that these actions violated the Geneva Conventions and constitute war crimes and genocide.


Juan Cole
Juan R. I. Cole is Richard P. Mitchell Collegiate Professor of History at the University of Michigan. For three and a half decades, he has sought to put the relationship of the West and the Muslim world in historical context, and he has written widely about Egypt, Iran, Iraq, and South Asia. His books include Muhammad: Prophet of Peace Amid the Clash of Empires; The New Arabs: How the Millennial Generation is Changing the Middle East; Engaging the Muslim World; and Napoleon’s Egypt: Invading the Middle East.
AI and Us—Wake Up and Smell the Guillotine

January 5, 2025
Source: Originally published by Z. Feel free to share widely.


Credit: Jérémy Barande (Flickr)

AI is already very nearly everywhere. So far, it is no big deal, right? It assembles data, controls this or that machine, writes and/or edits lots of messages and even articles, and who knows, maybe even a book or two. It produces songs, short films, and of course lots of software. It talks, it watches, it will read a book or watch a video and summarize it for you. It’s a time saver, a pattern revealer. But has it turned life upside down and inside out? Not really—unless you think we have ubiquitous mistrust and pervasive lying in part due to AI though I would say Social Media is more implicated in that mess. In any case, it has technological side effects? So what. The main effects are gloriously exciting. Goodbye cancer. Hello immortality.

A poll of Ivy League college students that asked how many books students surrounded by ivy walls read a year revealed that many of them don’t read books anymore at all. Many doubt if they could even manage to read a whole book. It doesn’t matter much because they prefer to get a summary lickety split. So why was I worried in some earlier essays that I offered on this topic? I play Go with an AI that trounces me unless I opt for it to play less well than it can. Same for chess. Great opponent. So? So far, no big deal. No?

Let’s look down the road a bit. Five years off, ten years, whatever. Consider the top 100 songs of 2030. Suppose eighty five were written by AIs. Not just the lyrics, but also the music. Even played by AI. Maybe ninety five. Great listening. Hooray. Headphones get better too. Al engineers at work. Same for new novels, best sellers, and for my reading glasses too, supposing I still read. We have so much to enjoy. And of course it’s the same for software, in spades. Likewise for architectural designs and new product proposals. And oh yes, do you need to go to the doctor? Looks like a person, talks like a person, but it’s an AI that has fantastic bed-side manners. The thing makes brilliant diagnoses. And it is so pretty/handsome—you choose. Even out in the boonies, a therapist in every home. Surgery galore. Longer life. Fabulous.

Meanwhile, your daughter is in high school with all AI teachers. They are very patient with her. Indeed, from day care on is all AI territory. Your son has an AI life partner. A perfect soulmate. No need for angst. No more breakup songs. Everyone has a convenient AI agent. It plans for us, shops for us, cooks for us, cleans for us, read for us, writes for us, reads for us, talks for us, hears our woes, shares our ecstasies (supposing we have any). You want my week’s plan, what I feel? Have your AI me a call. My AI will answer. It will reply as I would, in my voice, with my personality. With no forgetfulness, no errors. I’m in my den. On my couch. Watching AI entertainment. A happy idiot.

The news gets delivered each day by AIs who tell us all is great. All is wonderful. We have somehow avoided AIs being misused by nefarious profit-seeking owners to lie, cheat, steal, and manipulate (despite that of late, in our time, there is steadily less attention to such concerns). We have also somehow avoided AIs going rogue to do their own preferred deeds no matter the human costs (despite that in our time we rush to give them independent ability to make their own decisions and implement their own plans). AIs provide all kinds of calculations, prognostications, and creations. They help us like we used to help our pets. What’s to worry about? What’s to regulate? After all, we can always pull the plug.

Well, one answer goes back a step and says that most of that can’t happen. AI’s won’t ever do the things I mentioned. But just months back the most frequent basis for such a claim was that we were running out of data to train AIs with. There is only one internet, after all. So there is only so much data. And lots of it is garbage. But then came a brainstorm. Why not generate new data with AIs? What could go wrong? Is it a solution or cyber in breeding? Off we go.

But still comes the next answer. even if they keep developing these AIs are just machines. Life partners? Give me a break. Nonsense. Humans won’t fall for that. Teachers, doctors, agents who we converse with, who we get instructions from, who we get life advice from, who we have dinner with? Come on. You might as well marry a pretty rock. And then they are going to write, sing, paint, and film better than flesh and blood writers, singers, painters, and film-makers? Surely not. It is all industry hype to get investments.

Hang on. An AI interviews you for two hours. Yes, you. Tomorrow. It asks you diverse questions. It ruminates on your answers. It winds up with your personality. It grabs your voice too. Your look. Your feel. Think about that. It can act as you would act in 85% of all cases now, today, already. Is that hype? Maybe, but what if it isn’t? In five years, 98%? Except it answers way faster and has infinitely more facts to offer. More insights. Will that mean it is 120% you?

There are dozens of AI products right now and more arrive monthly. Soon, AIs will design new AIs. Even with humans designing, it is largely trial and error. We don’t really know how the hell AIs do what they do so well or often even at all. But with AIs designing? For the most part, nowadays mainly only tech bros extensively use them. AI’s are still a bit too clumsy for you and me. But soon anyone will be able to use them. Easy peasy. What fun. Just ask and you shall receive. No more frustration. No more pathos. No more tedium. No more, no more.

Yes, of course one possible worry is bad actors who will misuse AI to manipulate millions via lies and fear. Read that again. Not exactly a little worry. Another kind of worry is AIs that themselves not only decide how to fulfill requests we make of them, but also decide how to fulfill requests they make of one another regardless of collateral damage for cats, dogs, and people. Also serious, no? But I think there is a third kind of worry. Cheered on by us, AIs become able to do all that humans do, not only faster but also valued more by humans than when humans do those things. Hey robot, I appreciate you. This proceeds until humans prefer AIs to other humans for getting things done, meeting needs, being entertained, and even for intimacy. It proceeds until humans become steadily less social, less productive, less initiating, less discerning, and less creative, and AI-guided life-like robots become more of all of that. Until, that is, we become less human-like and they become more human-like.

At this point, for evidence I might start listing AI products that already exist. I might describe their capabilities, compare them to one year ago, and report what people in the field say is in the works. And I might detail how their use would reduce our time sent in diverse pursuits, progressively atrophying our capacities regarding those pursuits. Or I could ask an AI to do that research and to write it up for me, even in my wordy style. But I bet you won’t be surprised that I would rather suggest that you assemble whatever evidence you think relevant and think it through for yourself to a wonderful or to a God-awful conclusion. What you need is just a Google search away. You don’t want to search? Too much work? Too disturbing? I get that, but consider the implications of that answer coupled to the rest of this brief article for what it says we won’t want to do five years from now.

P.S. I in no way mean to suggest that AIs that do more and more and faster and faster translation, programming, transporting, constructing, designing, care-taking, teaching, doctoring, cooking, planning, and conversing don’t pose serious problems for employment and economy more broadly. I am instead suggesting that even if we deal with those problems and also with nefarious use problems and also with rogue AI mayhem problems, we may still confront a social relations problem that threatens what it is to be a person. Like social media has done a spirited tap dance on what it means to be friends, to pay attention, and to find truth, AI may elephant tromp on what it means to be a person.

P.S.S. I also don’t mean to suggest that we should drop everything else and become Luddites or even just well informed critics of AI mania who demand extensive AI oversight and restrictions. Nope. Global heating and ecological suicide are still around. So too is a surging fascist trend. And nukes. I am instead suggesting that along with developing a movement of movements to address those undeniable dangers, we should also have an emerging movement of movements address AI dangers.

Ugly possibilities. Is there some way out of here? Is there an orientation, a mind set, some values, a vision or perhaps mixture of visions that taken all together can fuel resistance to all our impending horrors right up to our winning a world in which none of that persists? Apocalypse avoided. A better world attained. I think we need a bit more attention to conceiving such a worthy viable shared mindset, values, and visions to then act in accord with in 2025.


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Michael Albert`s radicalization occurred during the 1960s. His political involvements, starting then and continuing to the present, have ranged from local, regional, and national organizing projects and campaigns to co-founding South End Press, Z Magazine, the Z Media Institute, and ZNet, and to working on all these projects, writing for various publications and publishers, giving public talks, etc. His personal interests, outside the political realm, focus on general science reading (with an emphasis on physics, math, and matters of evolution and cognitive science), computers, mystery and thriller/adventure novels, sea kayaking, and the more sedentary but no less challenging game of GO. Albert is the author of 21 books which include: No Bosses: A New Economy for a Better World; Fanfare for the Future; Remembering Tomorrow; Realizing Hope; and Parecon: Life After Capitalism. Michael is currently host of the podcast Revolution Z and is a Friend of ZNetwork.
U$ Electoral Opposition

Part 5 of "Defending Society Against MAGA Tyranny: A Prospectus for Action"
January 5, 202
Source: Originally published by Z. Feel free to share widely.


COUNT EVERY VOTE RALLY at McPherson Square at 15th and I Street, NW, Washington DC on Wednesday evening, 4 November 2020 by Elvert Barnes Photography via Wikimedia



Part 5 of this series contains the following chapter:

6. Electoral Opposition

Defending Society Against MAGA Tyranny: A Prospectus for Action is a report from the Labor Network for Sustainability, co-published by ZNetwork.org.

Click here to read the report in full: Defending Society Against MAGA Tyranny: A Prospectus for Action
Electoral Opposition

Even when, as in Milosevich’s Serbia or Bolsonaro’s Brazil, democracy has been severely undermined, institutions of representative government can still play a major role in ending a tyranny. While Trump and the Republican party have already restricted voting rights and other democratic practices, the electoral arena remains crucial for Social Self-Defense.

Trump won less than 50% of the popular vote.[1] Republican margins in the House and Senate are extremely narrow. If the electoral system is not further corrupted, a very small shift would swing the House and/or the Senate to Democratic control in 2026 and elect a Democratic president in 2028. A very small swing to the Republicans, conversely, might solidify para-fascist governance for a very long time.

There are serious obstacles to defeating MAGA simply by electoral means. The first is that Trump has already used and will now augment the use of extralegal, violent, unconstitutional means that can’t be countered just by voting. That will include further undermining the electoral system itself, repressing opponents, and using all the instruments of an authoritarian, plutocratic government to secure unlimited power.

The second is the inadequacy of the Democratic Party as a vehicle for countering MAGA power. Disillusion with Democrats played a major role in Trump’s victory. Corporate and fossil fuel domination of the Democratic Party made it impossible to present a clear alternative to Trumpism that could appeal to the great majority of voters on the basis of their anger at the status quo. These weaknesses of the Democratic Party will facilitate Trump’s march to permanent MAGA domination.

Overcoming these obstacles requires a two-pronged strategy. On the one hand, the Democrats must be pressured to function as a real opposition party, to fight for Social Self-Defense, as discussed in this chapter. On the other hand, extra-electoral forms of action must help mobilize popular opposition and fight back against MAGA domination, as discussed in the next chapter.

Democratic elected officials retain significant power bases both in Congress and in states and cities. There are 15 states where Democrats control the governorship and both houses of the legislature. These states produce nearly half of the national gross domestic product. As of the 2024 elections, the mayors of 64 of the country’s 100 largest cities are affiliated with the Democratic Party, only 24 with the Republican party.[2]

Democratic politicians and elected officials can begin taking the steps that are necessary to resist Trump and defeat MAGA in the electoral arena. For example, they can do what is necessary to mobilize those currently unrepresented in the political system. According to Rev. William Barber, 30 million poor and low-wage people did not vote in 2020 because they said, “nobody talked to their issues.” In the 2024 presidential and vice-presidential debates, not one candidate was asked “how would their policies affect the issues of people dying every day from poverty and low wages.” Not one candidate was asked whether they would they raise the minimum wage.

There’s not a battleground state where poor and low-wage people don’t make up more than 40% of the electorate. There’s not a battleground state where if just 10% of poor, low-wage people were to vote around an agenda that they wouldn’t fundamentally shift the outcome of the election.[3]

Democratic politicians and officeholders need to begin right now to highlight such issues. Where mainstream politicians fail to raise such issues in the Trump era, they will have to be raised by direct action highlighting policies and actions that hurt poor and working people – and alternatives that could help them.

Democratic politicians need to help defend society against Trump’s attacks. Although Democrats are in the minority in both houses of Congress, they still have significant powers. They can hold confrontational hearings on appointments, legislation, and executive policy; speak out and campaign around the country against Trump’s actions; in the Senate they can filibuster; if President Trump commits high crimes and misdemeanors that provoke public and congressional outrage they can move to impeach him. They need to use every available power to expose, condemn, slow down, weaken, and to the extent possible, halt Trumpism’s anti-social plans. They need to build a unified force to oppose Trump’s agenda and to hold each other accountable not to sell out.

An obvious objective is to take back the House and/or Senate in 2026. That requires driving down Trump’s public support. Anti-Trump representatives need to show the disastrous effects of Trump policies and expose Trump’s corruption and stupidity.

Some Democrats have already indicated that they are willing to work with Trump; some, like New York mayor Eric Adams, are already doing his bidding. There must be redlines for any such cooperation. There can be no compromise when it comes to human rights, protection of the climate, constitutional limits on the power of government, or global cooperation to protect the human future. Even Trump’s most “progressive” programs are laced with threats to equality for women and minorities, labor rights, and the environment – and so there can be no compromise with them. And any cooperation with Trump’s agenda – or even failure to oppose it – risks legitimating and normalizing his regime and offering him credit for winning bi-partisan cooperation.

Democrat officeholders can also begin laying out attractive alternatives that meet the needs of those to whom Trump appealed but who he is now dissing. Many Democrats have laid out programs, including but not limited to the Green New Deal, that have wide support, not only within the Democratic Party but even among many people who eventually voted for Trump. Many aspects of these programs can be implemented right now by state and local governments.

What elected representatives do will depend heavily on what the people do. Social Self-Defense needs to define the Trump agenda not as a slight variation on “normal politics” but as an attack on society. We need to use petitions, letters, calls, and social media to urge government officials, the media, and institutional leaders to deny that Trump’s agenda is anything but an attack on human rights, the natural environment, constitutional government, and global survival. We need to protect the protectors, ensuring money and support for those in Congress, local and state government, and the political system more broadly who are demonstrably fighting Trump.

Finally, Democrats who may be tempted to compromise with Trump must be made to realize that they will be risking their own political future to do so. Advocates for Social Self-Defense need to pressure Democrats to find their backbone. For example, they can develop multi-issue ratings of courage vs. cowardice in standing up to Trump – with the obvious implication that money and support is more likely to flow to the resolutes than to the wishy-washies.

How can the pressure to make elected officials fight for Social Self-Defense be generated? In the aftermath of Trump’s election in 2016, current and former congressional staff members created Indivisible: A Practical Guide for Resisting the Trump Agenda, adapting the strategy of the Tea Party movement to the Trump Resistance. They called for targeting members of Congress by attending town hall sessions, calling congressional officials, visiting their offices, and showing up at public events. Within two weeks of Trump’s inauguration, more than thirty-eight hundred local groups identifying as “Indivisibles” had formed. These local groups held tens of thousands of actions—playing a major role, for example, in blocking Republican plans to gut the Affordable Care Act.

Shortly after Trump’s election in 2024, the same group issued Indivisible: A Practical Guide to Democracy on the Brink. Recognizing differences between the first and second Trump eras, it provides detailed recommendations for resisting the current MAGA onslaught in the electoral arena. The Indivisible plan is based on what it calls “constituent power.”

Your electeds care first and foremost about getting reelected and growing their own power. Some of the good ones care about doing good, and some of the bad ones care about doing bad, but regardless, they all know they can’t do anything unless they grow or maintain their base of support to win reelection or win higher office.

Elected representatives care about what makes them look good, responsive, and hardworking to the people of their district. By “making enough of a public ruckus” to endanger their local reputation as an upstanding elected, their constituents can “shift their behavior and/or soften them up” for the next election.

Indivisible says that the best vehicle for doing this is a local group, whether or not it is formally affiliated with Indivisible. Such groups are rooted in geographic communities – a neighborhood, a town, a congressional district. They are volunteer organizations that include multiple leaders with different and overlapping roles. They can coordinate with neighboring communities and statewide. Indivisible includes detailed guidance for such local groups.

Indivisible focuses on undermining Trump’s coalition and building the opposing coalition over the two years leading up to the 2026 elections. Their “playbook” emphasizes three “plays”:Say no to Project 2025.Stop what we can and pick strategic fights to drive national backlash to win in 2026.
Push Democrats in local, city, or state office to block, delay, and challenge MAGA’s attacks – and support them when they do.
Protect and win elections bydefending against election deniers in swing states and turning national backlash into an electoral majority coalition that delivers big wins in 2026.

State elected officials can be pressured to:Sign executive orders to protect residents under MAGA attack.
Form alliances with other states on issues like climate change, data privacy, and healthcare.
Use their economic leverage by setting procurement and contracting standards that prioritize civil rights, environmental responsibility, and fair labor practices, and by refusing to do business with companies that don’t uphold progressive values.
File lawsuits against harmful federal actions.
Decline to implement federal policies.
Implement sanctuary policies for out-of-state visitors.
Create legal funds to protect residents.
Implement policies that make their state a thriving, healthy, and desirable place to live.

Similarly, city elected officials can be pressured to:Adopt sanctuary policies.
Expand protections for vulnerable communities through policies and ordinances that protect housing rights, fund community health programs, and ensure that LGBTQ+ residents feel safe and supported.
Invest in local environmental and climate policies like banning single-use plastics, promoting renewable energy, and creating green infrastructure projects.
Partner with state and regional governments and other allies on issues like transportation, affordable housing, and voting rights.
Make your city a thriving, healthy, and desirable place to live.

Republican state officials and federal officials may care more about Trump’s support than the wishes of their own constituents. But either to change them or to remove them they must be forced to answer for every single action the Trump administration takes that hurts their state and its people.

Indivisible recognizes the threat of what it calls “authoritarian creep.” Fighting this requires building volunteer local infrastructure for mutual aid and support for people under threat. This could include working with immigrant rights groups on deportation defense, raising money for, or volunteering with, local groups helping patients access abortions, or supporting a local teachers union in their fight against a new draconian education policy.

Indivisible observes that Trump has promised to prosecute his political opponents, weaponize the justice system, and unleash hell on his preferred targets, from immigrants to people of color to racial justice advocates to Muslims to people with disabilities to trans kids. It also notes the threats to shut down the pro-democracy side’s activists, institutions, and bases of power. Its prescriptions for dealing with these threats are more general than its concrete and well thought out approach to the electoral arena. It primarily points to lessons from global historical fights against fascism:Build broad coalitions
Wage nonviolence, such as protests and civil disobedience
Develop independent media and communications
Strengthen community ties
Document and publicize human rights violations

The next two chapters will discuss how Social Self-Defense can address both creeping and galloping authoritarianism when they cannot be stopped from within the electoral arena alone.

[1] Domenico Montanaro, “Trump falls just below 50% in popular vote, but gets more than in past elections,” NPR, December 3, 2024. https://whyy.org/articles/2024-presidential-election-popular-vote-trump-kamala-harris/

[2] Ballotpedia, “Party affiliation of the mayors of the 100 largest cities,” Ballotpedia, November 2024. https://ballotpedia.org/Party_affiliation_of_the_mayors_of_the_100_largest_cities

[3] John Blake, “This fiery evangelical pastor offers a blueprint for Democrats’ revival in Trump’s second term,” CNN, November 24, 2024. https://edition.cnn.com/2024/11/24/us/reverend-william-barber-democrats-cec/index.html ; Poor People’s Campaign, “Waking the Sleeping Giant: Poor and Low-Income Voters in the 2020 Elections,” Poor People’s Campaign, October 2021. https://www.poorpeoplescampaign.org/waking-the-sleeping-giant-poor-and-low-income-voters-in-the-2020-elections/

Jeremy Brecher is a co-founder and senior strategic advisor for the Labor Network for Sustainability. He is the author of more than a dozen books on labor and social movements, including Strike! Common Preservation in a Time of Mutual Destruction, and The Green New Deal from Below.

The mission of the Labor Network for Sustainability is to be a relentless force for urgent, science-based climate action by building a powerful labor-climate movement to secure an ecologically sustainable and economically just future where everyone can make a living on a living planet.


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Jeremy Brecher is a historian, author, and co-founder of the Labor Network for Sustainability. He has been active in peace, labor, environmental, and other social movements for more than half a century. Brecher is the author of more than a dozen books on labor and social movements, including Strike! and Global Village or Global Pillage and the winner of five regional Emmy awards for his documentary movie work.


Opinion

Entering Jubilee 2025 with hope for our common home

(RNS) — When we are tempted to lose hope, we must remember that it is not a feeling or an emotion but a virtue.


(Photo by Porapak Apichodilok/Pexels/Creative Commons)
Joseph J. Tyson
January 3, 2025

(RNS) — The hope of a new year is here as the Catholic Church enters the 2025 Jubilee, a yearlong period of forgiveness and mercy whose theme is taken from Romans 5: “Hope does not disappoint.” The Jubilee also coincides with the 10th anniversary of “Laudato si’,” Pope Francis’ landmark encyclical on the environment.

The coming together of these events kindles in me a feeling of optimism for the future of our planet. The U.S. is currently on track to reach 80 percent or more of its emissions-reduction target under the Paris Climate Agreement, according to the Rhodium Group. While much work still needs to be done, this is progress. I am also encouraged by church leaders, led by Pope Francis, using their voices. Archbishop Timothy Broglio, as president of the U.S. Conference of Catholic Bishops (USCCB), sent a powerful letter to Pope Francis thanking the Holy Father for his “consistent reminder on the need to address the climate crisis and experience ecological conversion.”

Archbishop Broglio acknowledged our current challenges in his message of gratitude, lamenting the suffering brought by natural disasters and noting that “devastating hurricanes and other events have leveled entire communities.” Acknowledging both our progress and how much we have to do gives me hope because we must be honest about where we are to truly see where we must go.

As a group, the USCCB has taken important stances on the climate crisis, asserting its voice with clear policy positions. Last year, I advocated for their climate positions as part of a delegation of Catholic leaders visiting the White House to amplify Pope Francis’ exhortation on climate, “Laudate Deum.” Archbishop John Wester, Bishop Edward Weisenburger, Sister Carol Zinn from Leadership Conference of Women Religious and Lonnie Ellis from In Solidarity made the trip together.

It was quite an experience to bring the pope’s message to the building where so much national policy takes shape. Within five months of our visit, the Environmental Protection Agency enacted all four of our policy stances — on mercury, methane, carbon pollution from power plants and emissions from heavy-duty vehicles. We weren’t the only people raising our voices — groups advocating for public health and the environment have long pushed for these protections. Being part of democracy in action gives me hope, too.

Yet as important as policy is, as a person of faith my hope ultimately resides in something deeper: the resurrection of Christ, and with it the restoration of all creation in the fullness of time. I think of Pope Francis’ message on the World Day of Prayer for the Care of Creation this past September. He linked our earthly and our eschatological hope: “Our Christian optimism is founded on a living hope: it realizes that everything is ordered to the glory of God, to final consummation in his peace and to bodily resurrection in righteousness, as we pass ‘from glory to glory.’”

Cardinal Rolandas Makrickas opens the holy door of the Santa Maria Maggiore Basilica in Rome on New Year’s Day, Wednesday, Jan. 1, 2025, one of the events starting the Jubilee of 2025.
(AP Photo/Andrew Medichini)

Some may wonder whether hope, however we define it, is enough to combat our many intersecting crises. The climate crisis itself can at times feel insurmountable. When we also see the prevalence of war, poverty, migration, authoritarianism and the breakdown of social bonds and institutions, things can feel hopelessly beyond our capacity to change.

When we are tempted to lose hope, we must remember that it is not a feeling or an emotion but a virtue. Unlike emotions that come and go, virtues can be cultivated with purpose. The Holy Father touched on this in his message for the World Day of Prayer, when he defined hope as “the possibility of remaining steadfast amid adversity, of not losing heart in times of tribulation or in the face of human evil.” Hope animates our care for creation; it is both a first step and a final reward, an incentive as well as an intention. Let us enter the Jubilee year preparing to make St. Paul’s words our own: “For in hope we were saved.”

(The Most Rev. Joseph J. Tyson serves as Bishop of the Catholic Diocese of Yakima in Washington state and as Episcopal moderator for Catholic Climate Covenant, based in Washington, D.C. The views represented in this commentary do not necessarily reflect those of Religion News Service.)
Richard Hays, influential scholar who changed his mind on same-sex marriage, has died

(RNS) — The renowned New Testament scholar and former dean of Duke Divinity School described his most recent book as an act of repentance for the way his work had been used to harm LGBTQ people and to divide Christians.


Richard Hays. (Photo courtesy of Duke)
Bob Smietana
January 4, 2025

(RNS) — Richard Hays, a renowned New Testament scholar and former dean of Duke Divinity School known for his influential books on Christian ethics and his change of mind about same-sex marriage, died Friday (Jan. 3) at his home in Nashville, Tennessee, from pancreatic cancer. Hays was 76.

“He was surrounded by his books, overseen by photos of his parents and wide family, and with Christmas music from Kings College Cambridge playing softly in the background,” his wife, Judy, wrote on CaringBridge.org, in announcing his death.

A former English teacher and pastor, Hays was a graduate of Yale University and Yale Divinity School and earned his doctorate from Emory University in 1981. He then returned to teach New Testament at Yale from 1981 to 1991 and then at Duke Divinity School until his retirement in 2018.

For much of his career, he was perhaps best known for his 1996 book, “The Moral Vision of the New Testament,” in which he argued that same-sex relationships were “one among many tragic signs that we are a broken people, alienated from God’s loving purpose.” His well-respected scholarly work was cited by Christian leaders who viewed same-sex relationships as sinful and who opposed LGBTQ affirmation in churches.

This past year, Hays publicly changed his mind — in what he described as an act of repentance for the way his work had been used to harm LGBTQ people and to divide Christians — in a new book, “The Widening of God’s Mercy: Sexuality Within the Biblical Story,” co-authored with his son, Christopher Hays, an old Testament scholar.

RELATED: Richard Hays and the lost art of repentance

In the book’s introduction, Richard Hays recounts how his brother initially balked at attending their mother’s funeral, because her church, where the service would be held, affirmed same-sex relationships. That prompted him to reflect on the place of LGBTQ Christians in the church.



“The Widening of God’s Mercy: Sexuality Within the Biblical Story” and co-author Richard Hays. (Photo courtesy of Duke)

In the years since 1996, Hays had been rethinking his interpretation of the biblical texts barring same-sex relations because of his experience of teaching gay students in seminary and seeing the faithful service of gay Christians in local churches, he told Pete Wehner in a New York Times interview last year.

That included Hays’ own congregation, where “I saw church members who were not theological students or anything like that but who were exercising roles of gracious and meaningful leadership,” he told Wehner.

Hays was also concerned about what he called “smug hostility” among more conservative Christians toward LGBTQ church members, something he felt in part responsible for and something he hoped to make amends for.

“The present book is, for me, an effort to offer contrition and to set the record straight on where I now stand. … I am deeply sorry,” he told RNS in 2024. “The present book can’t undo past damage, but I pray that it may be of some help.”

The new book, which argues God has changed his mind about same-sex relationships and other boundaries that keep some people outside his grace, was seen as a betrayal by conservatives who agreed with his former book, with some going as far as to call it heretical. But Hays told National Public Radio that he was at peace with his change of mind, though he knew it would cause controversy.

“So there’s a sense in which I’m eating some of my own words, and I’m concerned that it will perhaps burn some bridges and break some relationships that I’ve cherished,” he told NPR. “But as I age, I wanted my final word on the subject to be out there. And so there it is.”

Hays was initially diagnosed with pancreatic cancer in July 2015 and at the time had been given a dire prognosis, with his doctor telling him he might be dead by Christmas of that year. But surgery and chemotherapy put his cancer into remission until 2022, when it returned. Despite more treatment, the cancer had spread to his lungs by the summer of 2023 and eventually he went into hospice care.

This past fall, he wrote a health update asking for prayer, knowing the cancer would likely soon take his life, and sharing how his faith was shaping his approach to life in his dying days.

“Over these past nine years, Judy and I have become practiced in looking death in the face,” he wrote. “We continue to trust that we are in the hands of a merciful God who loves us. And we continue to anticipate the power of the resurrection. It’s a hard thing to know with some certainty that I will not be here to watch my grandchildren grow up. But as in years before, we remain grateful for each new day in which we can join the Psalmist in proclaiming: ‘This is the day that the Lord has made; let us rejoice and be glad in it.’”

Hays is survived by his wife, Judy, and children Christopher and Sarah.

According to an update posted on CaringBridge, Hays will be interred in Oklahoma City, with services to follow at a later date at McKendree United Methodist Church in Nashville and at Duke.

Opinion

In Richard Hays, a rare combination of confidence and contrition

(RNS) — All of this full and good life was funded by an unapologetic conviction about the mercy of God at work in the gospel of Jesus Christ.


Richard Hays. (Photo courtesy of Duke)
Beverly Gaventa
January 5, 2025

(RNS) — Professor Richard Hays, a Scripture scholar of vast influence, both through his scholarship and through his leadership in theological education, died on Friday, Jan. 3, the result of a long journey with pancreatic cancer and the end of a remarkable life.

When New Testament specialists refer to the scholarship of Richard Hays, we are apt to resort to shorthand expressions. “Narrative substructure,” “subjective genitive” and “echoes of Scripture” are three that come immediately to mind, and rightly so, as Richard’s publications on these topics set waves of research in motion. But Richard was more than a set of propositions in need of defense. His work was enriching because it was itself enriched by the English language he so cherished. His early devotion to poetry paid off, not because he raided Harold Bloom, but because he read Milton and Yeats and Arnold and Eliot. Every word mattered, whether it was an ancient word or a modern one, and that made Richard’s own words more powerful.

Richard pursued his work with a confidence that manifested itself in his early willingness to take on scholarly positions that were generally thought to be “settled.” We were at a Columbia Seminar dinner together sometime in the early 1980s — well before even his dissertation had been published — when he instigated a heated discussion about the “faith of Christ” among senior scholars at the table. Neither on that evening nor later did I sense Richard was being provocative just to be provocative; he did it out of genuine conviction for the topic at hand.

That confidence was coupled, even mellowed, by a well-honed willingness to hear and respond to criticism. When “The Moral Vision of the New Testament” was still in draft form, he hosted a small conference at Duke, inviting numerous colleagues to interact with its chapters. Richard gracefully endured several days of critique — some of it quite forceful — in the interest of improving his work. Some years later, after the publication of “Seeking the Identity of Jesus” — a book we edited together through the auspices of the Center of Theological Inquiry in Princeton — Tom Wright issued a stinging critique of the volume in a book review panel at a national meeting. True to his own character, although Richard was dismayed by the critique and disagreed with it, he maintained his respect and deep affection for Tom.

I experienced that commitment to friendship myself, as Richard and I navigated our own disagreements. Conversations around several topics, most notably human sexuality and abortion, found us on opposite sides, and awkwardly so at times. Yet I never considered that Richard might see these as friendship-terminating moments, and I trust he never experienced anxiety over that possibility. To be sure, we both lived with privileges that allowed us to maintain the friendship, but I think something other than privilege was at work. We had been given to each other as friends, and that gift was not to be questioned or cast aside.

In the final years of his life, Richard demonstrated in a public way that confidence about one’s work needs to be coupled with the ability to change one’s mind. When he and his son, Christopher B. Hays, published “The Widening of God’s Mercy” in 2024, Richard made public what many of us knew, namely, that he had changed his mind about the interpretation of Scripture and the question of same-sex relations. Richard was aware that his earlier position, argued in “Moral Vision,” had contributed to a hardening of the categories in some church circles, and he wanted very much to give public voice both to his change of mind and to his change of heart. It is a testimony to the divine mercy of the title of that book that it was published before Richard’s death.
RELATED: Richard Hays and the lost art of repentance

The intensity that characterized Richard’s work also characterized his support of students and friends. I can recall warm introductions to Love Sechrest, Ross Wagner and Brittany Wilson, among others — students Richard wanted to bring to the attention of his own scholarly friends — friendships he hoped to generate. And I am deeply grateful for his support in times of personal crisis, to say nothing of his encouragement of my own work. During one season when both of us were in Princeton, we met several times to work through a translation of Romans. Those conversations were rich and precious, even if we did try the patience of restaurant staff who needed us to move along.

Such intensity can come at the expense of family, and Richard was painfully aware that his own family sometimes paid a steep price for his vocation. He acknowledged that price explicitly in the preface to “Echoes of Scripture in the Gospels,” which is dedicated to his wife, Judy. In many conversations over the years, however, he always reported on Judy’s work with pride and genuine interest. And no conversation was complete until we had shared reports on our children and, with time, the grandchildren. Unquestionably, Richard loved and was loved in a way that sustained him and allowed all of them to flourish.

All of this full and good life was funded by an unapologetic conviction about the mercy of God at work in the gospel of Jesus Christ. While Richard held that there was value in historical critical investigation, it was not for him a mere parlor game but part and parcel of a quest to understand what God has done in the world and to find our place in that story. It surprised me not at all to find that his own last message on his CaringBridge site came from Romans 14:

We do not live to ourselves, and we do not die to ourselves.
If we live, we live to the Lord, and if we die, we die to the Lord;
So then, whether we live or whether we die, we are the Lord’s.

Richard knew who his Lord was, and he knew what his own vocation was. The church and the academy have been the beneficiaries of that life.

(Beverly Roberts Gaventa is Helen H.P. Manson Professor of New Testament Emerita at Princeton Theological Seminary and Distinguished Professor of New Testament (retired) at Baylor University. Her most recent book is “Romans: A Commentary” (WJK, 2024). The views expressed in this commentary do not necessarily reflect those of Religion News Service.)
Buddhist group says Army Corps’ Everglades project violates religious freedom

(RNS) — A new lawsuit says the project could disrupt a retreat center for Soka Gakkai International-USA, a group popularized by Tina Turner and Orlando Bloom.


Aerial map of the Florida Nature & Culture Center, red outline in center left, next to the U.S. Army Corps of Engineers C-11 Impoundment Project, gray, in Weston, Florida. (Courtesy image)
Kathryn Post
January 3, 2025

(RNS) — Each year, thousands of members of an influential Buddhist group journey to a retreat center tucked away in the Florida wetlands seeking tranquility and spiritual enrichment.

Established in 1996 by Soka Gakkai International-USA, the Florida Nature & Culture Center sits on 118 acres sparsely populated with red-roofed buildings, where adherents pray and attend sessions on Buddhist study surrounded by the property’s 40-acre wetland conservation area.

But the center and Soka Gakkai have sued the U.S. Army Corps of Engineers in federal court, saying a planned Corps of Engineers conservation project will dwarf the center in violation of the 1996 Religious Freedom Restoration Act, arguing that a peaceful natural environment is vital to their Buddhist practice.

The project would include an above-ground reservoir that would cover over 1,000 acres and a seven-story pump station near their property, according to the retreat center.
RELATED: What Buddhism can teach in this moment of deep divisions: No person is ‘evil,’ only ‘mistaken’

“The recitation of mantras (prayers) aiming to harmonize oneself with one’s environment (including the natural environment) and awaken to the inseparability of life and the environment are core tenets of Nichiren Buddhism,” reads the lawsuit filed in U.S. District Court Monday (Dec. 30). “Naturally, such tenets and practices make a peaceful natural environment a priority for SGI and a goal of the religious practices of Nichiren Buddhist members.”

The Army’s C-11 Impoundment Project is part of a larger initiative called the Comprehensive Everglades Restoration Plan, authorized by Congress in 2000 to reduce water loss from the Everglades. A fact sheet about the initiative says it will support hundreds of thousands of acres in the Everglades and “benefit federally listed threatened and endangered species and many wading birds.”



The Florida Nature & Culture Center property, red outline, in Weston, Florida. (Courtesy image)

The lawsuit, which also names Colonel Brandon Bowman, district commander of the Army Corps of Engineers’ Jacksonville Office, claims the construction project, set to begin this month, will damage retreat center property and related ecosystem and disrupt their protected religious activity.

The Buddhist group maintains that the project has gone ahead without properly accounting for its effects on surrounding inhabitants of the area.

In a statement from the Buddhist group, Renu Debozi, vice president of public relations for SGI-USA, said the Corps of Engineers has largely ignored their concerns since they first raised them in 2007. “Left with no other choice, we decided to file a lawsuit to force the Corps to do what the law requires it to do: publicly and transparently evaluate and consider the consequences of the C-11 Impoundment Project on adjacent properties like the FNCC, including consideration of alternatives that mitigate the impacts of the Project,” the statement said.



A spokesperson for the U.S. Army Corps of Engineers’ Jacksonville District said it is aware of the lawsuit but can’t comment on active litigation.

Popularized by celebrity adherents like Tina Turner and Orlando Bloom, Soka Gakkai International, founded nearly a century ago in Japan, follows the teachings of a 13th -century Buddhist monk. Known for its relative racial and ethnic diversity and for attracting converts, the group began gaining traction in the U.S. in the 1960s, in part due to what critics call a “prosperity dharma,” which teaches that certain chants will generate wealth and material benefits.

Today, the U.S. chapter touts more than 100,000 members. The global group’s website stresses their commitment to dialogue and nonviolence and the link between individual happiness and peace.

In recent years, the center hired its own engineers to assess the impact of the project and, based on these findings, argue that the construction and the pump station will create noise, vibration and dust, as well as emit noxious odors and decrease air quality. Changes to groundwater levels, it says, could threaten the stability of the center’s buildings and the surrounding wetland, and the construction could cause wild animals to relocate to their land.

“(T)he construction and subsequent operation of the C- 11 Impoundment Project will (cause) damage to buildings in which Plaintiffs and their members practice their religion, damage the artifacts and symbols they revere, substantially burden their ability to use the carefully landscaped outdoor areas for religious practices, and disrupt the serenity and harmony with nature central to their religious practices,” the complaint reads.

The lawsuit claims the defendants failed to include the retreat center and related ecosystem in their environmental impact analysis and did not take the religious group’s input into account, violating both the National Environmental Policy Act and Administrative Procedure Act. They are requesting that the court order a halt to construction until a supplemental environmental impact statement is created.


Islam Beyond Phobia

New Orleans' attacker deserves to be understood like any Christian mass killer

(RNS) — Muslims are exhausted by a double standard that portrays white attackers as mentally ill and all others as ideologically driven terrorists.


Matthias Hauswirth prays near the site where a vehicle drove into a crowd on New Orleans' Canal and Bourbon streets, Wednesday, Jan. 1, 2025. (AP Photo/George Walker IV)
Omar Suleiman
January 3, 2025

(RNS) — New Orleans is my beloved hometown. It is a city that has endured devastation and rebuilt itself not just with bricks and mortar, but with the strength of its people and the resilience of its communities.

I have always been proud to call New Orleans home, to speak of it wherever I go and to remember how we, as New Orleanians, come together in times of crisis. The country witnessed this firsthand after Hurricane Katrina in 2005, when I was blessed to lead the Islamic Circle of North America Relief‘s Muslims for Humanity project, an initiative that brought together volunteers of all faiths and backgrounds to help our city recover.

On the 10th anniversary of 9/11, while the disenfranchised of New Orleans were still struggling to rebuild, more than a thousand volunteers of all faiths gathered to clean up Rivertown. We restriped roads, repainted walls and replanted trees. The humble effort culminated with a gathering at a local mosque to share an authentic New Orleans dish — halal and kosher gumbo.

This week’s news of a terrible attack in my home city — a murderous rampage that claimed the lives of 15 people and injured dozens of others — made my heart sink. As my thoughts and prayers are with the families of the victims, I’m despairing to see the media trundle out its familiar narrative apparatus of terrorism.

RELATED: Biden administration releases strategy for fighting Islamophobia

A quarter-century after the Sept. 11 attacks, we are still haunted by the ghost of former President Bush’s War on Terror, which assumes that any purportedly Muslim assailant must be ideologically inspired. When, seemingly monthly, a white Christian opens fire at a school, the assailant is pronounced mentally unwell. The term terrorism is exclusively reserved for Muslims.

Contrast the present news cycle — Muslim commits criminal act; Muslim is connected to a larger international terrorism conspiracy; the faith of 1.8 billion people is scrutinized — with the news cycle when a person of any other faith commits a criminal act: They are defined as an isolated “lone wolf”; their mental health, upbringing or grievances are examined with nuance; calls for better gun control follow. Since 9/11, Muslims in the West have been asked to speak on behalf of purported members of their communities, to defend their religion against those who abuse its teachings and to take responsibility for individual criminal acts. Those days are over.

Since I moved away from my home state more than a decade ago, I have always spoken about the relationships we built in New Orleans in the wake of Katrina. I have told stories of how welcoming the city has always been, how my mosque — its minaret rising over a busy intersection — never faced hostility. New Orleans was a multifaith model of trust, a place where communities thrived together. Wednesday’s attack threatens to rupture the bonds of trust that have been built over decades.

Let’s be clear: This attacker, who was not from New Orleans, but Texas, was unknown to any of the dozens of Muslim institutions or mosques in Houston, where he reportedly resided. An upside-down Islamic State group flag found in his truck is not a statement of faith — just one of many indications of his twisted, deranged state of mind. His tragic and reportedly unstable life, especially in recent years, his decade of U.S. military employment, should be scrutinized far more intently than his so-called conversion to Islam, which appears to have been solitary and disconnected from the local Muslim community.

Could his time spent as a cog in the U.S. military machine be a variable to consider in this Islamic State group-inspired rampage?

The double standard is not only exhausting, but also distracts from the victims who have lost their lives, the families grieving their loved ones and the city that must once again unite to heal. Among the murdered Wednesday morning was Kareem Badawi, a Palestinian American Muslim who lived between New Orleans and Baton Rouge and belonged to a well-known Louisiana Muslim community. He was a son, a friend, a brother to many. He was part of the real fabric of this city, just like countless Muslims who have lived there for decades. Like all the victims of this senseless tragedy, his name should be known — his story centered and highlighted. But instead of focusing on the lives that were taken, coverage of this tragedy is once again falling into the tired, predictable patterns of anti-Muslim fear-mongering contributing to dehumanization and division.

This is the opposite of the culture and values that make New Orleans great. New Orleans knows how to survive tragedy. We have seen devastation and loss, and we have rebuilt — together.

The bonds of faith, trust and friendship we formed in the wake of Hurricane Katrina cannot be undone by the violence of one man. The attacker did not belong to us, but the victims did. The communities who are grieving did. And we will stand together, as we always have, against fear-mongering and against those who seek to divide us.

Let’s not let those who seek division — whether through violence or through media narratives — succeed. The New Orleans I know is better than that.
Does a lack of faith lead to suicide? One study says yes. Scholars of secularism say no.

(RNS) — A new study by a Christian scholar found higher rates of suicide and campus sexual assault in states where more nonbelievers live. But others who study secularism say correlation doesn't prove the case.


(Photo by Akhil Nath/Unsplash/Creative Commons)
Bob Smietana
January 3, 2025


(RNS) — As an evangelical Christian, Philip Truscott is dismayed at the decline of religion in America, saying it is bad for the country’s soul.

As a social scientist, he says he has proof.

In a paper in the Journal of Sociology and Christianity, Truscott draws on data tracking crime on college campus and religious affiliation surveys to show that states with higher percentages of so-called “nones” — people who claim no religious affiliation in surveys — have higher rates of sexual assault on campus as well as higher suicide rates overall.

Truscott did most of the work on the study, entitled “Rape, Suicide, and the Rise of Religious Nones” while a professor of sociology at Southwest Baptist University in Missouri. He was inspired by previous research he had done that showed that the higher the percentage of nones in a state, the higher the suicide rate. That research, based on data from the 2014 Pew Religious Landscape report, also showed that the higher the percentage of evangelicals in a state, the lower the rate of sexual assaults on its college campuses.
RELATED: Who are the ‘nones’? New Pew study debunks myths about America’s nonreligious.

Truscott followed up on those findings by examining similar data from the Public Religion Research Institute and reported the results in a paper in the Journal of Sociology and Christianity in October. Truscott argues that the decline in religion can be tied to a loss of self-control and correlates that with more suicides and assaults.


Philip Truscott. (Photo via Southwest Baptist University)

While he falls short of claiming that loss of religion causes more suicides and assaults, Truscott has subsequently argued that his findings prove the need for more state vouchers for private schools, most of which are religious. Families that choose religious schools for their kids can play a role in reversing the decline of religion in America, Truscott told RNS in an interview, which he argues will reduce the rate of suicide and campus sexual assaults.

“That really helps everyone,” he said.

His fellow sociologists, particularly those who study the nones, are skeptical, saying Truscott’s study is flawed and that his conclusions don’t fit the evidence.

Ryan Cragun, a sociology professor at the University of Tampa, reviewed Prescott’s paper and said that, while it does show a correlation between the share of nones and rates of suicide and sexual assault, Truscott fails to prove that disbelief causes those higher rates. Cragun also said the paper ignores other data, such as that showing that states with higher murder rates are correlated to higher per-capita populations of evangelicals.

“If I were to use his logic, then I should be able to argue that evangelicals are more likely to kill people,” said Cragun, co-author with Jesse M. Smith of “Goodbye Religion: The Causes and Consequences of Secularization.”

Cragun also was skeptical of the argument that religion creates more self-control or that a lack of self-control can explain why suicides or sexual assaults happen, saying that the causes of both are more complicated.

David Speed, a Canadian scholar who studies the connection between atheism and health, said Truscott is asking an important question about the social effects of the decline of religion. But Speed, a professor of psychology at the University of New Brunswick in St. John, Canada, said Truscott failed to prove his claims.


David Speed. (Photo via The Religious Studies Project)

While Truscott did show that both secularism and campus sexual assault were on the rise in some states, said Speed, he did not show that one caused the other.

“It’s kind of damning by association,” said Speed, who is also working on his own research project about the effects of secularism on suicide rates.

Speed said it is common in the social sciences to find two unrelated topics that seem to track together over time. He pointed to a website called “Spurious Correlations,” which collects such convergences, including graphs that show, for instance, that as the name William has become less popular, the number of burglaries in South Carolina has declined. The first, Speed said, does not explain the second.

Proving a causal link between the loss of religion and rise in suicide rates or assaults, said Speed, would require a great deal more data and analysis. So far, he added, no other studies have suggested that atheists or other nonbelievers are more likely to take their own lives or to commit crimes like sexual assault. Truscott’s critics also argue there’s no evidence for his claim that more faith-based schools would lead to fewer suicides.

They also say these flaws in his reasoning explain why it took so long, as Truscott has said, for his paper to find a publisher. Truscott blames a liberal bias in academic journals.

In an interview, he claimed that if his research had linked greater incidences of suicide or sexual assault to more widespread religious belief, journals would have flocked to publish his study. “The social science journals, they lean to the left politically,” Truscott said. “They are very anti-religious.”

Truscott said that he is glad the paper is getting attention, even if it’s negative attention, and hopes it leads to more study about the social implications of the decline of religion.

To critics he simply says, “Prove that I am wrong.”
119th Congress adds 2 Hindus, 2 nones, remains mostly Christian

MORMONS ARE NOT CHRISTIANS

(RNS) — Despite America's shifting religious landscape, the faith of the country's representatives has changed little.
"The religious makeup of the 119th Congress" (Graphic courtesy Pew Research Center)

(RNS) — A new Pew Research Center report on the religious composition of the 119th session of Congress, convening today for the first time, reveals that the majority of its members are Christian.

The “Faith on the Hill” report draws on data gathered by CQ Roll Call, a publication that compiles congressional data and provides legislative tracking. For every new session, the website sends questionnaires to new members and follows up with reelected members on their religious affiliation.

“Christians will make up 87% of voting members in the Senate and House of Representatives, combined, in the 2025-27 congressional session,” reads the report.


Though the share of Christian members of Congress slightly decreased since the last session, 88%, and from a decade ago, 92%, the House and Senate are still significantly more Christian than the American public, which has dropped below two-thirds Christian (62%).  

“In 119th Congress, 87% are Christian” (Graphic courtesy Pew Research Center)

Less than 1% of Congress members identify as religiously unaffiliated, also called “nones,” though they account for 28% of the American population. Three Congress members reported being religiously unaffiliated, two more than in the previous session.

The new session will include 71 non-Christian members — six more than the 118th Congress — including 32 Jews, four Muslims, four Hindus, three Unitarian Universalists, three Buddhists, three unaffiliated and one Humanist. All but five of the non-Christian members are Democrats.



The new Congress will have a total of 461 Christian members, including 295 members who identify as Protestant. As in previous sessions, Baptists are the most represented denomination, with 75 Baptist members, eight more than in the last session. The report doesn’t specify which Baptist group members affiliate with. The other most represented Protestant denominations are Methodists and Presbyterians, with 26 members each; Episcopalians, with 22 members; and Lutherans, with 19 members.

These four denominations have had dwindling memberships in recent decades and have also seen their share shrink in Congress. The report’s first edition, published in 2011 for the 112th Congress, counted 51 Methodists, 45 Presbyterians, 41 Episcopalians and 26 Lutherans.

The share of Baptists is slightly higher in the House, 15%, than in the Senate, 12%. Catholics, too, will be more present in the House than in the Senate, respectively 29% and 24%; whereas, there is a higher percentage of Presbyterians, Episcopalians and Lutherans in the Senate than the House. 


Among the 295 Protestant members, 101 didn’t specify which denomination they affiliated with. The report noted that many gave “broad or vague answers” like “Protestant” or “evangelical Protestant.” Over the last decade, more members of Congress have given similar answers. In 2015, when the 114th session of Congress started, only 58 members reported being “just Christian” without specifying a denomination. 

Of the 218 Republican representatives and senators, 98% identified as Christians. Only five Republican members are not Christians — three are Jewish, one is religiously unaffiliated and one person responded “refused/don’t know.” While congressional Christians on either side of the aisle are more likely to be Protestant than Catholic, Democrats have a higher percentage of Catholics (32%) than Republicans have (25%).

Congressional Democrats are significantly more religiously diverse than Republicans. Though three-quarters are Christian, there are also 29 Jews, three Buddhists, four Muslims, four Hindus, three Unitarian Universalists, one Humanist and two unaffiliated. Twenty congressional Democrats responded “refused/don’t know.”

The 119th session includes 166 non-Protestant Christians — 150 Catholics, nine members of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-Day Saints, all Republicans, and six Orthodox Christians. One Congress member, a Republican, identifies as a Messianic Jew.



The religious affiliation of 21 members remains unknown, as they either declined to disclose it or couldn’t be reached. 

The analysis didn’t take into consideration Ohio Senator J.D. Vance, who will become vice president on Jan. 20, Representative Matt Gaetz, who resigned amid sexual misconduct allegations, and Representative Michael Waltz, who announced he would resign on Jan. 20 to serve in the Trump administration as a national security adviser. They all reported being Christians.