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Wednesday, August 19, 2026

REST IN POWER


OBITUARY

France's pioneering women's rights minister Yvette Roudy dies aged 97


Yvette Roudy, France's first women's rights minister and a leading figure in the country's feminist movement, has died at the age of 97.


Issued on: 19/08/2026 - RFI

Yvette Roudy (right) with French film director Agnes Varda on 17 November, 1981, shortly after being appointed France’s minister for women’s rights. ASSOCIATED PRESS - Herve Merliac

Roudy died on Tuesday in a medical care facility in southern France, where she had lived for the past three years, her nephew Jean-Pierre Saldou told the French news agency AFP.

From 1981 to 1986, under Socialist President François Mitterrand, she headed France's first fully fledged ministry dedicated to women's rights, giving the issue an unprecedented place in government.

Her time in office brought major changes, including legislation providing for abortion costs to be reimbursed through the national health insurance system and she lent her name to a 1983 law on professional equality between men and women.

She also secured official recognition of 8 March as International Women's Day in France.


A life of activism

Born Yvette Saldou on 10 April 1929 in Pessac, near Bordeaux, Roudy left school early and worked as a typist in a fish-canning factory before returning to education.

She became involved in feminist and socialist activism in the 1960s, joining the Mouvement Démocratique Féminin (MDF) in 1964. A year later she founded and edited a fortnightly journal, La Femme du XXe Siècle.

In 1971, she signed the "Manifesto of the 343", a public declaration supporting abortion rights, and joined Mitterrand at the Socialist Party's Épinay Congress. She was elected to the European parliament in 1979, where she founded its women's rights committee.

Her political career continued after she left government. Roudy served as a member of parliament for Calvados from 1986 to 2002 and was mayor of Lisieux from 1989 to 2001.

She continued to campaign for equal pay, anti-discrimination measures and greater representation of women in politics. She was also one of the driving forces behind a 2000 law requiring political parties to field equal numbers of male and female candidates.

Roudy remained outspoken about inequality in later life. Reflecting in 1996 on plans to reserve 30 percent of constituencies for women candidates, she asked: "30 percent of what, exactly – token candidacies with no real chance of election, or a genuine push to get women into the National Assembly? That ambiguity is precisely what needs resolving."

Roudy (second left), alongside then prime minister Laurent Fabius, gives a press conference on 8 March, 1985 in Paris to mark International Women's Day, which Roudy helped establish in France. AFP - MICHEL CLEMENT

'Women's rights are never won'

Her feminism extended beyond French politics. Speaking after returning from the United Nations Conference on Women in Nairobi in 1985, Roudy argued that women in both rich and poor countries faced forms of invisibility, including sexual and sexist violence that went largely unseen.

She also challenged traditional ideas about women's place in society. Discussing a 2001 law on surnames, she argued that generations of laws had erased names passed down through mothers and said that the authority men had been given under Napoleon would have to be shared.

Her death prompted tributes from the political left, with the Socialist party hailing a minister who "brought about historic advances" and "helped to permanently change women's lives".

Former president François Hollande praised her as a "woman of conviction" who "never stopped defending her ideas".

Socialist senator Laurence Rossignol wrote that while Roudy was gone, so much of her endured: state-funded abortion, the feminisation of professional titles, equal pay, parity in politics – all, she said, bore her stamp.


President François Hollande presents Roudy with the title of ‘Officer of the Legion of Honour’ at the Élysée Palace on 26 November 2013. © Christian Hartmann / AFP

French language authority finally gives thumbs up to feminise job titles

Aurore Bergé, France's incumbent minister for gender equality and against discrimination, said Roudy had remained "a demanding, independent and tireless campaigner" until the end of her life.

"She had to persuade, challenge and fight for progress at a time when women's rights still had to force their way into the halls of power," Bergé said.

(with newswires)




 

Spain ignores EU and prepares urgent transfer of 500 migrant girls from Ceuta to mainland

Migrants cross from Morocco into the Spanish enclave of Ceuta, 30 July, 2026
Copyright AP Photo

By Maria Muñoz Morillo
Published on

Pedro Sánchez's government is planning the urgent transfer to mainland Spain of 500 migrant girls who arrived in Ceuta, while the EU supports sending the unaccompanied minors back to Morocco.

According to Spain's Ministry for Youth and Children, work is under way on the urgent transfer to mainland Spain of 500 migrant girls who arrived in Ceuta during the mass migrant influx between 30-31 July.

Sources at the ministry explain that "this plan includes the royal decree-law providing for compulsory, solidarity-based reception by all the autonomous communities, or family placement, as well as other mechanisms to speed up reception."

Among the options being considered is a route that would allow child-protection organisations to manage the reception and care of the most vulnerable cases, including the girls, in tailored facilities on the mainland, without the need to transfer guardianship to the autonomous communities.

Several autonomous communities have already said they will not take in unaccompanied minors who arrived in the Ceuta mass crossing. The central government has criticised what it calls a lack of "solidarity" shown by these regions. For its part, Morocco last week asked the Spanish government to return the Moroccan citizens still remaining in the enclave.

Migrants who crossed from Morocco into Spain line up for food distribution on a beach in the Spanish enclave of Ceuta, 3 August, 2026 AP Photo

Protecting the best interests of the child

Elma Saiz, Minister for Inclusion, Social Security and Migration, told the public broadcaster RNE that the issue is being addressed by Ceuta together with the Department for Children and the autonomous communities. She preferred not to give further details, but insisted on the need to "protect the best interests of the child."

The Socialist politician stressed that "these are girls who are on their own." She said the minors have been grouped together in safe spaces in Ceuta to prevent cases of sexual violence, after numerous rapes reported in recent days which are already in the hands of the courts.

The Social Security minister underlined the need to respect the law and said the government has given Ceuta €25 million to help deal with this situation.

The National Police had identified and handed over to the Ceuta government 2,168 minors by Tuesday 18 August.

Migrants who crossed from Morocco into Spain line up for food distribution on a beach in the Spanish enclave of Ceuta, 3 August, 2026 AP Photo

Brussels supports sending all migrants back to Morocco

Meanwhile, the European Union is backing the return of unaccompanied minors from Ceuta to the African country.

"The priority now is for the Spanish and Moroccan authorities to keep the situation under control and guarantee the swift return of all those who remain irregularly in Ceuta," European Commission spokesperson Markus Lammert said at a press conference on Tuesday.

Lammert stressed that the returns are covered by EU law, adding that they are regulated by "the Return Directive" and, in future, by "the EU Return Regulation."



Humanitarian Tents Planned For Ceuta As Spain Tackles Migrant Influx

Ceuta the autonomous city of Spain on the North African coast, bordered by Morocco. Photo by Víctor Fernández Salinas, Wikipedia Commons.



Key Takeaways:

  • Spain is setting up temporary humanitarian tents in Ceuta to shelter at least 1,500 migrants as a short-term response to the ongoing crisis.

  • Official estimates of remaining migrants range from 5,000 (Interior Ministry) to around 10,000 (local authorities and police), including over 2,000 registered minors, while hospitals and security forces report severe strain.

  • The opposition People’s Party is demanding mass deportations to Morocco and rejection of asylum claims, while the local mayor threatens legal action against the central government for inadequate support.

(EurActiv) — The Spanish government will set up temporary humanitarian tents in Ceuta to host 1,500 people as a stopgap measure to address the migrant crisis the city has faced over the past two weeks.

Speaking to radio network Cadena Ser, Migration Minister Elma Saiz said that the tents could accommodate more people than initially anticipated.

“Once the facilities are up and running, there will be more. I don’t want to set a limit,” she said on Tuesday.

Neither Saiz nor other ministers have clarified what will happen to the migrants still in the city or how long the situation will last. Spanish authorities claim that most of the 80,000 migrants who entered the tiny Spanish city in North Africa in late July have returned voluntarily.

Yet the interior ministry has increased its estimate of those remaining to up to 5,000, while Ceuta Mayor Juan Jesús Vivas maintains that around 10,000 remain on the streets of the city, which has just 84,000 inhabitants.

Security forces confirmed to Euractiv that the number of migrants remains closer to the 10,000 estimate, with many migrants camped along the beach.

An interior ministry spokesperson confirmed the police had registered 2,168 minors in Ceuta, and specific facilities to house children are at maximum capacity.

The main opposition People’s Party (PP) has strongly condemned the handling of the crisis by socialist Prime Minister Pedro Sánchez’s government, urging it to reject all asylum claims and deport all remaining migrants back to Morocco.

“European legislation – which is national law – establishes that Morocco is a safe country and that, therefore, those who come from Morocco have no right to asylum in Spain… in that regard, the course of action must be deportation,” said PP heavyweight Cuca Gamarra from Ceuta on Tuesday.

However, among the migrants are large groups of Sub-Saharan Africans and even Afghani and Palestinian nationals, who, under international law, could be eligible for asylum.

A day earlier, Vivas, who also belongs to the centre-right PP, said the city remained at “extreme risk” and threatened to take legal action against the central government over its “failure to fulfil its duties” and to urgently resolve the crisis.

Medical associations in Ceuta have warned of a “collapse” in hospital services amid the mass influx of people, while police unions alerted to an increase in violence and insecurity in the city, citing a lack of personnel and resources to address the crisis.


INTERVIEW


Migrants stranded in Ceuta say ‘I’d rather die here than go back to Morocco’

Nearly three weeks after a mass border crossing brought tens of thousands of migrants into Spain's North African enclave of Ceuta, thousands remain stranded in precarious conditions, Maria Jimenez, spokesperson for the NGO Elin, told RFI. She said many still lack adequate shelter, food and medical care.


Thousands of migrants are still in and around Spain's North African enclave of Ceuta weeks after a mass border crossing from Morocco, according to aid groups and Spanish authorities. AP Photo/STR - STR


Issued on: 17/08/2026 -  RFI


At the end of July, between 70,000 and 80,000 people crossed into the enclave from neighbouring Morocco. Most have since left, but Jimenez said thousands remain in Ceuta, including large numbers of children.

Many of those still stranded are asylum seekers from countries including Sudan, Yemen, Chad, Mali and Egypt. Some migrants have told aid workers they would rather die than return to Morocco.

Spanish authorities have sent additional police to Ceuta amid rumours of possible new arrivals, while on Sunday hundreds of migrants gathered on a beach to demand asylum and oppose any return to Morocco.

Jimenez spoke to RFI about the migrants still in the enclave, their living conditions and the response from Spain.


RFI: Madrid has given different figures for the number of migrants still in Ceuta. The interior minister puts the figure at 5,000, while the Ceuta's regional leader says at least 8,000. What are your estimates?

Maria Jimenez: It is difficult to get official figures because the authorities are not counting the number of people in Ceuta, which is a problem. They have estimates, but we NGOs work on the ground and part of our work is registering people – their names, countries of origin, ages and so on, especially minors.

People living in the surrounding countryside also help us. We estimate there are around 4,000 minors in the enclave, mainly around the city of Ceuta, in areas such as El Principe and Los Rosales. Local residents are feeding these children.

They have also taken over a football pitch so that women and young girls do not have to sleep on the streets because neither the municipality nor the government is doing anything on the ground, more than two weeks after the events.

They are not providing anywhere for people to sleep or even one meal a day. Police have registered 300 unaccompanied girls.

RFI: What do we know about the adults who remain in Ceuta?

MJ: There are many asylum seekers from countries such as Sudan, Yemen, Chad, Mali and Egypt. We estimate there are around 3,500. That figure comes from the Spanish Red Cross, whose volunteers go to the beach every evening to provide one meal a day to each person. We're able to estimate the number of people from the number of meals distributed.

Overall, we have counted around 7,000 migrants in Ceuta, not including those hiding in the woods or elsewhere.

It is important to understand that many of them are asylum seekers. Since arriving in Ceuta, they have been telling us: "I would rather die here than go back to Morocco. My life is in danger if I go back to Morocco."

Some have fled countries in conflict, such as Sudan or Palestine, and it has taken them months, even years, to get here.

We really need to distinguish between people who crossed the border from Morocco and can return to their country, and those who have suffered for years to reach the enclave. It is very important to protect these lives by following all the legal procedures and looking at each case individually.

RFI: You say the authorities are not doing enough for these migrants. Why do you think that is?

MJ: This is only my analysis, but doing nothing is a way of telling people who want to come to Ceuta: "Don't come. There is no advantage to staying here. Your future will not be any better."

But the situation cannot continue like this indefinitely – without shelter, food or medical assistance, and without knowing what will happen to these people. The government must act urgently because this situation has now lasted for more than two weeks and tensions are beginning to emerge.

If the government wants to send more police officers, fine. But it also needs to deal with the situation. The Interior Ministry says it wants to remove the migrants, but that is not possible without a series of safeguards, not only for minors but also for asylum seekers.

Legal procedures need to be put in place: registration by the police, support for minors, access to the asylum process and the necessary assistance, including translators. In the meantime, people must be able to live in decent conditions.

RFI: There has been anger and some people have accused migrants of violence. How are Ceuta's residents reacting to what has happened?

MJ: In the first few days, they were afraid. Ceuta covers 20 square kilometres on the border with Morocco and has a population of around 80,000. Imagine 70,000 people entering the city in a single day. It is frightening, and that is understandable. People felt abandoned by the authorities.

Since then, some residents – especially around the city of Ceuta – have shown real solidarity. As for violence, there has been some, but it is not the main story. When you have to fight for a meal or a shower, that can create conflict. Violence can emerge because living conditions are unbearable.

This interview has been adapted from the original version in French by Murielle Paradon and edited for clarity



‘We won’t go back’: Young Moroccan migrants in Ceuta refuse to abandon their European dream

CEUTA, Spain – FRANCE 24 spent an evening with unaccompanied minors who are sleeping rough in Ceuta but refusing to return home. Amid the fear, the cold and the long wait for help, these young Moroccan migrants shared their stories.


Issued on: 19/08/2026 - FRANCE24
By: Hamza HABHOUB


Migrants sleep in the Tarajal industrial zone in Ceuta on August 17, 2026. 
© Hamza HABHOUB


It’s 2am local time and a heavy silence hangs over the Tarajal industrial zone in Ceuta. The darkness is pierced by the flashing lights of police cars while waves crash against the shores of this Spanish enclave in North Africa, where many have attempted to cross into Europe but failed.

Not far from the beach, Moroccan minors sleep as they await a new day, not knowing what it will bring.

The open metal gates of the industrial zone give way to a space that, from the outside, looks like an auto repair shop. Hundreds of migrants gather here, including many minors left to fend for themselves. Some sleep on mattresses, others lie directly on the floor, and there are only a few blankets – which they take turns sharing – to protect them from the cold of the night or the heat of the day.


‘In search of a better future’

The figures reveal the scale of the crisis. The Spanish government estimates that around 2,500 minors remain on the streets of Ceuta following the wave of mass arrivals on July 30-31, when more than 70,000 migrants crossed the border from Morocco. The vast majority voluntarily chose to return home in the following days. But among those who remain in Ceuta, nearly 4,000 are minors, according to local NGOs. International NGO Save the Children estimates that only about 1,500 of them are currently being cared for by child protection services.

Ceuta appeals for aid as child migrant crisis becomes 'unsustainable'

Reda, 17, says he came to Ceuta in search of a brighter future. He was supposed to sit for his high school graduation exams this year and had just earned a diploma in French. He was also scheduled to try out for a football team.

But the precarious circumstances in which he lived drove him to leave. “We are here in search of a better future,” he says.

Returning to Morocco is not an option, he insists. “We won’t go back; we have no desire to go back,” Reda says, despite his difficult living conditions. He notes that the kids here on the streets of Ceuta remain hopeful that Europe will not abandon them.
Unaccompanied minors gather at the Tarajal warehouses in Ceuta, known locally as “Naves del Tarajal”, on August 17, 2026. © Hamza HABHOUB


‘My friend was killed right before my eyes’

After a perilous sea crossing to get to Ceuta, reaching dry land did not mean safety for many of these young migrants.

Khaled recounts how he and his friends were attacked by a group of youths from El Principe, a working-class neighbourhood in the southern part of the enclave. Their assailants brandished guns and tried to rob them, he says, and several of his companions were wounded and taken to hospital.

Reda says another friend was killed during an attack in the same neighbourhood. The two of them tried to flee, but his friend had leg injuries and was not quick enough to escape their attackers. He was then fatally wounded in the neck.

“My friend was killed right before my eyes; I will never forget that scene for the rest of my life. His dream vanished in an instant. Instead of starting a new life, he left this world,” Reda says.


Minors living in the Tarajal warehouses in Ceuta, Spain. August 17, 2026. 
© Hamza HABHOUB

Manal’s ‘nightmare’

A few steps away from Reda and Khaled, Manal, a 16-year-old Moroccan girl, tells another story of loss and fear. She explains that she left the northern Moroccan city of Tangier for Tetouan on foot, along with a group of migrants from sub-Saharan Africa, before entering Ceuta during the latest wave of crossings.

They then encountered a group of armed youths, she says. “We hid in the sewers, and they shot at us. If I hadn’t hidden, I’d be dead by now,” she says. The nightmare of that incident still haunts her.

Life has not been easy for Manal, who says her father never acknowledged paternity of her and that she lived with her grandmother before leaving for Ceuta. “I feel like life has closed its doors on me. I have neither ambition nor a future,” she says.

Manal, a Moroccan teenager, lives in a makeshift tent near the Tarajal border crossing in Ceuta, Spain. August 17, 2026. © Hamza HABHOUB

But Manal does have a modest dream: to improve her financial situation and lift her mother out of poverty.

Shortly after she arrived in Ceuta, Manal says the police transferred her to a centre for migrant minors. But she explains that the violence at the centre drove her to leave, and she now prefers to spend the nights outdoors.
Vulnerable minors

During our interview with Manal, a young man emerges from a reed tent set up nearby. It’s clear that our conversation has woken Mohammed, who is also 16 years old. He sighs and describes yet another difficulty for the migrants living in the Tarajal warehouses.

“We don’t have any toilets,” explains the young man from Larache, a city in northwestern Morocco. “So we’re forced to relieve ourselves near the sea. And even to wash ourselves, we have to use seawater.”

The kids rely on food provided by the Ceuta-based NGO Luna Blanca. But the meals are only distributed once a day.

Many children still bear the marks of injuries sustained during their crossing to Ceuta almost three weeks ago. Poor hygiene and lack of access to medication have caused some wounds to fester and get infected. Many migrants are also suffering from scabies, and desperately seek medication to relieve the itching and pain.

Two minors collapsed in the industrial zone in the afternoon of August 12. One of them, weakened by a lack of food and water, could not withstand the intense August heat. The second boy was suffering from tonsillitis that had worsened due to a lack of treatment, leaving him unable to swallow. As the two boys lay on the ground, other migrants rushed to the scene, shouting for help and demanding an ambulance, which was slow to arrive.

Raul Arnaiz, programme director for Save the Children in Spain, describes the situation in the Tarajal warehouses as “a tragedy of extreme poverty”.

These unaccompanied minors are at risk of sexual assault and exploitation, given the lack of nighttime surveillance in a virtually deserted industrial zone, he warns.
Uncertain fate

In the early hours of dawn, a new journey begins. At 5am, hundreds of minors gather in front of the Ceuta police station, hoping to register themselves and enter the protection system. But the lines are long as Spanish authorities try to cope with the sheer volume of requests. Around 1,400 minors have been registered so far, according to Spanish Minister for Territorial Policy Angel Victor Torres.

Moroccan and Spanish authorities want to prioritise family reunification and repatriate the minors back to Morocco. But it’s not a simple procedure. Spanish law prohibits any collective repatriation of unaccompanied minors, and each case must be assessed individually.

Since minors are not subject to the same procedures as adults, they cannot be repatriated automatically, explains Basem Salem, an immigration lawyer specialising in asylum cases. The identity of the minors must first be established, their situation examined, and their family circumstances verified – all while respecting legal safeguards and the best interests of the child.

Moroccan Justice Minister Abdellatif Wahbi says helping these children is a priority and that Rabat, through its consulates, has helped facilitate the process.

Spain’s Ministry of Youth and Children is set to hold a conference in late August to examine how to distribute resources and responsibilities between the central government and local authorities in Ceuta. Madrid has already allocated €25 million to help Ceuta cope with the crisis.

Torn between the hope of being transferred to reception centres in Spain and the fear of being sent back to Morocco, these young migrants remain in limbo, waiting to learn their fate. Meanwhile, the humanitarian crisis continues.

As night falls and the bustle of the day subsides, these minors return to the warehouses, the streets, the mountains, or the beach to try to get some sleep. Between the shores of two continents, separated by a few metres, these minors now find themselves caught between a dream they do not want to give up, a reality they cannot escape, and a future they cannot yet imagine.

This is a translation of an original article in Arabic.

The Impossible Homecoming: Christopher Nolan’s Odyssey And The Trauma Of War – OpEd


Odysseus and his soldiers fighting the Cicones —allies of the Trojans— during the sacking of their city. After seizing goods and women, the Greeks are driven back by allies of the Cicones. This act of land-based piracy is the opening episode of the Odyssey. Credit: Theodoor van Thulden - Rijksmuseum, Wikipedia Commons



August 18, 2026
 IDN
By Sam Ben-Meir


Key Takeaways:

Nolan’s Odysseus is complicated not as a pure action hero but through the trauma of war: he longs for home yet repeatedly delays return, revealing the veteran’s paradox of wanting Ithaca while seeking oblivion from the man war has made him.

True homecoming is impossible because war transforms both the warrior and the household; Agamemnon’s fate and Odysseus’s violent reclamation of Ithaca show that the battlefield follows him home, making reconciliation through slaughter a hollow restoration.

The lotus and Sirens represent opposing escapes—forgetting the past or fantasizing its recovery—while real return demands bearing irreversible memory without repeating violence or fleeing into oblivion.


Emily Wilson begins her celebrated translation of Homer’s Odyssey with an imperative that has become almost as famous as the poem itself: “Tell me about a complicated man.” Christopher Nolan has acknowledged the importance of that formulation to his own adaptation of Homer. Yet in her fierce review of Nolan’s film, “An Uncomplicated Man,” Wilson argues that this is precisely what Nolan has failed to give us. His Odysseus, in her reading, is essentially an action hero who feels bad about being an action hero, a psychologically flattened version of one of literature’s most elusive figures.

I did not see the film that way at all. Nolan’s Odysseus is complicated not because he reproduces every contradiction of Homer’s hero, but because Nolan has reorganized those contradictions around one of the oldest and most difficult questions posed by the Odyssey: what does it mean to come home from war? The answer, Nolan suggests, is that strictly speaking one cannot.

When War Becomes Home

This is why Odysseus’s longing for Ithaca must be understood alongside his extraordinary capacity to postpone his return. He wants nothing more than to see Penelope and Telemachus again. Home is the fixed point around which his wandering consciousness revolves. Yet he remains with Calypso for seven years. More significantly in Nolan’s telling, he willingly consumes the lotus, surrendering himself to oblivion. He wants to forget Troy, his companions, his guilt, perhaps even the man he has become.

The contradiction is only apparent. These are the two desires of the traumatized veteran: I want to go home; I want to cease being the man who must go home. Nolan understands something here that Kathryn Bigelow understood in The Hurt Locker: war is a drug. Its addictive quality does not lie simply in violence. War reorganizes experience. Terror, comradeship, exhaustion, danger, purpose and the constant proximity of death establish an intensity against which ordinary existence can come to seem strangely insubstantial. Once that intensity disappears, something must fill the void.

Uberto Pasolini’s The Return (2024), another recent reimagining of Odysseus’s arrival on Ithaca, makes the point with brutal economy. Ralph Fiennes’s exhausted Odysseus observes that “war becomes home.” The phrase captures the terrible paradox at the center of nostos. Odysseus is homesick for Ithaca, but war has become another home. The journey from Troy is therefore never merely geographical. The deeper question is whether the man produced by Troy can still inhabit Ithaca.

Wilson is surely right that Homer’s Odysseus possesses a multiplicity that cannot easily be reduced to modern psychological categories. He is warrior and liar, husband and adulterer, victim and perpetrator, king and beggar, strategist and fool. But adaptation need not reproduce every Homeric contradiction to discover a genuine contradiction of its own. Nolan’s “strong misreading,” if we want to call it that, locates the complexity of Odysseus in traumatic return.


Between Memory and Oblivion

This is precisely why Calypso and the lotus matter so much. The lotus is not merely temptation. It offers release from biography. To eat it is to relinquish the burden of being the person who did what Odysseus has done. Troy disappears. His dead companions disappear. Penelope and Telemachus disappear. The terrible continuity between the warrior and the returning husband disappears. For a man haunted by what he has seen and done, there is mercy in such oblivion. But there is also annihilation. If Penelope represents the possibility of memory endured, the lotus represents memory extinguished. Odysseus is suspended between them. He can remember his way home, or he can forget why he ever wanted one.

That is hardly an uncomplicated man. Nor does Nolan allow Odysseus’s dilemma to exist in isolation. His use of Agamemnon’s return as a counterpoint is crucial. Agamemnon, too, goes home from Troy. His nostos is shorter and, geographically speaking, more successful. But arriving home does not save him. He returns carrying Troy with him and is murdered within the household to which he believed he had returned.

Agamemnon’s fate exposes the illusion contained in the very idea of homecoming. The warrior imagines home as something preserved in his absence: the same house, the same relationships, the same identity waiting to receive him when history has finished with him. But history does not leave home untouched. Nor does it leave the warrior untouched. The man who returns is not the man who departed, and the household to which he returns is not the household he left.

Agamemnon reaches home and discovers that home no longer exists in the form he imagined. Odysseus takes ten years longer to make the same discovery. In this respect Thomas Wolfe’s famous formulation—You Can’t Go Home Again—could serve almost as a subtitle to the Odyssey. Homecoming contains an impossible demand. It asks not merely that we return to a place but that time itself reverse direction. Restore the wife I left. Restore the child I knew. Restore the kingdom I ruled. Above all, restore the self who departed.

But there is no restoration. Penelope has spent twenty years without Odysseus. Telemachus has become a man in the absence of his father. Ithaca has been transformed by political disorder. And Odysseus has become someone whom the king who sailed for Troy might scarcely recognize. The deepest obstacle between Odysseus and Ithaca is therefore not Poseidon. It is time. And this is where Nolan’s emphasis on violence becomes particularly important. For when Odysseus finally returns, he does not simply put war behind him. He brings its grammar home.
When the Battlefield Enters the Home

The great irony of the Odyssey is that the warrior restores domestic order through slaughter. The skills that allowed Odysseus to survive Troy and the long journey home become the means by which he reclaims his household. Bow, cunning, disguise, calculation and killing—the instruments of war become instruments of reconciliation.

But what kind of reconciliation is achieved through massacre? Agamemnon returns from war and is murdered at home. Odysseus returns from war and murders at home. Their stories differ radically, yet Nolan’s juxtaposition of them illuminates the same terrible truth: the boundary between battlefield and household is far more porous than the warrior would like to believe. War follows him across the threshold.

That is why the Odyssey remains perhaps the greatest tale of homesickness ever written. And it is one reason it stands so close to the foundations of Western civilization. If the Iliad plunges us into the world of war—glory, rage, mortality, comradeship, revenge—the Odyssey asks the question that follows: what happens to the warrior afterward? How does the killer become a husband again, the soldier a father? How does a human being habituated to violence recover ordinary time? And can violence ever truly be left behind?

These questions reach far beyond Homeric Greece. They belong to every society that sends people to war and then expects them somehow to resume ordinary existence when they return. We speak casually of veterans “coming home,” as though geographical relocation accomplished the return. But the deeper homecoming—the recovery of intimacy, ordinary time, trust, vulnerability and a tolerable relation to memory—is infinitely more difficult.


The desire for Ithaca therefore cannot simply be opposed to the desire for war. Odysseus wants home desperately precisely because he has been transformed by its opposite. Yet the longer he remains away, the more impossible the object of his longing becomes. Ithaca gradually ceases to be merely a geographical place and becomes an image of reconciliation: the fantasy that the fragments of a life divided by war might somehow be made whole again.
The Pain of an Irrecoverable Past

This is why nostalgia is never simply memory. It is memory charged with desire—the longing not merely for what was, but for what can no longer be recovered. The word nostalgia itself preserves the wound: nostos, homecoming, joined to algos, pain. The desire for home is inseparable from the knowledge that the home one desires no longer exists.

Nolan’s Sirens give this nostalgia its most seductive form. Here he departs sharply from Homer. In Book XII, the Sirens tempt Odysseus with knowledge: they know what happened at Troy and promise access to what can otherwise remain hidden from mortal understanding. Nolan transforms their temptation into something more psychological. Their song reveals that “what you most want is what you most can’t have”: what you desire most is “what you already had . . . and lost.” The Sirens therefore offer not knowledge but restoration—the fantasy that what time has taken might somehow be recovered. If the lotus promises escape from the past through forgetting, the Sirens promise escape from it through nostalgia. One says: erase what happened. The other: return to what was. Both tempt Odysseus with the same impossibility—the refusal to accept that time is irreversible.

And here lies the spiritual crisis diagnosed by the Odyssey. Western civilization has repeatedly imagined history through departure and return: exile and promised land, fall and redemption, alienation and reconciliation, revolution and restoration. We leave home and dream of coming back transformed but intact. Homer knew better.

There is no return without transformation because time itself makes literal return impossible. The question is not whether Odysseus can recover the world he lost. He cannot. The question is whether he can establish a relationship with what remains. That distinction matters. Reconciliation is not restoration.

The past survives precisely because it cannot be repaired. Nolan’s Odysseus therefore faces something more difficult than monsters. He must learn whether memory can be borne without either repeating what it remembers or fleeing into oblivion. The lotus offers one answer: forget. War offers another: repeat. Ithaca demands something harder: remember and nevertheless live. That is the real homecoming.
The Greater Ordeal of Coming Home

Wilson’s criticism of Nolan ultimately rests not on fidelity alone. She has explicitly defended adaptations that radically transform their sources. Her deeper complaint is that Nolan’s transformation produces an Odysseus without sufficient psychological, emotional or ethical depth—that the complicated man has been converted into a conventional action hero.


But that judgment overlooks the contradiction around which Nolan has constructed his protagonist. His Odysseus longs for precisely what he repeatedly flees. He wants Penelope and chooses oblivion. He seeks peace but carries within himself the habits of war. He desires home while no longer knowing whether he is capable of inhabiting it. He survives because of the qualities that make reconciliation most difficult. The action hero normally defeats his enemies and returns home. Odysseus discovers that returning home is the greater ordeal.

That is why the lotus and the Sirens matter. One reveals how attractive the destruction of memory can become when memory itself is unbearable; the other, the equally seductive fantasy that what has been lost might somehow be restored. And that is why the violence on Ithaca matters. It demonstrates that Troy cannot simply be left behind on the other side of the sea.

Nolan’s Odysseus is not Homer’s Odysseus in every respect. No adaptation could be. But he is hardly uncomplicated. He is divided between memory and oblivion, war and domesticity, guilt and survival, the man who left and the man who returns. His tragedy is not that he cannot find his way home. It is that he finds it. And discovers that homecoming has only just begun.



Sam Ben-Meir teaches philosophy at the City University of New York, College of Technology. He is the author of Ethical Interanimality: Toward a Relational Philosophy of Nature (Westphalia Press, 2026).


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Monday, August 17, 2026

STUDENTS ARE PROLETARIANS

Student contributions lead to new fibroid research at Worcester Polytechnic Institute


In Worcester Polytechnic Institute Professor Catherine Whittington’s lab, student projects pave the way for NIH-funded research that will develop models for the study of fibroids



Worcester Polytechnic Institute

Catherine Whittington 

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Catherine Whittington

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Credit: Worcester Polytechnic Institute






Worcester, Mass.—AUGUST 17, 2026—Worcester Polytechnic Institute (WPI) researcher Catherine Whittington is launching a new project to develop laboratory models for the study of uterine fibroids, and before work had even begun, WPI students had already played a critical role.

The three-year project is built upon research that students, including one who was still in high school at the time, previously completed in Whittington’s lab. Now, with funding from a National Institutes of Health (NIH) program that focuses on extending research opportunities to undergraduates, Whittington is expanding on the students’ findings to create models that could help researchers better understand and develop treatments for a disease that impacts millions of women.

“The framework for this project was established by students who conducted studies, replicated their results, and did statistical analysis, all of which goes into rigorous scientific research,” said Whittington, an associate professor in the Department of Biomedical Engineering. “We have an opportunity to advance and expand their pioneering work.”

Whittington will use a $555,371 grant from the NIH’s Eunice Kennedy Shriver National Institute of Child Health and Human Development to develop two laboratory models. Both will create tiny microenvironments for fibroid cells so that researchers can examine how cellular signals moving through stiff and inflamed tissue may affect the course of disease.

Uterine fibroids are common benign tumors that grow within the muscular walls of the uterus. An estimated 70% to 80% of women develop uterine fibroids by the age of 50. For some, symptoms can be painful, and the disease can impact fertility. The only cure for uterine fibroids is hysterectomy.

For researchers, fibroids are a ripe ground for study. The tumors respond to fluctuations in hormones and also are associated with obesity and inflammation. Some research has suggested that stiffening of tissues around fibroids may thwart important cellular signals, including signals from drug treatments.

“There is much we do not know about fibroids,” Whittington said. “We don’t know why they form. We don’t know why they recur after treatment. Models could help by giving researchers a rapid way to study fibroids and tissues under many different scenarios.”

Whittington’s lab will develop one model that will embed a single tiny fibroid sphere into a small amount of gel that has been designed to mimic the stiffness and architecture of the uterine environment. Each fibroid-encased gel will sit in a small well on a lab plate. The researchers will then test how molecules of different sizes travel through the samples, especially larger molecules that compare in size to therapeutic drugs. This model will build on a 2024–25 undergraduate capstone project.

A second model will create small rings of uterine muscle tissue in wells on a lab plate and seed the rings with tiny fibroid spheroids. The researchers will then expose the rings to hormones, molecules from fat-derived cells, and therapeutic molecules. The model is based on a two-year project conducted by Isabella Palit, who graduated from the Massachusetts Academy of Math and Science at WPI in 2024, and by a team of undergraduates who completed a capstone project in 2025. Kiran Tremblay, a PhD student, has worked on the project since 2025.

Whittington expects to sponsor more undergraduate teams for capstone projects focused on the models. She also will hire undergraduate and graduate students to assist with model development over three years.

The project will add to Whittington’s development of three-dimensional, tissue-engineered biomaterials for the study of diseases that involve fibrosis, a scarring and thickening of tissue. She received a prestigious CAREER Award from the National Science Foundation in 2025 to develop models for the study of fibrosis in pancreas, skin, and uterine fibroids. Her work has also been sponsored by the National Cancer Institute, Genentech, and the Pancreatic Cancer Action Network.

“This new project addresses a significant health problem, but it also highlights the importance of integrating undergraduate and graduate students into research at WPI,” Whittington said. “None of the research in my lab, including this project, could happen without the work and contributions of student researchers.”

This research is supported by the Eunice Kennedy Shriver National Institute of Child Health and Human Development of the National Institutes of Health under award number R15HD122160.

About Worcester Polytechnic Institute  
Worcester Polytechnic Institute (WPI) is a top-tier, STEM-focused university with an R1 research classification and global leadership in project-based learning. Founded in 1865, WPI’s distinctive approach integrates classroom theory with real-world practice, preparing students to tackle critical challenges through inclusive education, impactful projects, and interdisciplinary research. With more than 70 bachelor’s, master’s, and doctoral degree programs across 18 academic departments and over 50 global project centers, WPI advances knowledge and innovation in fields such as life sciences, smart technologies, advanced materials and manufacturing, and global innovation. Learn more at www.wpi.edu.