Friday, January 10, 2025

A VERY PARLIAMENTARY JUNTA

New Lebanese president vows state monopoly on all arms, state reforms

The new president has promised to help fight corruption and crack down on smuggling, end impunity for criminals, and work for an independent judiciary.


The New Arab Staff
09 January, 2025


Aoun took his oath in parliament after winning a majority of 99 out of 128 lawmaker votes [Houssam Shbaro/Anadolu/Getty]

Lebanon’s new President Joseph Aoun vowed to take control of all arms outside state authority and fully implement the ceasefire deal with Israel in his inaugural speech on Thursday.

The military commander-turned-president got 99 votes in a parliamentary session on Thursday, more than the 86 votes he needed to win. His election as Lebanon’s 14th president comes after more than a two-year stalemate, which has seen many state institutions in caretaker capacity or vacant.

After taking oath, Aoun, 61, made a speech many Lebanese have deemed as promising – and very ambitious – as he said he will work to end corruption, interference in the country’s judiciary, and impunity for criminals. He also said he would end the smuggling of arms and drugs and begin reconstructing what was destroyed by Israel in its last war on Lebanon.

"My pledge is to cooperate with the new government to approve the judicial independence bill, and to challenge any law that violates the constitution, and call for parliamentary consultations as soon as possible to choose a prime minister who will be a partner and not an adversary," Aoun said from parliament, interrupted by rounds of applause from the attendees.

The session was observed by diplomats, including the ambassadors of countries which have in recent days exerted enormous pressure on Lebanon’s political establishment to reach a consensus and end the deadlock.


"I will also work to confirm the state’s right to monopolise the carrying of weapons," he said. This part of his speech especially received a warm welcome from rivals of Hezbollah, which has come out battered from the war with Israel.

Hezbollah’s arsenal has long been a major point of contention in Lebanon, with the group’s rivals saying it was impossible to state-build as long as armed groups exist in the country. The group has long said it would give up its arms when the Lebanese army was capable of defending the country against Israeli threats.

Aoun did not name Hezbollah in his speech, but his vows to respect international resolutions and implement the ceasefire deal were enough to signal his intentions.

The US-brokered agreement came into effect on 27 November, and Israel, Lebanon, and Hezbollah all have 60 days – until late January – to implement the deal.
Related


Will Lebanon's army be able to uphold the ceasefire with Israel?
Analysis
Dario Sabaghi

Israel has carried out hundreds of violations, with fears that it may seek to remain in parts of southern Lebanon even after the 60-day deadline is over.

Beirut is responsible for making sure no weapons outside state control exist in southern Lebanon, particularly south of the Litani River where UN peacekeepers operate alongside the Lebanese army. Arms everywhere else across the country must also be confiscated, and borders must be strictly monitored.

Since the war ended, some of Lebanon’s main entry points such as its only civilian airport and the Port of Beirut have seen stringent measures with extraordinary security checks taking place.

Aoun said a "complete defence strategy on diplomatic, economic, and military levels" will be negotiated, one that "enables the Lebanese state to remove the Israeli occupation [from the south] and deter its aggression".

He promised to work on strengthening the Lebanese army, long underequipped.

"We will invest in the military to control and stabilise the borders in the south and demarcate them in the east and north" with Syria, he said, extending his hand out to the interim authorities in Damascus which ousted Bashar al-Assad’s regime a month ago.


The president called for the start of a "serious and friendly dialogue with the Syrian state to discuss relations and all outstanding issues between us," especially with regard to missing Lebanese citizens in Syria – many of whom are believed to have been kidnapped by Assad’s forces during the former Syrian military’s occupation of Lebanon – and Syrian refugees in Lebanon, which make up about a third of the country’s population.
Related


A new chapter in Lebanon-Syria relations takes shape
Analysis
Bilal Ghazeye

The new president spoke of restructuring Lebanon’s inflated public sector and rotating jobs, in a patronage system largely based on clientelism where corruption has become rampant.

Also on internal matters, Aoun stressed change in the way politics works in Lebanon, vowing to uphold the constitution and saying, "My pledge is to the Lebanese, wherever they are, and for the whole world, to hear that today a new phase in Lebanon’s history has begun."

"Interference in the judiciary is forbidden, and there will be no immunity for criminals or corrupt individuals. There is no place for mafias, drug trafficking, or money laundering in Lebanon," the president added.

Lebanon was placed on the grey list by the Paris-based Financial Action Task Force in October after several warnings to the political class to carry out much-needed fiscal reforms. These calls have fallen on deaf ears.

A cash economy has flourished in Lebanon after its banking sector collapsed in 2019, with fears and accusations that this was allowing for widescale money laundering. Failing to carry out reforms could place Lebanon on the blacklist, alongside countries like Iran, Myanmar, and North Korea.

The financial crisis has seen Lebanese locked out of their lifelong savings, with many unable to afford even necessities amid a crumbling infrastructure.

Aoun said he would "adhere to the free economy, and we need banks where the governor is the rule of law," as he said he would work to protect the assets of depositors. He pledged to push the next government to work on laws that will enforce administrative decentralisation, something stipulated in Lebanon’s constitution but never implemented.

The president's prerogatives in Lebanon remain somewhat limited, as constitutional amendments in 1989 to end the Civil War gave more powers to the legislative and executive branches of government. This power structure shared between the country's rivals, has resulted in decades of dysfunctional governance.



Who is Joseph Aoun, Lebanon's new president?

Lebanon has been without a president for over two years due to infighting among the country's political class, but Joseph Aoun is likely to fill the vacuum.

Louay Faour
Rita El Jammal
Beirut

The New Arab 
09 January, 2025

Aoun emerged as a frontrunner for the Lebanese presidency in recent weeks, especially after the end of the Israel-Hezbollah war [Anwar Amro/AFP/Getty]

After over two years without a head of state, Lebanese lawmakers on Thursday elected a new president for the country, reeling under a crushing economic crisis and the aftermath of a devastating war with Israel which ended in November.

Political turmoil has led to Baabda Palace being vacant since Michel Aoun's term ended in 2022. While Hezbollah and its ally the Amal Movement had clung onto Marada Movement leader Sleiman Frangieh – who withdrew from the race on Wednesday – their rivals had opted for other candidates.

Having a hung parliament with no clear majority for any political alliance, Lebanon's 128 MPs were unable to elect a president for the past two years.

Under the country's parliamentary system, the legislature is tasked with electing the president, who, by convention, must be a Maronite Christian and serve a six-year term.

But now, after clear external pressure to quickly end the political stalemate in Lebanon, parliamentarians finally elected a new head of state in a session on Thursday.


Lebanon's army commander General Joseph Aoun garnered 99 votes, surpassing the 86 votes required.
Who is Joseph Aoun?

The army chief has been widely celebrated in Lebanon for being able to steer the country's military through Lebanon’s unprecedented financial crisis which began in 2019, and the last Israeli offensive which ended with a US-brokered ceasefire deal two months ago.

Aoun – not related to former president Michel Aoun – succeeded in gathering international support for the army, keeping it going as Lebanon has undergone some of its worst catastrophes in recent years.

The army, despite being largely underequipped, has long been considered a symbol of national unity in the country, which suffers from deep sectarian and political divisions.

Born on 10 October 1964 in Sin el-Fil, an eastern suburb of Beirut, Aoun's family originally hails from the south Lebanese village of Aishiyeh in the Jezzine district.

He obtained a degree in political science specialising in international affairs, and a university degree in military studies. He joined the army as an officer cadet and was enrolled in the Military College in May 1983, during Lebanon’s Civil War.

Aoun received several promotions before being appointed as commander-in-chief of the army in March 2017.

One of his biggest challenges was leading the army in the fight against militants from the Nusra Front and Islamic State groups in the summer of that year. The militants had been holed up for years along the border with Syria with the conflict raging there.

They were expelled after a joint operation by the Lebanese army and Hezbollah.

Aoun's mandate as commander in chief was renewed for the second time on 28 November, a day after the Israel-Hezbollah war ended and when Berri called for Thursday's election session.


The decision to extend his mandate was opposed by the Free Patriotic Movement, which has had tense relations with the general for years. Hezbollah, the FPM’s former ally, agreed to extend Aoun’s term after refusing the first time.
Growing support

While Aoun’s name had been circulated as a potential presidential candidate since 2022, most political parties had lobbied for other candidates, among them Hezbollah-ally Suleiman Frangieh, former IMF official Jihad Azour, Independence Movement leader Michel Mouawad, General Security chief Elias Baysari, and others.

Following the last war with Israel, and with the Lebanese military’s crucial role in implementing the ceasefire deal, particularly in light of the weakening of Hezbollah, some politicians have argued that only a military man will be fit for the job in the coming transitional period.

Aoun now is the fourth army general to become president since the late 1990s, after Emile Lahoud, Michel Sleiman, and Michel Aoun.
Constitutional violation?

Electing the current army commander as president would require a constitutional amendment as the country's constitution prohibits public servants, including members of the military, from running for or assuming political office while still in service.

But constitutional expert Saeed Malek told The New Arab's Arabic sister site Al-Araby Al-Jadeed, that even without an amendment, General Aoun can still be elected president.

In order for the election to be stopped, 43 MPs would have to use their right to appeal the election to the Constitutional Council within 24 hours of the vote ending in parliament, and this was unlikely to happen.

In 2008, constitutional prohibitions were dropped to elect Michel Sleiman as president following a consensus reached in Doha among Lebanon's rival parties, which ended a week of deadly armed clashes in and around Beirut sparked by Hezbollah, Amal and some of their allies.

"It is true that electing Aoun without a constitutional amendment represents a constitutional violation, but in order for this measure [his election] to be declared, we would need a decision issued by the Constitutional Council," said Malek.

Amid these exceptional times in Lebanon, nobody is expected to appeal the vote.


Many Lebanese however have decried the constitutional violation, and some reform MPs have said they will not vote for Aoun.

Other reform MPs have said the country’s long-time ruling and corrupt political class have given them no choice, saying Aoun's election was needed for Lebanon to begin its recovery, with no clear agreement on any other candidate.
Opinion

So many in the academy will say, ‘We were with you all along...’




A group of students set up a camp in solidarity with Palestinian people and protest against the attacks on Gaza at Helsinki University on May 06, 2024 in Helsinki, Finland
[Alessandro Rampazzo/Anadolu via Getty Images]

by Dr Brendan Ciarán Browne
brendancbrowne
January 9, 2025 
MEMO


Overcome by the guilt of having been an accomplice in the slaying of the Scottish King Duncan in the well-known Shakespearean tragedy, Lady Macbeth famously bemoans her inability to rid herself of the blood that stains her hands:

“Out damned spot! Out, I say…

Here’s the smell of the blood still.

All perfumes of Arabia will not sweeten this little hand”.

Macbeth, Act 5, Scene 1

As the genocide in Gaza continues apace, inconceivably approaching 500 days, for some it appears that a partial “awakening” is happening, including amongst those who have stayed resolutely silent and refused to even countenance the possibility of a boycott as a mode of legitimate resistance, thus providing the liberal apparatus that brings us to this apex moment of wanton destruction.

Writing in the Conversation, Catherine Gegout considers there to be a slight change in tone amongst a number of European governments following the issue of warrants by the International Criminal Court for the arrest of Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and former Defence Secretary Yoav Gallant. Some private utterances of condemnation have been made public, and it seems that those who stand accused of war crimes will no longer enjoy freedom of movement across the continent from whence their ancestors came.

Of course, condemnation and strong words alone rarely, if ever, equate to meaningful, material change. Arms contracts continue to be honoured, military aid continues to flow, businesses continue to trade with a state that stands accused of apartheid and genocide, and many in the western academy remain wedded to their collaborative research grants with Israeli universities.

And so, whilst for some it may appear that a light bulb (albeit one of those low level, energy saving types that take an age to light up fully) has finally been switched on, it is hard to view this as some kind of road to Damascus moment. If it does appear that there is the beginning of a volte face in terms of support for the Israeli state, one would be reckless to see it as anything other than an act of political expediency, jarring starkly with the almost spontaneous and unequivocal (and very public) declarations of support for the people of Ukraine.

READ: Smotrich calls for full control of Gaza, aid cuts once Trump takes office

Surrounded by sites of learning, endless resources, critical scholastic material and colleagues who have dedicated lives and livelihoods to educating and working on and for Palestine, those of us who implored our colleagues to embrace a full academic boycott as a last resort form of nonviolent resistance to achieve equality, freedom and dignity for our Palestinian colleagues, view the silence of so many in the academy (for the past 460 days, and 76 years) as both perplexing and deeply problematic.

A genocide being live streamed on every available screen by fearless civilians thrust into a media spotlight which they no more wanted, makes a mockery of the refrains “we didn’t know”, “we don’t understand”, or “it’s all really complex”.

There really is no excuse.
Apartheid déjà vu

Within the academy, we’ve been here before.

When anti-apartheid freedom fighter and future South African President Nelson Mandela was incarcerated, languishing in a prison cell on Robben Island, many in the political establishment denounced him as a terrorist. So too were there voices within the academy who refused to join the call for a boycott of South African institutions, all in the pursuit of an illusory version of “academic freedom”.

One can’t help but wonder where we would be if more in the academy had stood up alongside us against this most recent version of apartheid, rather than spending time and energy chastising our aims and tactics.

Would we be having to contemplate a devastating figure such as 10 per cent of the population in Gaza being either killed, declared missing, seriously wounded or detained?

Would we be looking at a situation where over 90 per cent of Gaza’s population have been displaced, many of them forced to flee on multiple occasions?

Would we be having to fathom the fact that the entire civilian infrastructure of Gaza has been decimated, with approximately 97 per cent of the drinking water rendered non-consumable due to contamination?

What about the fact that around 97 per cent of the civilian population are facing acute levels of food insecurity, with humanitarian aid to Gaza being brought to an almost complete standstill, left to rot at the checkpoints encircling the besieged coastal Strip?

Who knows?
Unparalleled destruction

An entirely new lexicon has emerged through which to describe the horror that has been meted out against the Palestinian population of Gaza, what Visualising Palestine define as the “many cides of genocide”. Words such as ecocide, urbicide, scholasticide, domicide and culturicide have become common parlance, evoking devastating images of lives and livelihoods destroyed.

READ: Quaker group pulls New York Times ad over paper’s refusal to call Gaza bombing ‘genocide’

By the beginning of November, 2024, over 85,000 tons of bombs had been dropped on Gaza, surpassing the total amount used throughout World War Two.


Bombs made in the US and used against Palestinian civilians starving and seeking shelter in makeshift encampments.

Alongside material support, political cover has been provided by European accomplices, with prime ministers and presidents alike making public declarations invoking Israel’s purported “right to self-defence”, a right that has never, in fact, existed under international law when it comes to an occupying power exerting colonial domination over a group seeking self-determination, liberty and justice.

Every hospital in Gaza has been destroyed or partially destroyed under false pretences, with staff and patients stripped naked, frog marched away and, in some cases, summarily executed. Premature babies have been left to die on neonatal wards, hospital directors have been arrested and forcibly disappeared inside Israeli prisons. Allegations of unimaginable torture and other gross human rights violations have been made by survivors of Israeli incarceration, including those of a sexual nature, most egregiously rape.

These facts are irrefutable, not least because members of the Israel Occupation Forces have been meticulous in documenting their war crimes for us and sharing the images on social media uploading for the whole world to see.

READ: Doctors Against Genocide demand release of Kamal Adwan Hospital Director

If this doesn’t stir academic colleagues to do all they can to speak up and agitate for a complete dissociation from the Israeli state, and endorse the call for a full academic boycott, I’m at a loss as to what will.

As academics, our profession ought to have been jolted into action much sooner, not least as a result of the complete destruction of the education sector in Gaza. The Palestinian NGO Visualising Palestine has determined that, since the beginning of the genocide, around 650,000 Palestinian children and young people have been denied access to education. Approximately 9,800 students and 409 educational staff have been killed. Every one of the 12 universities in Gaza has been destroyed or partially destroyed and 85 per cent of schools have received significant damage as a result of Israeli military bombardment.
Time for institutional realignment

Many of us have long campaigned for our academic institutions to reconsider the connections that they have with an apartheid state, to re-evaluate whether it is wise to have collaborative partnerships with Israeli institutions that stand accused of providing the intellectual apparatus that props up the illegal occupation of Palestine. We have provided the information on boycott, ad nauseam, when trying to convince the sceptics that the full implementation of the academic boycott and a heeding of the Palestinian Campaign for the Academic and Cultural Boycott of Israel (PACBI) demands is the best means we have at our disposal to realise a freedom-oriented future for our Palestinian sisters and brothers.


Our students have put their bodies on the front lines.

They have set up encampments, to shine light on the partnerships our institutions have, and to demand that the university they receive their education from is one that is based on values of equality, freedom and dignity, and is beholden to principles of international law. The student encampment at my own institution successfully secured a commitment from the university to consider the connections it has with Israeli universities, and to evaluate the ethical viability of engaging in partnerships with Israeli institutions.

In establishing a “task force” designed to “inform current and future links and exchanges between Trinity College Dublin and higher education institutions, commercial enterprises and/or other relevant bodies in jurisdictions involved in armed conflicts and/or where there are violations of international law”, my institution has taken an important and laudable first step.

I welcome this decision warmly, and whilst the remit of the task force is broader than the question of the academic boycott of Israeli institutions, it is an indisputable fact that it was the global student awakening for Palestine, as noted across university campuses the world over, that led us to this decisive moment of consciousness.

As such, in the face of unimaginable tragedy and unfathomable Palestinian loss and suffering, an incredible, and morally imperative opportunity exists.

However, we who are long in this game must remain on high alert.

We must make sure that the legitimate and moral demands that undergird the call for a full academic boycott are not softened by bureaucratic processes and a liberalised attempt at containment and management.

This has been the approach favoured by decades of flawed peacebuilding intervention, promoted by many in the academy, shifting the focus off the oppressor and attempting to advocate a change of consciousness in the oppressed.

As the founders of the Palestinian boycott movement have warned, this approach in no way changes materially the actual experience of those living under occupation; rather it calls for the colonised to change their legitimate, and internationally-recognised, demands for freedom and justice.

We must therefore ensure that institutional reviews and bureaucratic processes do not delineate the parameters of what is deemed acceptable or attainable. The boycott guidelines are clear and unequivocal. They do not require interpretation, nor should they be negotiated with.

Famed anti-Zionist Israeli historian Ilan Pappe has declared publicly his fervent belief that this is the beginning of the end of the Zionist project. Should this indeed come to pass then those who stayed silent and condemned our demands and tactics will have no other choice but to realise that the tide of history has shifted, irreversibly.

Much like the guilt-ridden Lady Macbeth, one cannot help but conclude that they too will find the stain of Palestinian blood nigh on impossible to wash away. And so many in the academy will say, “We were with you all along…”

The views expressed in this article belong to the author and do not necessarily reflect the editorial policy of Middle East Monitor.

Opinion

What fate awaits Abbas and his Authority?


THAT OF A   QUISLING  &   COMPRADOR




Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas makes a speech during the ‘World Urban Forum’ in Cairo, Egypt on November 04, 2024. [Mohammed Ozkam/Anadolu via Getty Images]

by Muhammad Jamil

January 9, 2025 
MEMO


Mahmoud Abbas has six security agencies which operate mainly in the (A) classified area of the Occupied Palestinian Territories, and which exchange roles with the Occupation forces in suppressing the Palestinian people. These six agencies are the General Intelligence, Preventive Security, Military Intelligence, Civil Police, National Security and Presidential Security. A budget of more than a billion dollars has been allocated to these agencies, equivalent to the budget of the Ministries of Education and Agriculture.

People around the world may be shocked by the number and formation of these agencies, which were designed specifically for a people suffering under Occupation, not to preserve their security and safety, but to protect the security of Israel. These agencies that interfere in the affairs of the Palestinians on a daily basis are unparalleled in the whole world, even in the most dictatorial regimes that have highly specialised agencies but do not interfere in the lives of citizens whatsoever.

Since the members of these agencies had set foot in the Occupied Territories under the Oslo Accords, overt and covert security prosecution had been taking place between 1993-1995, where they have been carrying out their assignments with complete dedication and loyalty. Their only concern is to eliminate any actions that threaten Israel’s security or any serious opposition of the Oslo Accords, while political life in Israel became lively and had fierce opposition and violation of the agreements, where the Occupation forces and settlers were given carte blanche to kill and arrest Palestinians and expand settlement activities.

For more than 30 years, these agencies have taken turns with the Occupation forces in arresting citizens, including students, workers, professors, scientists and journalists. Not for a crime they committed, but rather for their anti-occupation activities and their opposition to the Oslo Accords, which undermined the rights of the Palestinian people recognised in international law, most notably the right to self-determination.

These agencies have been given the freedom to tamper with the security and safety of the Palestinian citizens. They raid their homes at night to arrest whoever they want after terrorising their residents, assaulting them and vandalising their belongings, exactly like the Occupation does while, during the day, they rampage through the streets, storming workplaces, universities and schools to arrest and shoot citizens, preventing any demonstration denouncing the crimes of the Occupation.

I have worked for so many years with legal experts and field research teams to monitor and document the crimes committed by these agencies. The outcome of this research has been terrifying, as there audio and video testimonies of untold horrors on torture, home invasions, the placing of spying devices and cameras in bedrooms and the beating of women and children during raids and searches to arrest wanted persons.

The research revealed the strong and deep connection between these agencies with the Israeli, American and European security agencies. These agencies receive direct financial support from the latter and field training in repression and investigation, to the point that Israelis from the Shin Bet come specifically to the city of Jericho to give regular lectures to students affiliated with the University of Independence, which specialises in security sciences.

Those in Europe, Britain and America who provide the financial support to the security agencies of the Palestinian Authorities are happy with what it does.

OPINION: Celebrating revolution by annihilating it is Abbas’s style

They have never linked the aid they provide or put a condition on receiving it to the achievement of democracy by the Palestinian Authority nor commitment to the Human Rights Charter, which they have been preaching about day and night, as long as it preserves the security of the Israelis, just the same way they do not put conditions on the aid they provide to Israel with its commitment to the rules of international law.

These agencies have completely merged with their Israeli counterparts and have imbibed their security doctrine, and their belief is now that, whoever is considered an enemy of the Occupation is necessarily an enemy of these agencies. Not only this, but also anyone from these agencies or from the Fatah movement, the ruling party of the Palestinian Authority, who opposes this policy and raises his voice could be excluded and even liquidated, as has happened on many occasions. In a special testimony by one of the officers, he said: “The members of these agencies are trained to carry out orders, even if the target is their father or mother, regardless of any degree of kinship or societal norms.”

The campaigns launched by these agencies for decades and, up until today, are extensive and systematic, completely similar to the daily campaigns of the Occupation. The goal is to eliminate activists who oppose the Occupation and the agendas of the Authority. Throughout the years of their work, these agencies have arrested thousands, killed under torture more than 60 citizens, and looted and robbed millions of citizens’ savings.

The irony is that the ready-made accusation directed at most activists because of their opinions or gathering to protest the crimes of the Occupation and criticise the Palestinian Authority is “resisting the Authority”, “insulting high figures” and “inciting sectarian strife”. The last accusation raises a lot of amusement and astonishment, since the Occupied Palestinian Territories do not have warring sects like some neighbouring countries, as Christians and Muslims, side by side, suffer from the crimes of the Occupation and struggle to get rid of the Occupation and establish an independent State.

These agencies consist of more than 70,000 members, equating to 16 security officers for every 1,000 citizens—a ratio typically seen only in totalitarian police regimes. It includes ranks, colonels, brigadiers and generals, that those watching from afar would believe that these are the heads of an impregnable and sovereign state but, in reality, they are servants and slaves of the Occupation, moving between the areas classified as (A, B, and C) under special cards. They are humiliated and insulted at checkpoints, and when the Occupation forces storm their areas, they hide in their holes until the Occupation completes its mission. These agencies have never confronted or stood against the attacks of the Occupation forces or settlers on citizens, and they have not arrested any settler to hold him accountable for the crimes he committed in the Territories under the rule of the Palestinian Authority. On the contrary, if they arrest a settler, they hand him over to the Occupation to release him to repeat his crimes.

Therefore, it is illogical to describe the relationship between these agencies and the Occupation forces as “coordination”, but rather it is one-sided cooperation that amounts to treason and espionage with the enemy, by collecting information about activists, preparing files and passing them on to the Israelis and Americans.

Furthermore, exhausting Palestinian society through repeated arrests and confiscating the movable and immovable assets of those targeted has caused serious damage to the main interests of the Palestinian people and made them subject to the cruelty of the Occupation.

The late Yasser Arafat decided to rebel against this system that he had created with his own hands after seven years of security cooperation and the collapse of the Camp David talks, where many members of these agencies joined the Al-Aqsa Intifada in 2000. However, the sources of corruption, headed by Mahmoud Abbas, conspired against him while he was being bombarded and besieged in Ramallah, and one of the current leaders known for his success had poisoned him through a dentist, according to leaked documents from the investigation committee into his assassination.

After Arafat’s assassination in 2004, the security services were restructured and General Dayton was sent to train officers. An American-European-Israeli committee was formed to supervise the work of these services and ensure they were doing what was necessary to prevent any hostile actions against Israel. The ferocity of these services increased and they continued their arrest and torture campaigns on a large scale, without the position of donors and supporters ever changing.

The Palestinian Authority’s prisons were filled with detainees, and torture spread like a pandemic in all security headquarters. Jericho Prison was called the “slaughterhouse” due to the severity and brutality of the torture operations.

The communication of these services with their Israeli counterparts reached its peak without shame or fear, as officers from the Shin Bet attended and supervised the investigation sessions. Those who were found of interest were transferred to Israeli prisons to complete the investigation and be put on trial.

OPINION: The PA wants its repression hidden in plain sight

The political level headed by Abbas stuck to the doctrine of security cooperation with the Occupation, considering it “sacred”. Whenever criticism of this cooperation intensified due to the expansion of settlements and killings, Abbas or the Central Committee of the Fatah movement would announce the freezing of security cooperation, but it was nothing but empty talk, as cooperation at all stages did not stop for a moment.

Today, after the events of 7 October and the ongoing genocide in the Gaza Strip, nothing has changed. These agencies continued their work as usual, violently confronting all means of showing solidarity with the Gaza Strip, killing 16 citizens and injuring others, including children, and launching arrest campaigns in rotation with the Occupation forces in what is known as the “revolving door”. This brutal and intensified repression in the West Bank distracted the people there from the genocide happening against the people in the Gaza Strip.

Despite the fierce settlement campaign throughout the West Bank, the assault on Al-Aqsa Mosque, the settlers’ attacks on citizens by beating, shooting and burning property, and Smotrich and Ben Gvir’s threats to impose Israeli sovereignty over the West Bank, the Palestinian Authority’s security services, under direct orders from Abbas, have increased the level of repression across the whole of the West Bank cities, until it imposed a tight siege on the Jenin camp for more than thirty five days.

The Palestinian Authority’s security services followed the steps of the Occupation forces in besieged cities, villages and camps, as it prevented the residents of Jenin camp from leaving the camp, and prevented children and students from going to their schools. The residents were deprived of food, medicine and fuel, and the forces stormed homes, burned them down and destroyed some of them.

They also burned citizens’ cars, used RPG launchers, and snipers climbed onto the roofs of buildings to kill anyone who moved.

Journalist Shaza Al-Sabbagh was killed while she was with her nephews, and Mahmoud Al-Jalqamousi and his son were killed and his daughter was injured while trying to get water, bringing the number of people killed by these services during their siege to nine.

Similar to the response of the Occupation and its spokesmen when they commit a crime and deny responsibility for it, the spokesman for the Palestinian Authority’s security services, Anwar Rajab, issued shameless statements to blame the factions and hold them responsible for the killings, which contradicted the testimonies of eye-witnesses who were at the scene of the crime when it happened.

Furthermore, in order to falsify the facts and to enable the Palestinian Authority to pass its narrative, it worked on fighting the free media, especially Al Jazeera. Abbas issued a decision to close Al Jazeera’s offices in Ramallah and freeze its broadcast, and instructed a local court to block its websites, in line with a previous decision by the Occupation government to ban Al Jazeera’s broadcast for the same reasons that prompted him to take such a decision – which is to expose the crimes of the Occupation forces during their storming of the Jenin camp earlier.

At this dangerous and tough time the Palestinian people are living, not a single politician with the slightest degree of logic and reason would make a decision to besiege a camp that is considered in the Palestinian history as one of the fortresses that bear witness to the catastrophe of the Palestinian people since 1948, and which the Occupation is trying with all its power to remove from the list of witnesses. The Occupation had, indeed, tried through repeated raids over the last year to do so, but it failed.

Sincere efforts were made by various civil society organisations and groups to bring the concerned parties to the negotiating table, but the President of the Palestinian Authority aborted all these attempts, preferring to submit to the desires of Tel Aviv and Washington, and implement agendas that fragment the unity of the Palestinian people, and expose their security and safety to danger.

Abbas, on the UN platforms is used to demand protection from the international community and implementing resolutions on ending the Occupation.

Yesterday, the representative of the Palestinian Authority in the Security Council shed tears due to the horrific crimes committed by the Occupation in the Gaza Strip against the medical facility, staff, and the ongoing attacks on hospitals, the latest of which was the burning of Kamal Adwan Hospital.

How could the international community take them seriously? Should it protect the Palestinian people from the crimes of the Occupation or from the crimes of the Palestinian Authority? The Palestinian Authority’s apparatuses have turned Jenin Hospital into a military barracks and attacked medical staff during the ongoing siege on Jenin camp.

It is a surreal scene caused by a corrupt group with special interests, who are specialists in concluding deals and begging at the doorsteps of the Occupiers to obtain privileges that enable them and their families to live in comfort at the expense of the rights, security, safety and well-being of the Palestinian people while, at the same time, it issued some statements condemning the crimes of the Occupation, in order to cover up its own corruption.

Throughout ancient and contemporary history, peoples who have been subjected to Occupation have suffered from a handful of weak-willed individuals or groups organised by the Occupation to destroy the morale of these peoples, and attempted to subjugate them to transform this Occupation into permanent colonialism, but all these attempts failed when the people gathered their capabilities and were determined to get rid of the Occupation, just as the Europeans did when they confronted the Nazi occupation and their agents.

The Palestinian people have experienced such phenomena for a hundred years. During the British Mandate, the so-called “Peace Units” were formed in 1936, which were used by colonialism and Zionists to spy on people and pursue and assassinate activists in national liberation movements.

Over time, after their mission was completed, they were disposed of, and the Palestinian people have continued to struggle and fight tirelessly to this day.

The fate of the Palestinian Authority and its apparatuses is bleak and unknown, and there is a great feeling of anger among the population regarding its policies. It has become a huge burden for its supporters as well, after it has exhausted its mission for which it was made.

Today, the extreme right that leads the Occupation government finds a good opportunity to impose sovereignty over the West Bank, expel the leadership of the Palestinian Authority, and transform the security services into traffic police!

It is no longer possible to reform these services and unite them into one security service that watches over the Palestinian people and their protection. They have become accustomed to a method of work that only serves the Occupation and its agendas, and advising Abbas to change the course of his political authority will be of no use. It is too late, period. The damage he has caused to the most just cause in history cannot be repaired through advice.

Abbas will soon be turning 90, and he continues deliberately to ignore the dangers surrounding the Palestinian people. The Occupation is closing in on him to the point that his very existence is threatened. Killing, arrests and settlements are at their peak, and the decision to annex the West Bank is ready, waiting for Trump to enter the White House. If the dreams of Smotrich and the current right-wing government are accomplished, what fate awaits Abbas and his Authority?!

The views expressed in this article belong to the author and do not necessarily reflect the editorial policy of Middle East Monitor.


Opinion

The PA’s bid to crush resistance in Jenin camp won't give it keys to Gaza

If the Palestinian Authority thinks its operation in Jenin will secure it US approval for a role in post-war Gaza it is much mistaken, writes Lamis Andoni.



Lamis Andoni
08 Jan, 2025
The New Arab 

the PA's pretexts for its operation in Jenin are unacceptable and must be condemned, even if they stem from its desire to pre-emptively avoid provoking the wrath of the incoming US administration, writes Lamis Andoni [photo credit: Getty Images]

The vicious campaign being conducted by the Palestinian Authority (PA) against the Jenin refugee camp is incomprehensible.

Equally incomprehensible are the statements being issued by the PA's security apparatus – including claims by its spokesman, Anwar Rajab that they are targeting "mercenaries" controlled by the Iranian Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC).

On the one hand this claim completely ignores the plentiful evidence that it is in fact Israeli agents that have a foothold in the camp, which has lead to numerous betrayals of resistance fighters, assassinations and arrests.

On the other hand, accusing Jenin's youth of being Iranian agents is to take an explicit stance which serves Israel in its ongoing battle to eradicate Palestinian resistance.

It’s clear that the PA intends to disarm the Jenin Brigades by terrorising the whole camp. In this approach, it is sending an unequivocal message to Palestinian fighters from all factions - including Fatah - which is that the era of armed resistance against Israel is over.

Narrated  Yara Hawari

The resistance groups it is targeting are those who emerged following Israel's May 2021 war on Gaza, when multi-factional groups formed, including members from Hamas, Palestinian Islamic Jihad (PIJ) and also Fatah (the faction that dominates the PA). For instance, most members of the Lion's Den, which bravely confronted the Israeli occupation army in Nablus, were Fatah affiliates.

For objectivity's sake it must be acknowledged that there has long been an issue with the unchecked distribution and use of weapons, particularly involving PIJ (whose members form the backbone of the Jenin Brigades, but which members from other factions including Fatah have joined since its inception in the camp). This is a real problem.

However, why has the PA not sought to address it through communicating directly with the PIJ's leadership? The PA is more than capable of sending its delegates to speak with senior members of the organisation, including its leader Ziad al-Nakhalah.

It should be noted here that Fatah's presence in the camp, which had been composed of young members who believe in resistance, has declined due to Israel's repeated military operations and the arrest and imprisonment of many of them. At the forefront of those currently in Israeli jails is Jamal Hawil, Fatah's most powerful representative in the camp, who participated in effective armed resistance to Israel's siege of Jenin camp during the Second Intifada (2000).

He also stood firm against previous attempts by the PA to subjugate resistance in the camp, and would undoubtedly have been fighting now against their efforts were it not for Israel's decision to extend his prison sentence – maybe due to PA accusations that Iran is pulling the strings of the Jenin Brigades, a claim that perfectly suits Tel Aviv and Washington.

Perspectives  Emad Moussa

Israel's string of military-security campaigns across the West Bank, which have seen them assassinate resistance fighters, demolish homes, and roll out collective punishments, have terrorised the people of the West Bank - and now the PA security forces are joining them in their crackdown on Jenin camp. This is a step they wouldn't have dared take if the Jenin Brigades were unified, and Fatah's leaders in the camp had refused the PA's "security solution".

Statements by the PA's security services - that Iran is behind the armed fighters in Jenin – seek both to benefit from Iran's declining regional influence and to send an implicit message to the Palestinian people under occupation in the West Bank and Jerusalem. The content of this message is that the presence of these armed fighters in their midst will unleash disaster on them, and provoke Israeli retaliation, mirroring the genocidal war ongoing in Gaza.

This message speaks to genuine fears among Palestinians in the West Bank. However, the issue is that the PA has not presented any alternative approach - other than failure and collusion with the Israeli occupiers. Moreover, the Palestinian resistance has long been unable to find anyone who will support and arm them except Iran. Fatah also encountered this problem during its lengthy history of struggle.

Far from presenting an alternative source of support, the Arab states are actively stifling all resistance efforts, with some of them deeply invested in normalisation deals and alliances with Israel. This has seen Arab support for criminalising resistance, even adding their clout to Israel's attempts to pressure the PA to stop salaries for prisoners and the families of the martyrs' – which has been one of the red lines the PA has been unwilling to cede ground on until now.

Perspectives Jenna Abuhasna

After all this, the PA then has the audacity to announce, via its security spokesman Rajab, that Iran is responsible for "the chaos in the West Bank".

Does the PA seriously believe Iran is controlling the situation in the West Bank? Or that Iran will use Jenin camp to plot and organise a coup against it? Moreover, what will the PA's stance be if Israel mounts a full-scale invasion of the West Bank under the pretext of "combatting terrorist organisations controlled by Iran"? If this happens, the Israeli army won't differentiate between Fatah, Hamas, PIJ and any other Palestinian, whether from the PA or elsewhere – it never has.

What is shameful and tragic is that at the very moment Palestine most desperately needs national unity, the PA is making spurious claims that Iran may be controlling the camp – that is, the Jenin Battalion - whose resistance operations provoked Israeli ex-Defence Minister Benny Gantz to describe Jenin Camp (according to an interview on 11 April 2022) as "a strategic threat to Israel which must be defeated".

In short, the PA's pretexts for its operation in Jenin are unacceptable and must be condemned, even if they stem from its desire to pre-emptively avoid provoking the wrath of the incoming US administration and president Donald Trump – who seems to have every regime preoccupied with how to win his favour.

The suffering in Gaza cannot be described or imagined, from the starvation, to the freezing temperatures, to the indiscriminate and relentless killing, and endless forced displacement. Every story that comes out is more horrific than the last, with the horrors only magnified by the total indifference of the US and Western states that continue acting as though no genocide is taking place.

Perspectives  Yoav Litvin

It is this suffering that must galvanise action by all - instead of being distracted by a struggle to bolster an authority devoid of real power.

In the meantime, the voices of intellectuals, artists, and global activists are clamouring in support of Palestinian rights. Their criticism of the current US administration means it is waging a repressive campaign against critics of Israel, which is all paving the way for the coming stage of even more draconian repression under Trump. The incoming administration will have no qualms about crushing the right to freedom of expression in the US.

Meanwhile, the Arab regimes suffer from a chronic affliction, which is their lack of - and longstanding search for - a role which will render them pertinent to US interests. However, the role being drawn up for the PA by the incoming president will involve its total abandonment of the Palestinian cause, if Trump deigns to accept a Palestinian Authority in the first place.

We must now urgently work to preserve the gains and achievements of the resistance, and not waste the efforts that have already been made to mount international lawsuits against Israel. We must push for these to move forward.

Conversely, the PA is fighting Palestinians, and in fact itself, because everyone will be depicted as nothing but Iranian agents. They are not considering that Palestinian organisations have always suffered, and still suffer, from the label of terrorism, and that the US still hasn't removed the Palestine Liberation Organisation (PLO) off its "terrorist list".

The PA should immediately withdraw its forces from Jenin camp, and desist from using "chaos" as a pretext - even if chaos exists - as there are many alternative ways to deal with it. It must also stop levelling accusations which could have dire consequences for the Palestinian people.

Finally, if it truly believes that once it has joined the ranks of Iran's regional opponents this will secure it a role in managing "post-war Gaza" it is mistaken. Washington's interests lie in the total liquidation of the Palestinian cause - not in the PA volunteering its efforts to "fight against Iran" in Jenin camp.

Lamis Andoni is a Palestinian journalist, writer and academic who launched The New Arab as its editor-in-chief.


This is an edited and abridged translation from our Arabic edition. To read the original article click here.

Translated by Rose Chacko

Opinions expressed in this article remain those of the author and do not necessarily represent those of The New Arab, its editorial board or staff, or the author's employer.

Tensions rise in the West Bank as PA ‘siege’ on Jenin continues

JENIN IS A CITY, A CAMP IN NAME ONLY

The Palestinian Authority's deadly military operation in Jenin continues to fan the flames of internal tensions in the West Bank. Meanwhile, Israeli leaders are calling for 'Gaza-like' operations in the West Bank, and to cut all ties with the PA.
January 8, 2025 

Palestinian security forces gather at the site of a protest against clashes between Palestinian security forces and militants in the northern occupied West Bank city of Jenin on December 21, 2024.
 (Photo: Mohammed Nasser/APA Images)


The occupied West Bank has returned to the headlines in recent weeks, as tensions spurred on both by Israel and the Palestinian Authority threaten to destabilize an already volatile situation in the territory.

On Tuesday, tensions flared after the killing of three Israelis and the wounding of eight in a shooting attack near Qalqilya, in the north east of the Palestinian territory. The shooting provoked a series of Israeli reactions, with high-ranking officials calling for large-scale “Gaza-like” Israeli military actions in the West Bank.

Following the shooting near Qalqilya, Israel’s finance minister Bezalel Smotrich stated that Israel should “pass from defense to offense” in the West Bank, adding that “Jenin and Nablus must look like Jabalia so that Kfar Saba wouldn’t look like Kfar Azza.” Jabalia is the city in northern Gaza that was the target of a massive ethnic cleansing campaign by the Israeli military late last year, resulting in the near total de-population of the area, widespread destruction, and the killing and abduction of hundreds. Kfar Saba is a city in central Israel, and Kfra Azza is the Israeli kibbutz in the south that was attacked on October 7, 2023.

Far-right Israeli National Security Minister, Itamar Ben-Gvir, commented on the shooting in Qalqilya saying that “those who seek to end the war in Gaza will have a war in the West Bank,” and called to “cut all ties with the Palestinian Authority,” which according to him “supports terror.”

The head of the Israeli settlements’ councils, Yossi Dagan, called upon the Israeli army to increase its crackdown on Palestinians, arguing that “if the army had sealed off Nablus and inspected every person going in and out of it, the attack wouldn’t have happened,” calling the state of Israel to “confiscate all Palestinian weapons and fight Abu Mazen [the president of the Palestinian Authority] who allows these acts.”

On Monday, the Israeli cabinet met to discuss the situation in the West Bank, upon the request of Bezalel Smotrich. Following the meeting, the office of Israeli Prime Minister Benyamin Netanyahu announced that Netanyahu had approved “new defense and attack measures in the West Bank.” Israel’s war minister Yizrael Katz also said that Israel “will not tolerate a reality in the West Bank similar to the one in Gaza,” adding that the Israeli army “will conduct wide operations in the [Palestinian] towns where terrorists come from.”


Israel has been carrying out large military offensives in the West Bank, especially its northern part for more than three years. However, these new threats are especially alarming as they come only two weeks before the inauguration of the Trump administration, believed to be supportive of Israeli plans to annex the West Bank. In November, Smotrich said that 2025 will be the year of Israel annexation of the West Bank.

Palestinian Authority continues deadly Jenin operation


The Israeli calls for escalation in the West Bank come amidst an ongoing military campaign by the Palestinian Authority, the body that has limited governance in areas of the West Bank, against Palestinian armed resistance groups the Jenin refugee camp.

The clashes between Palestinian Authority Security Forces (PASF) and the Jenin Brigade fighters have so far left 14 Palestinians killed, including six PASF members, one Jenin Brigade fighter, and seven civilians, including children and a journalist. Throughout its operation, which the PA launched in early December 2024, it has cut off electricity and water to the camp, drawing backlash from residents and the resistance fighters alike, who accused the PA of “enforcing a siege” on Jenin. The spokesperson of the PA security forces, Anwar Rajab, has rejected the accusations, saying that “circulation in and out of the camp” continues normally, and accused the Jenin Brigade fighters of shooting at electricity and water maintenance teams.

“We’ve been living for a month without electricity,” a resident of the Jenin camp who requested anonymity told Mondoweiss. “People gather at night around fire stoves, while some young men try to extend electricity cables from poles outside of the camp,” they described. “Clashes erupt suddenly and then calm down, but people prefer to stay indoors to avoid stray fire, and they avoid going on the roof after a man and his son were shot on the house roof.”

“Many people left the camp entirely, and only those who have no relatives outside the camp remain,” they went on. “I myself left to my aunt’s house in the city, and when I came back to the camp to check on the house, the PA security forces inspected my identification document and kept it before letting me in, and gave it back to me when I came back to leave the camp again,” they said. “Life inside the camp is paralysed, everything is closed, and those who can leave are leaving,” they added.

According to the Jenin camp’s popular services committee, around 3,000 out of the 15,000 residents of the camp have left due to the fighting. Such mass exoduses from the camp have previously been witnessed during similar days-long operations by the Israeli military, which frequently attacks Jenin and the refugee camp to target the resistance fighters there.

The escalation of events in Jenin has raised tensions in the West Bank, with Palestinians outraged at the PA’s actions. On social media, many Palestinians have called the operation “a shame” and accused the PA of fighting the resistance for political gains, either to make itself relevant to the coming Trump administration, and to Israel, in order to maintain some power in the West Bank under a potential annexation, or in post-war governance in Gaza.

The PA, for its part, has continued to insist that its operation is aimed at “taking the Jenin camp back from outlaw elements,” and “preventing turning the West Bank into Gaza,”. PASF spokesperson Anwar Rajab also said that “the outlaws in Jenin want to weaken the PA to fulfill regional agendas and destroy the Palestinian national project.”

Meanwhile, the PA has extended its crackdown to other areas of the West Bank, conducting a series of arrests in the West Bank, targeting resistance fighters and Palestinian citizens who have criticized the PA’s operation in Jenin. Ammar Dweik, the head of the Palestinian independent commission for human rights, the official Palestinian human rights watchdog, said on Sunday that there have been “at least 150 arrests, some of them of Jenin Brigade members, but some of their family members.” Dweik also said that there have been reports of mistreatment of detainees documented in video footage.

The PA also ordered the shut down of Al-Jazeera’s office in Ramallah and banned its activities in the territories controlled by the PA. The widely criticized move came after the channel aired critical coverage of the PA’s Jenin operation. After the ban, which has been compared to a similar shut down of Al Jazeera by Israel last year, Palestinian internet providers blocked Al Jazeera’s stream from their services in compliance with the PA’s order. The decision received backlash from local and international media and human rights organizations, including Reporters Without Borders, the Palestinian human Rights Center, and the UN secretary General Antonio Guterres.

In response to the PA’s crackdown, the human rights commission called upon the PA to open an investigation into all the cases of killed Palestinians in Jenin from both sides, and to release the results to the public. Meanwhile, a coalition of Palestinian political parties, civil society bodies, unions, and public figures including some members of Fatah, the PA’s ruling party, launched a “social initiative” to end the crisis in Jenin, calling on both sides to show self-restraint and resort to dialogue. The initiative presented a proposal for a “holistic national dialogue” to contain the crisis and prevent its expansion to other parts of the Palestinian territory.

The internal Palestinian escalation in Jenin comes on the heels of several years of rising social tensions in the West Bank. While armed resistance groups in the West Bank, which have seen a resurgence over the past three years, have received widespread public support and popularity, the PA has witnessed the opposite. The PA has grown increasingly unpopular, in part due to policies like security coordination with Israel. Unfavorable attitudes towards the authority have only grown since October 7, 2023, and what has been perceived as inaction by the PA to stop the slaughter of Palestinians in Gaza.

Internal tensions in the West Bank have only been exacerbated by Israeli threats of annexation and increasing its violence against Palestinians, as the PA increases its Since the beginning of the Israeli genocide in Gaza, in October 2023, Israeli forces and settlers have killed at least 821 Palestinians, while Israeli settlers have displaced some 25 Palestinian Bedouin communities in the West Bank’s rural areas.
Gulf countries condemn ‘Greater Israel’ map


Map showing the Kingdoms of Judah and Israel after their division in 928 BCE, along with neighboring regions and key cities. [twitter/x @IsraelArabic]


January 9, 2025
MEMO

Qatar, the UAE and Saudi Arabia all condemned an Israeli map on official social media claiming “historic territorial rights” over Palestine, Jordan, Lebanon and Syria, Anadolu News Agency reports.

According to the report, Qatar’s Foreign Ministry described the map as a “defence of international legitimacy resolutions” and stated that such provocations were destabilising, particularly during the Gaza war.

The Ministry also asked the world to press Israel into following international law and stopping its expansionist policy.

The report added that the UAE condemned the map, too, as “a concerted attempt to extend the occupation” and a “defence to international law”.

Saudi Arabia’s Foreign Ministry also joined the outcry and called Israel out for “expanding its occupation” and state sovereignty, the report says.
Senior UK military figures made secret trips to Israel in 2024, government data reveals


Chief of the Defence Staff Admiral Sir Tony Radakin leaves 10 Downing Street after attending the weekly Cabinet meeting in London, United Kingdom on July 04, 2023. [Wiktor Szymanowicz/Future Publishing via Getty Images]

January 9, 2025 
MEMO

Senior figures within the United Kingdom’s defence establishment have made numerous unpublicised and secret visits to Israel since 7 October 2023, British government data has revealed.

According to the outlet, Declassified UK, which cited the British government’s records of senior Ministry of Defence (MoD) officials’ business expenses, hospitality and meetings for the entirety of 2024, a number of those officials conducted at least five such secret visits to Israel in the months following Hamas’s attacks into Israel and Tel Aviv’s launching of its offensive on the Gaza Strip.

The trips reportedly include that of the UK’s Chief of the Defence Staff, Admiral Sir Tony Radakin, who had visited Israel on 21 January 2024 and met with his Israeli counterpart, Herzi Halevi “to discuss future operations in the region”.

Read: Britain provides Israel military chief ‘special’ diplomatic immunity during visit to UK

General Charles Stickland, the Chief of Joint Operations at the UK’s Permanent Joint Headquarters – responsible “for the command and integration of UK global operations” – also visited Israel on 18 March 2024, under what the British government simply referred to in documents as “MoD Directed attendance at meetings to be held in Tel Aviv”. That same day, the MoD’s Director-General for Security Policy, Paul Wyatt, was also visiting Israel.

Other senior UK defence figures who have made the unpublicised trips to Israel include the head of the UK’s Strategic Command, James Hockenhull, who reportedly subtly visited Tel Aviv for a “UK-Israel bilateral” back on 28 December 2023.

The head of the Royal Air Force (RAF), Air Chief Marshal, Sir Richard Knighton, also made a visit on 9 January 2024 for undeclared purposes. Although the topic of that trip remains unspecified, the RAF’s operations in the Middle East have since dramatically increased, with the Air Force conducting hundreds of flights over the Gaza Strip to gather intelligence to share with Israeli Occupation forces.

According to an MoD spokesperson quoted by the outlet, the UK and its allies made efforts “to reach a peaceful resolution to the ongoing conflict in Gaza”, hence why “senior defence officials have visited Israel for routine diplomatic visits”. They claimed that the “Discussions included the UK calls for an immediate ceasefire in Gaza and the need for all parties to comply with international humanitarian law while recognising Israel’s right to security.”
US House passes bill to impose sanctions on International Criminal Court

THE US IS NOT A MEMBER OF THE ICC



The International Criminal Court (ICC) building is pictured on November 21, 2024 in The Hague. [LAURENS VAN PUTTEN/ANP/AFP via Getty Images]

JANUARY 9, 2025
MEMO

The US House of Representatives passed a bill Thursday to impose sanctions on the International Criminal Court (ICC) in protest of its arrest warrant for Israeli officials, Anadolu Agency reports.

The bill, which was introduced last Friday as soon as the 119th Congress began, passed in a 243-140 vote.

The Illegitimate Court Counteraction Act imposes sanctions on those who aid efforts by the ICC to prosecute Americans or Israelis.

The ICC issued arrest warrants in November for Israeli Prime Minister, Benjamin Netanyahu, and his former Defence Minister, Yoav Gallant, for war crimes and crimes against humanity in the Gaza Strip.

US congresswoman, Rashida Tlaib, criticised the voting.

“What’s their top priority the first week of the new Congress? Lowering costs? Addressing the housing crisis? No, it’s sanctioning the International Criminal Court to protect genocidal maniac (Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin) Netanyahu so he can continue the genocide in Gaza,” Tlaib wrote on X.

Rep. Jim McGovern criticised Republicans for prioritising sanctioning the ICC amid the wildfires in the state of California.

“Of all the ways that Republicans have shown this country how messed up and backwards their priorities are, I have to say that this bill that we debating today to sanction the International Criminal Court, the ICC, this really takes the cake,” McGovern said from the House floor.

Senate Majority Leader, John Thune, pledged to bring the legislation to the Senate floor.

The Israeli army has continued a genocidal war on the Gaza Strip that has killed more than 46,000 victims, mostly women and children, since 7 October, 2023, despite a UN Security Council resolution calling for an immediate ceasefire.
Opinion

Remembering the First Intifada and the birth of Hamas



Palestinian women confront Israeli troops during the first intifada in December 1987 [Robert Croma / maryscullyreports.com]


by Dr Mustafa Fetouri
MFetouri

January 9, 2025 
MEMO

The Palestinian First Intifada started on 7 December, 1987, marked by mass demonstrations, first in Gaza before spreading to the entire Palestinian occupied West Bank and East Jerusalem. Frustrated, angry and dispossessed Palestinians from all ages and all walks of Life took to the streets, throwing stones at the Israeli occupation forces. Their targets then, as they are today: independence, end of occupation and, above all, living in dignity after decades of Israeli brutality the outside world can only imagine.

Fully controlling all Palestinian territories (land occupied after 1967), Israeli forces shrouded the crimes they were committing in complete secrecy, making it difficult for the outside world to know what was really happening. Unlike today with social media and the internet, getting information was indeed a difficult task. But, like today in Gaza, all journalists are banned from entering the enclave while those already inside are being targeted by Israeli soldiers, drones and snipers with over 217 already killed.

In the background of the First Intifada, Ḥarakat Al-Muqāwamah Al-ʾIslāmiyyah (Islamic Resistance Movement), appeared by first distributing leaflets announcing its goals, explaining itself and familiarising the public with its shorthand name: Hamas—that name would persist as always to mean resistance. While in its infant days, Hamas did not play a significant role in the First Intifada compared to well-established other Palestinian movements; however, it was noted as a new player yet to be considered to have any major impact on the wider resistance movement inside Palestine.

OPINION: EU funding for Israeli tech raises fresh concerns about complicity in genocide

Hamas went on to represent zeal, determination and strong self-belief. Years on, and the movement has transformed itself from what it was then to what it has become today: a prominent player in Palestinian politics, Israeli internal politics, regional player and, above all, an essential partner for peace and war. Despite decades of Israeli dehumanisation and propaganda, aided by regional countries who do not share Hamas’ views, the movement established itself in Gaza and beyond. Without any glorification or sharing its ideology, any objective observer has to recognise Hamas’ role today.

However, the First Intifada went beyond being a platform for Hamas to announce itself; it predominantly alters the equation of the Palestinian struggle in many ways. First, it gave the simple Palestinian person under occupation self-confidence that unarmed mass protests are the easiest way of rejecting occupation. The yield might be below expectations but that is part of the nature of resistance countering colonisation which is bent on expanding through policies of land-annexations creating a new status-quo forced upon the occupied.

Secondly, the Intifada was not an isolated one-time event but was the trigger for more uprisings that depended entirely on the active participation of the masses, without whose sacrifices colonisation would become a new reality its victims have to accept as part of life. As Israeli forces resorted to a heavy handed approach to quell the mass demonstrations, they committed heinous crimes including murder and mass arrests. Amnesty International in its report, six months into the Intifada estimated that more than 5,000 Palestinians were in administrative detention usually, indefinitely, extended. Over 1,100 killed, with the majority being children. The same policy is being repeated in the continuing Gaza genocide where 70 per cent of the estimated 170,000 dead, injured and missing are women and children.

Then, like today, the Israeli policy of terrorising the civilian population exposed it to more international scrutiny and focusing rights groups on the Palestinian issue after decades of avoiding it. More importantly, it created pro-Palestinian international public opinion just like it did since 7 October, 2023 in which condemnation of Israel became the norm.

Third, and probably the most important impact of the first Intifada, is making the Israeli public opinion aware on such a large scale, maybe for the first time, that Palestinians under occupation cannot be pacified through brutal force and terror. The more iron fist policy, land theft and ever expanding settlements will only bring more resistance.

Fourth, the First Intifada, which ended in 1993, forced the United States, the financier and protector of Israel, to do more to revive the so called peace process, eventually leading to the signing of the Oslo Accords between the PLO and Israel. Indeed, the Accords failed to end the occupation or to make people’s lives any better, thanks to Israel’s backtracking on its side of the bargain, but it created an international momentum that Palestine does exist and the issue here is more than a dispute over some land here or there; it is about the eradication of colonisation, once and for all. It is about living safely, with dignity and peacefully of the entire Palestinian population, with the right of return for the millions abroad.

OPINION: Celebrating revolution by annihilating it is Abbas’s style

Fifth, and as the critical outcome of the Intifada took the struggle down to the people, making resistance real grassroots movement with its own narrative centred on the idea of non-stop resistance to which ordinary Palestinians can contribute. It also highlighted and created a simpler and focused national unified narrative that simply says: the Palestinians want freedom just like every other nation on earth; they demand their stolen land back and want their own state.

The fact that Hamas became the beacon of grassroots resistance, without denying other Palestinian movements, was and will always be associated with the First Intifada when it was born. While the movement might have been weakened and could also be on the brink of collapse altogether, that does not mean the end of what it stood for and what it represented to the individual Palestinian inside Palestine and in the Diaspora. Whenever the First Intifada is debated, Hamas will be part of the debate, not as bunch of terrorists as some would like to define it but as a grassroots movement that came into being because of the brutality of occupation that is doomed and will eventually fail.

Israel might end up controlling Gaza when its current genocide ends but it must realise that controlling Gaza is not only the wrong policy but it is prerequisite to create more resistance in more creative ways yet to be known.

The First Intifada erupted when Israel was still controlling Gaza and following the same policy will produce the same outcome; more Hamas(s) will be born out of the apartheid occupation.

Palestinian-wise, and in light of what has been going on over the last 15 months, no Palestinian Authority collaborating with Israel and helping, however indirectly, the occupation can survive the will of the people. Maybe martyred Palestinian leaders like the late Ahmed Yassin, Yasser Arafat and the hundreds of others Israel murdered did not envision any of this, but there is always someone who does, and that someone is likely to come around and lead just like the late Sinwar did.

In a final note, the word “Intifada” has become standard in many languages without the need for any explaining footnote!

The views expressed in this article belong to the author and do not necessarily reflect the editorial policy of Middle East Monitor.


Opinion

When it comes to genocide and Palestine, the world is — deliberately — getting its priorities wrong


A protester holds a placard which states ‘Defund the IOF (Israel Occupation Forces) not UNRWA (United Nations Relief and Works Agency)’ during the demonstration in Haymarket, London on February 2024 
[Vuk Valcic/SOPA Images/LightRocket via Getty Images]

by Ramona Wadi
walzerscent
January 9, 2025 
MEMO

As Israel’s ban on the UN Refugee and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees (UNRWA) looms closer, the language used by officials deals more with possibilities than realities. The reason, it seems, is to give Israel enough of an advantage in carrying out its genocide, while Palestinians remain trapped by the atrocities that the international community refuses to halt.

For example, last year US President Joe Biden signed an agreement – allegedly temporary – banning US funding for UNRWA for a year. A recent report by Axios, however, notes that the outgoing Biden administration has warned the Trump administration transition team that “there could be a humanitarian catastrophe” in Gaza if Israel bans UNRWA from operating.

“We wanted them to know what is going to happen 10 days into their presidency,” an unnamed US official was quoted as telling Axios. “We thought it was the responsible thing to do. It’s a catastrophe waiting to happen.”

Keeping in mind that in his first presidency, Donald Trump cut off all funding to UNRWA and led other countries following suit, while Biden temporarily restored aid and suspended it again in his last year as president, the scene is set for complicity with Israel’s decision.

READ: Doctors Against Genocide demand release of Kamal Adwan Hospital Director

Meanwhile, Gaza has been experiencing a humanitarian catastrophe as a result of genocide which is being fragmented into existing separate catastrophes, such as famine, displacement, cold and lack of shelter. UNRWA’s possible forced ending of its operations in Gaza, however, is now being touted as the humanitarian catastrophe without any acknowledgement of the current catastrophes induced by genocide carried out by the settler-colonial state of Israel.


Obliterating UNRWA will not obliterate Palestinian refugees.


Only decolonisation can do that. What Israel is doing, through colonialism and genocide, is to create more Palestinian refugees. “A catastrophe waiting happen”, therefore is not correct. The catastrophe has been ongoing for decades, and if UNRWA is banned from operating, Palestinians in Gaza will be facing the worsening of an already existing catastrophe that is also the international community’s doing given that it substituted Palestinian political rights for the humanitarian paradigm. All, of course, in the service of Israeli colonial expansion.




Israel bans UNRWA’s operations – Cartoon [Sabaaneh/MiddleEastMonitor]In a letter to the UN General Assembly dated December 2024, the international organisation’s Secretary-General Antonio Guterres wrote that the cessation of UNRWA’s activities “would have devastating consequences” particularly since no alternative to the agency has been set up to replace it.

Coming from the UN, and the Secretary-General in particular, such discourse is reminiscent of the countdown to Gaza becoming unliveable. Yet, when unliveable transitioned to completely destroyed once the genocide started, the UN mellowed its discourse once again. Guterres is now warning of impending devastating consequences, but what of all that has happened since the 1947 Partition Plan and subsequent ethnic cleansing? Each step in Israel’s colonial expansion brought about consequences that were both directly related to the implementation of settler-colonial ideology, which the international community endorsed without hesitation.

While UNRWA’s work is crucial, it is also important to recognise its limitations which stem from the fact that the international community invests more in colonialism and genocide than it does in the humanitarian paradigm. UNRWA was supposed to be as temporary as Israel’s colonisation was purportedly envisaged and imparted to the rest of the world and to the Palestinian people. Now that the world is witnessing a genocide that it doesn’t want to stop, what is really the greatest problem? UNRWA’s demise, or the web of complicity which endorses and participates in Palestine’s destruction and the genocide of the Palestinian people? The world is getting its priorities wrong.

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