Friday, February 28, 2025

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Emilia Pérez isn’t groundbreaking, it’s colonialist

It’s up for the most Oscars this year, but the film, its star, and its director are all propping up dangerous tropes.


Ali M. Latifi
Asia Editor
NEW HUANITARIAN
Editor’s take
28 February 2025

Faye's Vision/Cover Images via Reuters ConnectEmilia Pérez has been a critical hit since its Cannes premiere, but Latino and queer audiences, in particular, have found the musical about a trans Mexican druglord to be full of tropes and racism.

Editor’s note: This opinion piece is part of an occasional series exploring cultural topics adjacent to our humanitarian coverage.
BANGKOK

Emilia Pérez has been earning critical acclaim since its Cannes premiere last May. The musical – about a Mexican drug lord who transitions into a woman in an attempt to leave her violent past behind – has been racking up nominations at major awards shows. At the Oscars this weekend, it’s up for 13 prizes, the most of any film.

The industry has wholeheartedly embraced the film. “It’s bold, it’s daring, it’s a vision,” said James Cameron. British actress Emily Blunt called it “a singular experience”. Honduran-American actress America Ferrera, who has long talked about challenging Anglo-Saxon beauty standards and advancing Latino representation, simply said, “Don’t miss it”, in an Instagram post. Director Greta Gerwig, who served on the jury at last year’s Cannes Film Festival, gave its four leads the Best Actress prize.

But for all its industry support, audiences – and Latino and queer audiences, in particular – have largely been confused by the film’s acclaim.

To its many detractors, Emilia Pérez’s attempts at representation are hollow – full of too many missteps to be taken seriously. The Gay & Lesbian Alliance Against Defamation, for example, called it out as “a step backward for trans representation”.

Though the story takes place in Mexico and was shot in France, it was eventually co-opted as some sort of treatise on politics in the United States, which was in the midst of a presidential election during the film’s promotional cycle.

Had Kamala Harris won the election, it would likely have been held up as an example of the kind of multicultural, gender-affirming, and feminist society her backers purported a Harris victory would herald.

Of course, the former prosecutor did not become the first female president. Nor did she become the first Indian-American to ascend to the highest office in the land.

Instead, Donald Trump, the embodiment of a straight, white man, made history himself as only the second president to secure two non-consecutive terms. Immediately after returning to the Oval Office, Trump made it official government policy to recognise only two genders, embarked on a mass deportation effort, and claimed he would “wage war” against the cartels in Central and South America.

To some critics, high-profile directors, and actors who showered the film with effusive praise for its supposed representation and for simultaneously tackling the issues of cartel violence and gender identity, Trump’s declaration that Mexico was “essentially run by cartels” made the film even more politically potent.

“Emilia Pérez’s Golden Globes triumph is a giant middle finger to Trump,” a Telegraph headline read after the film won four prizes at the January ceremony.

But this did not ring true for people from the communities the film claimed to represent. For them, Emilia Pérez highlighted the flimsiness of the kinds of identity politics the Democratic Party hoped would lead them to a history-making victory.

In fact, it may be more in line with Trump’s bombastic rhetoric that managed to combine and conflate the racism behind the United States’ failed wars on drugs and terror, both of which were aimed almost directly at brown and Black men.

As online film critic Grace Randolph said, the film made the industry “look tone deaf” because it was “forcing representation on people who were saying ‘this is horrible representation, we don’t want it.’”

Considering a University of Southern California study found that between 2006 and 2022 only 4.4% of leads and co-leads were Latino, that’s saying a lot about how they view Emilia Pérez’s portrayal of Latinos.
“I don’t speak English, I don’t speak Spanish”

For its strongest critics, Emilia Pérez is nothing more than a straight white Frenchman’s offensive and reductive vision of Mexico, transnational drug violence (which has claimed at least 500,000 lives since 2006), and transgenderism.

The numerous controversies that have plagued the film since the announcement of its 13 Oscar nominations – the second-highest in history – have done little to disavow its critics of that view.

When director Jacques Audiard set out to make the movie, he said he didn’t feel it necessary to learn Spanish or shoot the film in Mexico. In fact, he said Mexico was too limiting a place for what he had envisioned. He went on to write the script, which has earned him a nomination for Best Adapted Screenplay, despite not speaking the two languages of the protagonists, before shooting the film in a studio in his native France.

“When it comes to languages, I’m a loser. I don’t speak English, I don’t speak Spanish, so on. But every morning when I went to work, I had to figure out how to speak Karla Sofía [Gascón], how to speak Selena [Gomez], how to speak Zoë [Saldaña], these vernacular languages,” Audiard said, after an October screening of the film at the Directors Guild of America.


Audiard’s disregard for linguistic and geographic accuracy is in itself an act of colonialist hubris.

So Audiard ended up directing a film about some of the most important and contested political and societal issues of the day with a cast speaking (both on and off the set) entirely in languages he didn’t understand.

Zoë Saldaña, the Puerto-Rican actress who plays one of the four leads, tried to defend this during an online roundtable, saying Audiard’s vision isn’t “limited by language”.

The way the now Best Supporting Actress nominee saw it, the camaraderie on the set overcame any language barriers between the director and his stars, “When you’re synced with people, a language is just one more tool.”

“It was a beautiful process,” she said.

Despite Saldaña’s positivity, the truth is that Audiard’s disregard for linguistic and geographic accuracy is in itself an act of colonialist hubris. The history of Hollywood is littered with examples of an outsider presuming to push his own vision of a community and a country he doesn’t belong to under the guise of art. From The Good Earth to Lawrence of Arabia to Out of Africa, many have been rewarded with gold statuettes.

It’s not to say there haven’t been successful examples of directors working outside their native language. Taiwanese filmmaker Ang Lee admitted it was his limited “pidgin English” that kept him from being an actor and eventually turned him to directing. When he was making 2005’s Brokeback Mountain – which earned him Best Picture and Best Director nominations – Lee admitted: “There’s nothing further away from me than Wyoming gay cowboys”. However, he managed to traverse that disconnect and, unlike Audiard, won praise for crafting a film that offered an authentic and understated look at struggling with one’s sexuality in the 1960s.

For the world’s 500 million native Spanish speakers, who are among the film’s sharpest critics, the inaccuracies that Audiard’s lack of proficiency led to are glaringly obvious.

“Given that I don’t speak Spanish, the nuances of the Mexican accent versus the Castilian were lost on me,” Audiard admitted to The New York Times. “We had all these problems with accents, but we fixed them in the edit. We did a lot of dubbing.”

When Audiard spoke to French media about his views on the Spanish language, he did not mince his words.

“Spanish is a language of modest countries, of developing countries, of the poor and migrants,” he said. Audiard’s inability to see that due to colonialism the same could easily be said about French and English highlights how little he understood about the communities he sought to portray, and how colonial his mindset truly is.

For a man whose portrayal of Mexico was called “hypnotic and beautiful” by famed Mexican director Guillermo Del Toro, his assumptions about the economic status of entire swathes of people in Central and South America, Europe, and the African continent, don’t sound too far off from Trump, who has made it his goal to deport millions of people from such backgrounds.

It also falls in with how Hollywood has typically portrayed Latinos. According to that USC study, 24.4% of Latino leads played immigrants. The same amount were portrayed as low-income characters. Criminals made up 57.8% of the roles, and of those, 46.2% were violent criminals.

The characters in Emilia Pérez represent all of those at one time or another.

Ironically, America Ferrera, who seemed to love the film, had spoken out against such representations back in 2023.

“According to the numbers, the dominant narrative our industry puts into the world is that Latinos either don’t exist or they are poor, immigrant criminals,” she said at an Academy luncheon.

When speaking of the drug war that spans the American landmass, Audiard was just as trite and reductive. “What interested me also is the endemic violence that Mexico deals with and the tremendous amount of people who have disappeared,” he said to The New York Times about 100,000 missing people, a matter that becomes a major plot point towards the end of the film.

The overly simplistic redemption arc for Gascón’s Emilia and Saldaña’s Rita has also come under severe criticism. “It outrages us by not considering the daily pain that consumes us every day. Here, in reality, there are no happy endings – only tragedy, abandonment, and desolation,” a group of mothers of the disappeared said of the film’s portrayal of the search for the missing.

To the film’s sharpest critics, for whom the attempts at representation were laughable, there was only way to get back at Audiard, with their own humor. That’s exactly what Mexican filmmaker Camila Aurora decided to do when she made Johanne Sacrebleu, a satirical send-up of Emilia Pérez that is laden with French stereotypes, including a star-crossed trans love story between the heirs to baguette and croissant fortunes respectively. The 20-minute short was a hit with Latin American audiences.


Camila D. Aurora/YouTubeDirector and writer Camila Aurora González in a scene from Johanne Sacrebleu, a 20-minute short satirical film in response to Emilia Pérez.
“An Afro-Korean festival”

After the film’s Cannes premiere – where it secured the Jury Prize – Karla Sofía Gascón started gaining Oscar buzz for her turn as the titular character. When Gascón did secure her Oscar nomination last month, she too made history as the first openly trans Best Actress nominee.

At the Golden Globes, where the film won in the Best Picture (Musical/Comedy) category, Gascón made it a point to invoke her identity, saying, “The light always wins over darkness… I am who I am, not who you want.”

The ceremony took place in Los Angeles two weeks before Trump assumed office.

However, as the campaign season rolled on, her own darkness came to light after her years-long history of bigoted tweets were exposed. Though they went as far back as 2016, many of her most egregious statements were posted between 2020 and 2021.

Each post showed that despite her words at the Golden Globes, Gascón herself prefers entire communities of people to be as she wishes.

In September 2020, she posted a photo of Muslim woman in a niqab saying, “Islam is marvelous, without any machismo. Women are respected, and when they are so respected they are left with a little squared hole on their faces for their eyes to be visible and their mouths, but only if she behaves. Although they dress this way for their own enjoyment. How DEEPLY DISGUSTING OF HUMANITY.”

That was just one of several posts that highlighted that Gascón believes there are too many Muslims in her native Spain and that the religion should be banned. To help make her point, she turned to old colonial tropes, referring to Moroccans as “fucking Moors”.

Her prejudices were not limited to Spain and Islamophobia. She also felt it necessary to comment on the Black Lives Matter movement and police brutality in the United States.

Only days after the May 2020 police murder of George Floyd, she said in a now-deleted tweet, “I really think that very few people ever cared about George Floyd, a drug addict swindler, but his death has served to once again demonstrate that there are people who still consider black people to be monkeys Without rights and consider policemen to be assassins… They’re all wrong.”

Even the Academy Awards were not free from her disdain. Reacting to the 2021 ceremony, in which Chloe Zhao, Daniel Kaluuya and Yuh-Jung Youn won Best Director and Best Supporting Actor and Actress respectively, Gascón said: “More and more the #Oscars are looking like a ceremony for independent and protest films. I didn’t know if I was watching an Afro-Korean festival, a Black Lives Matter demonstration or the 8M.”

The one person she did seem to have some sympathy for: Adolf Hitler. “I do not understand so much world war against Hitler, he simply had his opinion of the Jews. Well, that’s how the world goes,” she said of the Third Reich leader in 2019.

Gascón, it seems, wants to be accepted for who and what she is but has little sympathy for others.

Even in her apology, sent to El País, Gascón doubled down on her hubris and ignorance.

“I will never agree with women being forced to wear a burqa,” she said in reference to her picture from a restaurant in Spain. For someone who asked for “forgiveness” and says she should not be held responsible for “what others interpret” her statements to mean, Gascón seems to have few qualms about airing her own Islamophobic assumptions about a religion of more than a billion people.

The fact is, there was no proof the woman in Gascón’s photo was forced to cover. Furthermore, the garment she was wearing was a niqab, not a burqa. Though it has become a catch-all for any covering worn by conservative Muslim women, “burqa” is the Westernised term for a specific all-encompassing garment some Afghan women wear.

Gascón proceeded to invoke the term “lynching” to describe the online backlash her posts have received. It is both surprising and confirming that a woman who is under fire for years of racist rhetoric would employ the term lynching in her defense.

For Black people in the US, the term has historically been used to show the white supremacist policies and vigilante violence that led to the deaths of thousands of mostly Black men at the hands of angry white mobs.

Taken together, Audiard’s and Gascón’s comments show that the era of good intentions in Hollywood must come to an end. Simply claiming you have something positive to say is no longer enough. Identity politics can no longer be used to shield you from criticism. Representation matters, but that alone is also not enough.

Rather than checking boxes, the focus should be on understanding, accuracy, and yes, decolonisation.

As the director and star (not to mention the content of the film itself) show, whiteness and imperialism are still powerful, potent forces, and their stranglehold is not limited by a political ideal, gender, or medium.
For Myanmar’s war victims and Rohingya refugees, US aid cuts are disastrous

“Many humanitarian projects have already been suspended, and humanitarian groups are letting go of staff in droves.”


THE NEW HUMANITARIAN
27 February 2025

Tanbirul Miraj Ripon
Journalist covering political conflict and transnational security in Bangladesh and Myanmar

Ali M. Latifi
Asia Editor

Ro Yassin Abdumonab/ReutersRohingya walk along a pathway built with the help of USAID funding, at a refugee camp in Cox's Bazar, Bangladesh, on 10 February 2025.
COX’S BAZAR, Bangladesh


When President Donald Trump’s administration announced a 90-day pause on all US foreign aid, there was at least one place that aid workers felt relieved to hear could be exempt: Myanmar.

On 6 February, the White House released a document entitled, “Continuation of the National Emergency With Respect to the Situation in and in Relation to Burma.” That document referred back to a February 2021 Executive Order that said the military coup that had just taken place in Myanmar constituted an “unusual and extraordinary threat to the national security and foreign policy of the United States”.

Aid workers hoped the document, signed by Trump himself – combined with a Department of State waiver for life-saving assistance – would allow them to continue their work in Myanmar and, by extension, in the refugee camps in Bangladesh that are now home to more than one million Rohingya Muslims.

That sense of relief has been short-lived, according to aid officials and Rohingya refugees in Bangladesh and Myanmar – most of whom only agreed to be interviewed on condition of anonymity, citing security reasons or the sensitivity of the topic.

USAID-funded projects in both Myanmar and Bangladesh have already been hit, with UN agencies, international NGOs, and local aid groups having to scale back some healthcare services, food aid, and educational programmes.

“Most NGOs and humanitarian groups will not be able to continue their activities in the very near future,” Peter Bouckaert, senior director of Fortify Rights, a rights organisation focused on Myanmar, told The New Humanitarian. “Many humanitarian projects have already been suspended, and humanitarian groups are letting go of staff in droves.”

Trump’s executive order, signed on his first day back in the Oval Office, 20 January, said he was suspending all US foreign aid programmes for 90 days pending a review by Secretary of State Marco Rubio.

After a confusing stream of stop-work orders and waivers since, a Department of State spokesperson confirmed on 26 February plans to cut 92% of USAID foreign assistance grants.

Cuts to staff, and to aid programmes

An international organisation that has long operated in both Myanmar and Bangladesh told The New Humanitarian that the initial stop-work order from USAID meant they had to lay off 1,200 workers across their agency, which operates in dozens of countries.

By mid-February, the organisation said it had issued 30-day termination notices to half their staff in both Myanmar and Bangladesh.

“Basically, any programme that helps women or girls or youth, we were asked to remove that language.”

The country representative said their organisation was granted several waivers, but that they ultimately amounted to “political theatre” rather than actual assurances.

“We received feedback on some of our suspended awards. One said we had to remove any mention of ‘girls’, ‘women’, ‘youth’, ‘equity’, or ‘inclusion’… Basically, any programme that helps women or girls or youth, we were asked to remove that language,” he said.

Though this falls in line with Trump’s push to do away with any diversity, equity, and inclusion programmes in the United States, the country representative said such stipulations would make their work nearly impossible.

“I don’t know what we’re gonna replace those words with,” he said, adding that the whole point of many of their programmes was to be inclusive. Like most aid organisations, his group targets female students as part of its school lunch programmes exactly because “they’re the ones that usually drop out” at an early age.

According to UNICEF, 122 million girls are out of school worldwide. In Myanmar, only 26% of girls complete upper secondary school.

“What’s a better term, ‘human people’?” he asked mockingly.

Another stipulation from the White House – a ban on any multi-purpose cash assistance – may end up costing his organisation as much as $200,000 for only a week’s worth of cash distributions to farmers in Myanmar.

“The best, safest way for us to assist people is cash, but now we’re not allowed to do even that,” he said, citing reports of aid confiscation and diversion by the ruling junta.

“If we actively tried to distribute food or other items, they would just be confiscated by the State Administrative Council,” he said, using the official name that Myanmar’s military leadership goes by.
The fallout begins in the Rohingya camps

The situation in the overcrowded and dangerous camps in Bangladesh where more than a million Rohingya refugees live since being forced from Myanmar by the military’s allegedly genocidal campaign is no better.

NGO workers and residents in Cox’s Bazar, a coastal resort in Bangladesh that now hosts the world’s largest refugee camp complex, told The New Humanitarian they are just as confused by the fallout from the aid suspensions and stop-work orders.

Aid workers speaking to The New Humanitarian said the US provides more than 55% ($301 million) of all the international aid into the camps, and that the stop-work orders have had an immediate impact on a wide swathe of services.

The CEO of one local aid organisation said everything from vaccination to nutrition, from sanitation to skills development projects, has been hit by the cuts and stop-work orders. This, he said, will create serious health problems inside the camps.

Bangladeshi Refugee Relief and Repatriation Commissioner Mohammed Mizanur Rahman said a three-month suspension of emergency assistance to the camps will create “a humanitarian disaster” for Bangladesh and the region. He was speaking before the latest news of permanent cuts to nearly all USAID programmes.

He told The New Humanitarian in early February that at least 78,000 people in the camps had already been directly affected by the suspensions and aid cuts.

Due to the 90-day suspension, one international aid organisation with operations in Bangladesh said they had to halt outpatient consultations, inpatient services, and community outreach activities in the primary healthcare centres where they operate.

The NGO CEO said the Trump administration needs to realise that “these people are from Myanmar, and they are living in the camps with minimal facilities” and services.

The international organisation warned that the halting of these services would actually work in contravention of the Secretary of State’s 29 January waiver “to continue life-saving humanitarian assistance programmes”.

“Without emergency referral services, patients requiring advanced treatment may experience life-threatening delays, increasing the risk of preventable deaths,” the organisation said in an email to The New Humanitarian.
Camp residents flag healthcare and food impacts

Nur Bagicha said she has experienced the effects of the cuts on primary healthcare centres firsthand.

“I have a newborn baby, only four months old. I went to the nearby hospitals, but they said their services are closed now,” the 21-year-old told The New Humanitarian. Due to the complications of traveling from one camp to another and the bureaucratic hurdles that come with inter-camp assistance, she said she’s not sure how to get even basic neo-natal services.

Nur’s case is just one example of the many risks ahead the international aid organisation warned of for women and babies in the Rohingya camps: “The lack of maternity and newborn care deprives women and newborns of essential services such as skilled birth attendance and emergency obstetric care.”

A nurse working in the camps said health facilities have already had to cut back on staff and services. The waivers have done little to reassure anyone, she told The New Humanitarian. “We can only continue to provide informational services at this point,” the nurse said.

Ending the suspension of health services in the camps is all the more urgent because, according to several NGO sources, “everyone who arrives” from Myanmar faces health issues, while, inside the country, the junta is accused of targeting health facilities in airstrikes and hoarding basic medical supplies like vaccines and mosquito nets.

Even food assistance has been affected.


“We survive on monthly rations from the WFP, which are very limited for the entire month.”

The World Food Programme was allowed to restart the distribution of rice, but Bouckaert of Fortify Rights pointed out that this did not include permission for the supplies needed to boil and cook the rice.

“It’s a bit hard to see how people are going to cook the rice” without fuel for water sources and cooking oil, he told The New Humanitarian.

Even before the cuts, the food aid wasn’t enough to sustain families in the camp for an entire month, especially after the WFP’s previous cuts in 2023, which caused reductions in food assistance in more than 40 countries due to funding shortfalls.

Ziabul Hossain lives with 15 members of his family in one of the refugee camps in Cox’s Bazar. He said his family depended on the food aid, even if it often wasn’t enough, because they are not allowed to seek employment outside the camps.

“We survive on monthly rations from the WFP, which are very limited for the entire month,” the 30-year-old told The New Humanitarian. “It is very tough to survive with such limited food.”

Peter Saiful, another camp resident, warned that the funding cuts – combined with the lack of work opportunities for the refugees – could lead to greater insecurity inside the camps, which are already riddled with criminal gangs and arson attacks. “The only option left is illegal business,” he added.

Additional reporting from Ali M. Latifi in Kabul, Afghanistan. Edited by Andrew Gully.

 

Commemorating USAID – OpEd

US Agency for International Development (USAID). Photo Credit: Tasnim News Agency

By 

On February 5, the story of the most successful U.S. foreign policy project of all time officially ended with a terse message on the USAID website.


The United States Agency for International Development was established in November 1961 by John F. Kennedy as part of restructuring U.S. foreign aid programs in the context of the confrontation with the Soviet Union. Remarkably, USAID was the first U.S. organization provided long-term social and economic support to other countries, and some programs have been in operation for decades.

The agency’s average annual budget – more than $50 billion – was larger than the GDP of 90 countries around the world. This made USAID the world’s leading official aid agency, both in relative and absolute monetary terms. Approximately 1% of the U.S. federal budget was allocated to fund the programs of this organization.

To date, more than 100 countries around the world received humanitarian aid from USAID. In 2023 alone, the agency disbursed more than $72 billion, more than 16 of which were sent to Ukraine. Jordan, Afghanistan, Syria, Ethiopia, Jordan, Ethiopia, and Somalia have also received significant payments.

USAID provided considerable development assistance to Ukraine, where, according to various sources, there were between 40 and 115 programs with about 11,000 employees and a total budget of about 2.5 percent of the country’s GDP. The agency’s activities were varied: USAID ensured much of the country’s energy and food security, supported democracy, human rights, legal, anti-corruption, social, medical, and educational projects, and promoted media development in Ukraine.

Despite all its social and public importance around the world, the agency has been heavily criticized. In fact, the biggest and most vicious blow to the organization was delivered by Elon Musk as part of Donald Trump’s fight against Democratic influence. Musk, who was appointed to head the Office of Government Efficiency, made USAID one of his main targets, accusing the agency of inefficient spending and working in close collaboration with the CIA.

Both allegations are difficult to prove or deny without evidence. However, misuse of funds in such a large organization with a serious budget is unfortunately not surprising and certainly has its place. But in light of the overall performance of the agency, it would make more sense to conduct a serious audit of the company’s operations and identify mismanaged spending than to shut down the organization entirely.

Washington also promotes its own agenda with humanitarian aid. Some would call this a conspiracy theory, but it’s naive to believe that foreign policy is not controlled by intelligence agencies.

By suspending the agency, Trump is not only depriving Ukraine of aid, but also the most vulnerable poorest countries in Africa and the Middle East.

Trump isn’t the first to try to rationalize government spending. In 1982, the 40th President of the United States, Ronald Reagan, initiated the President’s Private Sector Survey on Cost Control, better known as the Grace Commission. The goal of the commission was to analyze the efficiency of government spending and find ways to reduce the budget deficit. More than 2,000 volunteers from the private sector, including top executives from major U.S. corporations, were part of the commission. They examined 2,000 federal programs and focused on eliminating inefficiencies and duplication, adopting private sector management techniques, reducing bureaucracy and simplifying processes, and increasing transparency and accountability.

However, the results of the Commission’s work were disappointing: out of 2,478 recommendations, the vast majority were not implemented. In particular, the state was not ready for such large-scale reforms. Officials were concerned about the excessive focus on privatization of state functions. As a consequence, current efforts to reduce government spending, which has been on the rise around the world, could have an impact on key aspects of U.S. domestic and foreign policy

According to the commissioners’ plan, if all the recommendations were implemented (which, according to some economists and officials, seemed unrealistic), it was planned to save 1.9 trillion dollars by the year 2000, while Musk, without much thought, declared his ability to reduce budget expenditures by 2 trillion dollars. In addition to blatant populism, Musk’s statements reveal overt lobbying for big business.

Unfortunately, the political challenges of 2025 did not allow USAID to operate in the same way. Undoubtedly, the United States will not abandon such a large and effective soft power tool. However, the concept and principles of its work, as well as the scale of its assistance, will certainly be reviewed. It has already been announced that the agency’s activities will be taken over by the US Department of State. Due to Trump’s desire for isolationism, and in an effort to increse his own power, hundreds of millions of people around the world are at risk of being deprived of support, which will affect the state of their civil rights and freedoms, the volume and quality of consumer baskets, as well as access to information. 

Born out of the reforms of the 1960s, USAID fell victim to similar reforms in 2025. Unable to withstand the pressures of the political environment, the agency faded into oblivion, ending an era of foreign policy prosperity that lasted more than 60 years.


Neil Karpenko, PhD, Ukraine’s history and politics researcher residing in Toronto. Contributing author to Haaretz, The Hill Times and Morning Star

 

Trump's migration clampdown endangers remittances lifeline to Central America

Trump's migration clampdown endangers remittances lifeline to Central America
According to financial experts, without these vital remittances, the economies of several Central American countries would have faced severe difficulties long ago. / bne IntelliNewsFacebook
By bne IntelliNews February 26, 2025

Latin American and Caribbean countries will receive approximately $160.9bn in remittances in 2024, representing a 5% growth compared to the previous year, according to a report by the Inter-American Development Bank (IDB).

Although the pace of growth has slowed, these financial flows continue to serve as an essential economic lifeline for several countries in the region, with Mexico capturing the largest share at $65.1bn – accounting for 40.5% of total remittances sent to Latin America and the Caribbean.

The United States, where President Donald Trump vows to deport "millions" of undocumented immigrants, remains the primary source of these remittances, followed by Spain and other European countries. Canada and South American nations such as Chile and Argentina also contribute significantly to these flows.

Guatemala has emerged as the second-largest recipient in the region and the leading beneficiary in Central America, with remittances reaching a historic $21.5bn in 2024 – $1.7bn higher than the amount collected in 2023, according to the Bank of Guatemala.

The Dominican Republic ranks third with $10.1bn, followed by El Salvador with $8.4bn, where remittances account for approximately 24% of the country's GDP, highlighting its heavy dependence on these earnings.

Colombia has experienced remarkable growth in remittance receipts, recording a 17.2% increase to reach $7.5bn, driven by increased migration in recent years. Honduras ($7.0bn), Ecuador ($4.7bn), Peru ($4.5bn), Nicaragua ($3.9bn) and Bolivia ($1.8bn) complete the top 10 recipients.

For many Central American nations, these remittances have become economic lifelines of extraordinary proportions. In 2023, El Salvador, Guatemala, Honduras, and Nicaragua collectively received nearly $42bn in family remittances, a figure that constitutes approximately a quarter of their combined GDP and exceeds other critical economic inflows such as foreign investment, tourism, and exports.

The economic dependence on these transfers varies significantly across the region. Remittances now account for approximately 27% of GDP in Honduras, 26% in Nicaragua, 24% in El Salvador, and nearly 20% in Guatemala. By contrast, wealthier nations with lower emigration rates, such as Panama and Costa Rica, see remittances contributing only 1-5% of GDP.

This dependence has grown substantially in recent years, with remittances to these four nations surging from $19bn in 2017 to $41.8bn in 2023, reflecting increased emigration primarily to the United States.

The IDB report, published in November with preliminary figures for some months, details how these funds are utilised. The vast majority (88.1%) of remittances are directed towards daily expenses such as food, transportation and basic services.

Medical expenses account for 57.1% of usage, whilst education expenses represent 31.4%. Debt repayment (20.1%), savings or business investment (13.8%) and home purchase or remodelling (13.1%) round out the main uses.

These transfers allow recipient families to improve their quality of life, access education and healthcare services, and in some cases, invest in their own businesses, generating a multiplier effect throughout local economies.

According to financial experts, without these vital remittances, the economies of several Central American countries would have met severe difficulties long ago. They play a crucial role in keeping financial systems afloat and driving economic activity in the absence of other significant dollar inflows.

But many now fear these substantial financial flows could face headwinds from hawkish US migration policies. The Trump administration has championed a tougher stance on immigration, which is likely to affect the ability of migrants to work and send money back to their home countries. For countries like Honduras, Nicaragua, El Salvador and Guatemala, where remittances account for a fifth to more than a quarter of GDP, any significant disruption to these flows would have profound economic implications.


US Budweiser, Michelob prices safe from aluminium tariff impact for now, says AB InBev CEO


AB InBev, the world's top beer maker, brews both labels as well as others like Bud Light and Corona, including in the United States where it has can manufacturing operations

Reuters Published 26.02.25

Cans of Budweiser brand beer (left) and Michelob brand (right)Reuters & Reddit/NABEER

Tariffs on aluminium should not have a major impact on the U.S. prices of beers like Budweiser and Michelob Ultra in 2025, but could at a later date, Anheuser-Busch InBev CEO Michel Doukeris said on Wednesday.

AB InBev, the world's top beer maker, brews both labels as well as others like Bud Light and Corona, including in the United States where it has can manufacturing operations.

Doukeris told Reuters that for the U.S. market the company buys prepared aluminium for cans mostly from local U.S. companies, but these firms source the raw metal from all over the world.

The cost of the prepared aluminium AB InBev buys could rise as a result of tariffs, and the brewer could also face a secondary impact from levies affecting other materials like chemicals, he said.

These risks have prompted some brewers, especially craft beer makers, to warn of rising prices for their products.

Doukeris anticipated the impact of tariffs to be limited in 2025, thanks to factors like hedging, but he said it could become more pronounced in 2026 if tariffs come into full force.

The company has "different levers" it could pull to mitigate the impact, he said, including raising the price of its beers. A 12-pack of Budweiser cans currently sells for $12.87 on Walmart's website.

Doukeris said that AB InBev could also use productivity initiatives or other means to offset the tariffs, and it had not taken any decision on how it would respond.

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The Result Of Inaction: Ignoring The People Led To This – OpEd



By 

Emboldened by the election of Donald Trump as U.S. President, far-right groups are rising around the world. These voices present a major threat, not just to the democracy they claim to revere, but also to social cohesion, minority groups, and the natural world. Intolerance and tribalism are their common currency—social poisons that foster division, fuel hate, and ignite violence.


In 1989, the Berlin Wall fell, Germany was reunified, and the Soviet Union began to unravel. It was a moment of jubilation in Germany and throughout the West. Democratic governments, which had been rapidly growing after World War II, seemed to have reached their final triumph with German unification.

In the following years, democracy was embraced by much of Eastern Europe, Nelson Mandela was released from prison, and apartheid was dismantled in South Africa after more than 40 years. It was a remarkable time—one filled with tremendous optimism, a belief that the world had finally turned its back on repressive methods and that real change was possible; that a new era was beginning.

Thirty-five years on, that feeling of hope has been well and truly extinguished; the ideal of democracy is in peril, and a suffocating shadow is spreading across the world. The global rules-based order is under attack, extremism and authoritarianism seem to be on the rise, and societies in many Western countries are perhaps more divided and polarized than ever before.

Extremism and inequality

The appeal of the far right is the result of a number of interconnected factors. Inequality is a major ingredient—wealth and income inequality, but also unequal access to good-quality housing, education, healthcare, and opportunities, as well as cultural activities like concerts, exhibitions, theatre, etc.

Up until the late 1980s and early 1990s, levels of wealth and income inequality were comparatively low, but by the mid-2000s, disparities had grown substantially. In 2016, Oxfam reported that “runaway inequality has created a world where 62 people own as much wealth as the poorest half of the world’s population—a figure that has fallen from 388 just five years ago.”


But instead of working-class groups uniting in calls for social justice, the primary consequence, as French economist Thomas Piketty observed, was (and continues to be) ‘the rise of various forms of xenophobic ‘populism’ and identity-based politics.’

Inevitably, inequality has moved in only one direction: it is now even more extreme. Poverty is growing in many countries, while the number of billionaires increases year on year. According to Oxfam, ‘Global billionaire wealth grew by $2 trillion in 2024, three times faster than the year before, equivalent to roughly $5.7 billion a day. Meanwhile, according to the World Bank, the number of people still living in poverty—around 3.5 billion—has barely changed since 1990.’ In fact, the number is increasing.”

For the 99.9%, inequality is part of the economic instability under which they live, and economic uncertainty is another major factor in the appeal of far-right groups.

After the 2008 financial crash (the impact of which is still being felt), support for far-right groups grew. This is consistent with the fallout from previous financial crises. Research examining around 100 such events since 1870 found that “far-right parties are the biggest beneficiaries of financial crashes… after a crisis, the share of the vote going to right-wing parties increases by more than 30 percent.”

Now we come to immigration—more accurately, the politicization of immigration. This is perhaps the single biggest factor driving people into the arms of far-right political parties and figures. It stems from a narrow sense of individual and national identity, fueling negative attitudes toward multiculturalism—particularly, but not exclusively, in relation to people from Muslim countries. These fearful attitudes are eagerly exploited and inflamed by ambitious right-wing politicians, with the aid of conservative mainstream media and propaganda spread via social media.

Immigrants, asylum seekers, refugees, and economic migrants have become scapegoats for economic hardship, unemployment, stagnant wages, and the breakdown of public services. Far-right parties amplify these substantial social issues and, instead of highlighting the systemic failures (Neo-liberal policies) and political mismanagement, including the mishandled impact of globalization, they point the finger at foreigners.

Blame and distrust of ‘the other’ for a nation’s ills is not only unjustified and perverse, but it also allows far-right protectionism and flag-waving tribalism to flourish. Migrants are condemned and accused of failing to integrate, of importing foreign ways of life, and of weakening—rather than enriching—the adopted country’s culture. Social division and hate are the intertwined aims of the far right, and increasingly, of panicked centre-right political parties desperate for voters.

In addition to attacking foreigners, LGBTQ+ people are increasingly scapegoated by far-right politicians pushing a conservative agenda. The result is a rise in hate speech and an ‘unprecedented surge in violence against LGBTQ+ people in 2024 across Europe.’ A recent report shows that this victimization is a growing issue in Europe and Central Asia, where ‘governments are using anti-LGBTQ+ rhetoric to justify restrictions on free speech, civil society, and fair elections.’ This is how widespread suppression begins and fascism takes hold—first, silence so-called ‘minority groups’; then, expand control based on spurious security and social concerns to include everyone

It’s not too late

These are unquestionably transitional times as we move from a crumbling way of life into ‘the new.’ While they are undeniably dangerous and filled with uncertainty, they also present tremendous opportunities. The choice of how we move forward is ours: unite and prosper, or remain divided and endure increasing adversity.

Humanity is confronted with a series of extremely challenging, interconnected crises, with the environmental catastrophe being by far the most severe. If the global trend toward extremism continues, the bold actions needed to tackle the pressing issues of our time—particularly climate change and ecological collapse—will not be taken, allowing these crises to worsen.

In large part, it is the failure of progressive forces worldwide to address systemic failings over decades that has allowed the far right to gain traction and spread its poison. The economic crash of 2008/09 played a role in the rise of the far right and the narrowing of perspectives within the center-right. However, like all such events, the crash presented an opportunity to reimagine the socio-economic system along more just and sustainable lines. Instead, the corrupt greed of bankers was rewarded with bailouts, while the people were punished through austerity and wage cuts.

For fifty years or more, the division between those advocating for evolutionary change (think of the Arab Spring, the Occupy movement, or the global environmental movement) and those determined to maintain the unjust status quo has been clear. Demands for peace, economic justice, climate action, and more have been consistently ignored. As a result, year after year, the chasm between these two groups has widened; attitudes have darkened, and as governments have become more extreme, suppression has been legitimized.

Had there been a more open, creative response to the energies of the time, the march toward the far right—currently taking place in opposition to the natural order of things—would not have happened, and we would be living in a completely different world. Even now, at the eleventh hour, that opportunity still exists; resistance is entrenched, making the task harder and the need for men and women of goodwill to unite more urgent than ever: the future of our societies and the planet depend on it.



Graham Peebles is an independent writer and charity worker. He set up The Create Trust in 2005 and has run education projects in India, Sri Lanka and Ethiopia where he lived for two years working with acutely disadvantaged children and conducting teacher training programmes. Website: https://grahampeebles.org/