The book that accidentally created monster Alex Jones — and the author's deep regret

Right-wing conspiracy theorist Alex Jones speaks outside the federal courthouse after a bankruptcy hearing. David J Phillip/AAP

The Conversation

July 18, 2026 

Jon Ronson’s book Them: Adventures with Extremists launched him to worldwide fame – and more dubiously, launched conspiracy theorist Alex Jones. Though Jones has been deplatformed, his influence lingers: just this week, it was reported that Australia’s far-right One Nation senator Malcolm Roberts praised Jones in 2024 as “a beacon of hope around the world”.

Researched and written in the years preceding September 11, and published in April 2001, Them – which Ronson described in a preface to its second edition as “a snapshot of life in the Western world on 10 September 2001” – is turning 25.

Ronson’s original plan was to spend time with people who’d been described as “the extremist monsters of the Western world” as they went about their everyday lives. They included neo-Nazis, militias and Omar Bakri, a UK Islamic fundamentalist who called himself “Osama Bin Laden’s man in London”, and whom Ronson shadowed for a year in 1996 for a documentary.

Among other things, Ronson recorded the “clownish” Bakri watching the Lion King with a baby on his knee, and asking him to guard the money he’d been collecting for Hamas in giant Coca Cola bottles, while he retrieved a coat – which he agonised over as a Jewish person, but did (seemingly to avoid awkwardness).

Bakri, who told the Daily Mail the September 11 attacks were “exciting”, was barred from the United Kingdom after leaving in 2005. In 2010, he was arrested in Lebanon and sentenced to life in prison after a terrorism trial. Released pending retrial, he was sentenced again in 2015 to six years hard labour.

“I thought that perhaps an interesting way to look at our world would be to move into theirs and stand alongside them while they glared back at ours,” Ronson writes. But what started as a series of profiles of extremist leaders “quickly became something stranger”, when he realised the very different people he was following all shared a belief in the New World Order: a conspiracy theory that imagines “a tiny elite rules the world from inside a secret room”.

This tyrannical, shadowy elite, Ronson soon discovered, was said to launch wars and wield almost unimaginable power. It has the ability to, among other things, “select and cast out the heads of state, control Hollywood and the markets and the flow of capital, operate a harem of under-age kidnapped sex slaves”.

If there was any truth to the theory, Ronson reasoned, there must be an actual secret room, and it had to be located somewhere. So he resolved to find it.

At various points, he found himself chased by men in dark glasses and surveilled from behind trees. He also managed to witness robed international chief executives participate in a bizarre effigy-burning ritual in the forests of northern California – an experience he shared with Jones, then a harmless-seeming regional radio crank, based in Texas.

Now, 25 years on, that worldview has arguably become easier to sustain than Ronson could have imagined. Revelations surrounding figures such as Jeffrey Epstein – who did operate a network of underage girls he coerced into sexually servicing powerful men – have shown the wealthy and powerful can and do conceal serious and shocking crimes through networks of influence and privilege.

But rather than confirming the existence of a secret cabal directing world events, such scandals have often been absorbed into far broader conspiracy narratives – from QAnon to claims about bloodthirsty global elites harvesting adrenochrome from children – further blurring sometimes porous lines between fact and fiction.
Genuine curiosity and refusing caricature

The book helped to establish Ronson’s distinctive investigative approach: an interest in the fringe and the unusual, approached with a genuine sense of curiosity and a refusal of easy caricature.

This sensibility has run through his work since, from The Men Who Stared at Goats (looking at bizarre, fringe tactics adopted by the US army) and You’ve Been Publicly Shamed (an early critique of social media shaming) to his culture war conspiracy theories podcast series, Things Fell Apart.

But Them also propelled Jones into the mainstream – which Ronson has publicly regretted. When Ronson got to know him, “Alex was hollering his powerful apocalyptic vision down an ISDN line from a child’s bedroom in his house, with choo-choo train wallpaper and an Empire Strikes Back poster pinned on the wall”.

Since then, Jones has been “successfully sued” and has filed for bankruptcy after being found liable for defamation for his claims that the Sandy Hook Elementary School shooting was staged and “no one died”.

Sadly, what once seemed extreme and marginal – the circulation of conspiracy theories and the associated peddling of prejudice and hate – now feels depressingly routine.

Just as it inadvertently captured the historical moment about to erupt with the September 11 attacks and their aftermath, Them anticipated the mainstreaming of conspiratorial thinking, which would become a defining feature of our misinformation-ridden historical moment.

Paranoia as the new common sense

“Paranoia was the new common sense,” writes columnist John Ganz in When the Clock Broke: Con Men, Conspiracists, and How America Cracked Up in the Early 1990s. “The country seemed to be seeking something new, a break with the exhausted possibilities of the past but also a restoration, a way to recover what had been lost.”

At the end of the 1980s, the Berlin Wall had been reduced to rubble and the communist bloc was crumbling. Excitable liberals were wittering on about the end of history. America stood triumphant, seemingly without rival. And yet something felt off.

Ganz argues appearances were deceptive. “America felt itself to be losing out: losing its dominant place in the world, losing the basis of its security and wealth, and losing its sense of itself.”

There had to be an explanation. And there had to be someone to blame.

This bled through in the culture of the early 1990s. “Just because you’re paranoid, don’t mean they’re not after you,” sang Kurt Cobain, capturing the zeitgeist on Nevermind (1991). It was the time of Oliver Stone’s JFK (1991) and The X-Files (1993). The truth, we were told, was out there. Trust no one – especially anyone in a position of authority.
Ruby Ridge: ground zero?

This atmosphere permeates Them’s second chapter, on the bloody Ruby Ridge standoff in regional Idaho in August 1992. Also permeating the chapter – and the book – are Ronson’s stated aims of painting people “as complicated grey areas, rather than magnificent heroes or sickening villains” and sticking “to the nuanced truth, rather than flattening it to make ideological points”.

Randy and Vicki Weaver were among the first Americans to articulate fears about the New World Order. In the 1980s, they moved from Iowa to a plywood cabin without electricity, high in the Idaho ranges. There, they home-schooled their children, living among bears and mountain lions.

Randy felt the need, Ronson tells us, to socialise from time to time. He made friends within the nearby Aryan Nations community and attended their summer camps with his children four times – though he told Ronson he wasn’t personally a white supremacist, but a “separatist”.

One such friend was an undercover agent, who asked Randy to sell him two illegal sawn-off shotguns. Once arrested, Randy was offered a choice: spy on Aryan Nations for the government or face time behind bars for illicit gun running. He went with the second option. Warned they could lose their house and convinced the New World Order was monitoring them (which was not untrue now), the Weavers stopped showing up to court.

In August 1992, US marshals hiding in the bushes shot the Weavers’ barking family dog as it came too close. Ronson reports that Weaver’s teenage son Sammy fired random shots in response, and was shot and killed. A marshal was killed too. Hundreds of federal agents descended, martial law was declared, and residents emerged from their homes bearing placards denouncing the New World Order. Vicki was shot and killed while holding her infant daughter.

Media coverage recast the human tragedy as a national psychodrama about extremism, government overreach and the collapse of public trust.

In the following months, militia movements expanded rapidly across the US. The infamous siege in Waco, Texas, where David Koresh’s Branch Davidians clashed with federal agents, ending with 75 members dead, unfolded in Texas less than a year later.

For many in the American far right, the ruined Weaver cabin became a symbol of resistance and martyrdom, assuming a quasi-mythic status. One pilgrim who visited was Timothy McVeigh, later responsible for the 1995 Oklahoma City bombing, which killed 168 people and injured close to 700.

Bilderberg: a secret society running the world?

Ronson soon realised the same name was on the lips of the various militia members and anti-government activists he spoke to: the Bilderberg Group. These are the people who actually run the world, they believed. Bilderberg was described as “the Roman Senate” or “a pyramid”.

Jones explained: “They’re way up there. Below them you’ve the IMF, the World Bank, the United Nations, then you’ve got us down here, the cattle, the human resources.” At the time, he was funding efforts to rebuild the Branch Davidian church.

Ronson first encountered Jones while interviewing Randy Weaver, who considered the then regional radio host “a true and tirelesss warrior”. Jones explained the Bilderbergers were orchestrating world decline from the behind the scenes. As with many conspiracy theories, the line between fantasy and reality was not always easy to discern.

The Bilderberg Group is real. It even has its own website. Established in the wake of World War II, it consists of annual private meetings attended by political and industrial leaders, financiers, media executives and royalty. It is, without doubt, a highly secretive organisation – which has intensified the suspicion around it.

Interestingly, UK politician Peter Mandelson, former US ambassador and friend of Epstein even after his conviction, is named in the book as a Bilderberg attendee.

This explains how Ronson eventually found himself sneaking into Bohemian Grove, the annual retreat (since 1878) of a secretive, elite club whose attendees “read much like a Bilderberg roll-call”, alongside Jones.

There, hidden among the redwoods of northern California, wealthy and politically connected men, many of them drunk, gathered for an elaborate ceremony centred on burning an effigy before a giant owl statue. Harmless elite play-acting, or dastardly occult ritual conducted by the secret rulers of the world? Ronson saw the former, Jones the latter.

In his short book on Donald Trump’s first presidential campaign, The Elephant in the Room (2026), Ronson describes watching the alt-right move steadily closer to political power, propelled in part by “leading voice” Jones – who reportedly received a swift call from a newly elected Trump, thanking him for his support.

Despite a lingering “personal” fondness for his fellow Bohemian Grove crasher, Ronson calls him “basically the most irresponsible man I have ever met”, who “uses his powers to inflame paranoia” and “boldly makes stuff up to suit his weird agenda”.
Lizard people

I first became aware of David Icke, former semi-professional footballer and respected sports journalist, now a believer in giant lizards, in April 1991. I was at home, watching TV, not yet ten years old.

Icke was being interviewed live on a prime-time UK talk show, wearing an eye-wateringly lurid turquoise tracksuit. He had recently started to refer to himself as the “Son of the Godhead”. On air, he made a series of predictions about imminent and devastating natural catastrophes. The audience, not knowing what to make of it all, laughed.

Ronson describes the moment:
He said this with such ferocity, such conviction, that the audience stopped laughing for a moment […] You could feel it sweep across the television studio, sweep across the land, a stirring of some primordial paranoia. Could David Icke actually be a soothsayer?

But in fact, ridicule and opprobrium followed the segment. In the period after his very public shaming, Ronson records, Icke came to believe his mockery had been orchestrated by shadowy elites. He immersed himself in conspiracy literature, including on the Bilderberg Group.

Icke became convinced the global elite were not merely corrupt politicians or financiers, but something much stranger: shape-shifting reptilian beings manipulating humans across millennia. Ancient civilisations, occult rituals and modern political institutions were all folded into a single explanatory system.

The reptilian invaders, he concluded, were the secret rulers of the world.

Critics have long argued his talk of secret reptilian elites functions as a coded form of antisemitism, echoing older conspiratorial myths – including ideas traceable to The Protocols of the Elders of Zion.

Yet Ronson suggests Icke genuinely believes the world is controlled by interdimensional lizard people.

The promise of hidden forces

This creates a puzzle. If someone claims giant lizards secretly control the planet, are we dealing with metaphor, coded prejudice, mental instability, opportunity or sincere belief? Increasingly, it seems the answer may be some unstable combination of them all.

Part of what makes Them feel so relevant now is that Ronson rejects the reassuring assumption that extremist or conspiratorial thinking falls outside the bounds of ordinary life.

Long before social media turned paranoia into a viable business model, he grasped that bizarre ideas do not emerge from nowhere. Rather, they are shaped by spectacle, distrust, insecurity and the seductive promise that hidden forces can explain an increasingly bewildering world – often with disastrous consequences.

Given Ronson’s record of books on topics just hitting (or about to explode into) the mainstream, the topic of his forthcoming one, to be published in August, is unsurprising: the masculinity crisis.

Alexander Howard, Senior Lecturer, Discipline of English and Writing, University of Sydney

This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.

Epistemologies of the South, the Left, and Communism

By Boaventura de Sousa Santos

July 17, 2026

Source: Originally published by Z. Feel free to share widely.

Solidarity In Color | Pubic domain image via stockcake

At this juncture in history, humanity’s situation is so volatile that whatever may await us beyond this turning point is of such a magnitude that it frightens and paralyzes us. We are sleepwalking toward a third world war and an ecological collapse of unimaginable proportions and consequences. The concentration of wealth in the hands of a small group of plutocrats is transforming concepts and solutions in which humanity had placed some hope into cruel caricatures, perverse mutants, or mere ruins of fond memories. This is the case with concepts and solutions such as progress, democracy, peace, sovereignty, diplomacy, science, law, and human rights. The destructive maelstrom and the power it wields are all the more overwhelming given that the ruling political elites, in general, oscillate between such disarming mediocrity and such arrogant aggressiveness that they are merely another dimension of the catastrophe awaiting humanity. For a long time, the concept of the Deep State – the underground government exercised by de facto powers that control major national political decisions without any democratic legitimacy – was stigmatized as a delusion born of conspiracy theories. Today, without running the risk of indulging in conspiracy theories, one can speak of a Global Deep Government, with the same characteristics as the Deep State, only now on a global scale. Recent news about the quasi-secret Bilderberg Group is a clear sign of this reality. [1]

Humanity as a whole is in need of humanitarian aid, even though some parts of it need that aid more urgently.

The Interregnum and Tragic Optimism

Inspired by Antonio Gramsci, I have characterized this moment in the curve of history as an interregnum, but I recognize that many people – especially younger ones – view the current moment more as an end than as an interregnum. It is the idea of an end that, ultimately, fuels the current rise of the far right. Under the guise of proposing a new beginning, it merely accelerates the end of the end. Beyond that lies thick fog.

I hold fast to the idea of an interregnum, which means that, for me, beyond the curve, there could be either a precipice or a less rocky path with more shelter. This is the essence of my tragic optimism. Except that this interregnum has little to do with Gramsci’s. For Gramsci, the old order that was slowly dying was ethically, socially, and politically inferior and worse than the new order that was also slowly being born. For that to happen, it was necessary to fight, but it was worth fighting for; the goals to fight for and the means to achieve them were known.

Our situation is far more complex, and therefore the demands of navigating this interregnum are much greater. What we can know with any precision is what currently exists, and what currently exists is an unfathomable mixture of material conditions and perceptions and ideas about those conditions. And since nothing exists except in relation to what does not exist, the relativity of our present consists of the past we no longer live and the future we will never live. Since the sixteenth century, capitalism has come to dominate the material conditions of the vast majority of the world’s population. In Gramsci’s time, capitalism did not yet fully dominate perceptions and ideas about those conditions; on the contrary, it was losing the dominance it still held. In that disjunction between material dominance and ideological and perceptual dominance lay the possibility of revolutionary rupture.

Over the past forty years, capitalism has sought to “balance” material domination with ideological and perceptual domination, strengthening both and blurring them to the point of merging them. To this end, it has focused on five main areas to increase ideological and perceptual domination: the media, education, science, culture and entertainment, and religion. Today, the majority of the world’s population believes that the old is (was) bad, but that the new might be worse. This downward spiral of expectations leads to resignation and a conservative political stance. Perhaps the world’s population has never been as conservative as it is today.

The far right exploits this sense of unease to stoke it and provoke a rupture – not a revolutionary one, but a reactionary one. The far right is not conservative; on the contrary, it is radical in its break with the recent past. However, this rupture aims to break with the recent past in order to legitimize a return to a more distant past – a pre-French Revolution past – one that was even more unequal, more colonialist, and more patriarchal. This is why some critics describe the far-right rupture as a return to a new form of feudalism, a distinctly Eurocentric characterization.

The invisible leaders of the far right are the representatives of the current plutocratic version of capitalism. This version is incompatible with democracy and the social rights won through past struggles – both democratic and revolutionary. The proposed break is thus simultaneously true and false. It is true because it taps into a widely shared sense of unease that the merchants of negativity exploit, but it is false because the promise of a better future is a hoax. It will not be fulfilled either in this world (a secular scam) or in the next world (a religious scam). And the truth is that when the far right comes to power, it quickly increases the discontent of the overwhelming majority of the population. Democratically elected fascist leaders are, in general, the ones who lose popularity the fastest, and if they do not lose it further, it is because society has, in the meantime, been deprived of the possibility of envisioning a better alternative. This is why, in a previous text, I argue that, in the short term, being on the left means defending democracy and the modest level of well-being that the reformist and revolutionary changes of the recent past have achieved.

But from what I have just analyzed, it becomes clear that this solution is nothing more than the emergency humanitarian aid I mentioned earlier. It is incapable of solving the problems humanity faces. Hence the need to think about the medium term.

The Epistemologies of the South, the Left, and Communism

We cannot know beyond what we are. Our existential condition is intertwined with our epistemic condition. To think about the medium term it is not enough to think about what has not yet been thought; it is necessary to think about what, in the light of the dominant epistemology, is unthinkable. An epistemic rupture implies an ontological rupture. In other words, to think the unthinkable and act accordingly, we must reinvent ourselves as human beings. Neither of these ruptures will happen quickly. They will unfold over the course of several generations, feeding into one another. Whether they occur before, during, or after a new Great War, no one will know. Together, the two ruptures constitute the paradigmatic revolution.

The timescale of a paradigmatic revolution is the long term. In the medium term, the key concept is that of transition. In epistemological terms, transition means that the unthinkable is gradually revealing itself through the exploration of the “ruins-seeds” of the present – that is, through thinking devices and agents that, having been targets of destruction, survive as ruins and, even as ruins, unsettle the guardians of the status quo. And by unsettling them, they cease to be merely ruins and become seeds as well. Hence, the concept of “ruins-seeds”[2].

The system of modern domination, consisting of three main modes of domination – capitalism, colonialism, and patriarchy – has become globalized as it has destroyed the world of thought and action that previously existed and opposed it. This destruction occurred both at the center of the system – the European and Eurocentric world – and in the non-European and non-Eurocentric world. It is in these two worlds that we must excavate the ruins-seeds. I repeat that they are tools of paradigmatic transition – that is, to guide us in the medium term. In the long term, we have no idea what will exist, much less how it will be named.

I identify three ruins-seeds, but there are certainly more. What unites them is that they continue to unsettle the dominant classes and dominant thought. This unease manifests itself in contradictory ways. On the one hand, it is insisted that, if they existed in the past, they no longer exist; or if they still exist, they are irrelevant and easily dismissible. They are the subject of what I call the sociology of absences. On the other hand, those who defend them are attacked as if they were dangerous – an existential threat to the status quo. In short, there is a fear that they might be harbingers or signs of a destabilizing sociology of emergences.

The three ruins-seeds are the epistemologies of the South, the Left, and communism. The first is rooted in the non-Eurocentric world, the second in the Eurocentric world, and the third has its origins in both worlds, albeit in different forms. As I said, the only thing they have in common is that they challenge the system of domination. For such system, to propose the epistemologies of the South is to advocate obscurantism, to be an enemy of progress; to be a leftist is to be an inconsequential utopian or a dangerous subversive; to be a communist is to be a fossilized relic of the past or an extremely dangerous subversive.

The Epistemologies of the South

The epistemologies of the South do not call into question the validity of modern scientific knowledge; they merely insist that it is not the only valid system of knowledge. They assert the validity of the knowledge born out of the struggles against capitalism, colonialism, and patriarchy waged by the populations, classes, peoples, or groups that have suffered most from the social injustice, oppression, and destruction that these three main modes of domination have caused and continue to cause. For dominant epistemologies, this knowledge is not valid. If it was valid in the past, it ceased to be so with the emergence of modern science; in any case, it would be dangerous to use it. Artificial intelligence seems capable of eliminating this knowledge once and for all. Artificial intelligence can use it as raw material, but never as knowledge that rivals the standardized knowledge produced by the mechanical reasoning of algorithms.

The Left

The Left originated as a seating position in the chamber of the French National Assembly following the Revolution of 1789. Over time, it came to denote any thought or action opposed to a status quo deemed unjust and exclusionary, in the name of the possibility of a more just and inclusive society. Since then, being on the left or a leftist has troubled – and continues to trouble – the ruling classes. As I mentioned earlier, for me the left is a constellation of lefts because domination affects different classes, peoples, groups, and cultures in different ways and with varying intensity. It is one possible term to identify the tasks of liberation that I will mention later.

Over the past hundred years, there have been many divisions within the left, notably the division between the moderate/democratic/social-democratic left and the far-left/revolutionary/communist/anarchist left. The latter exists today only as a memory or as a ruin-seed. The former, as I mentioned in my previous text, is important in the short term to save what remains of democracy, but it has no viability in the medium term. It will be progressively absorbed by the right, just as the right will be absorbed by the far right. It may survive a little longer as the moderate right, but never as the left. The moderate left is the moderate right of the near future.

To be a useful instrument in the transition, the left must be conceived as a ruin-seed – a possible term to describe the tasks of liberation. It will certainly combine Eurocentric components, both democratic and revolutionary, with non-Eurocentric components of resistance. To emphasize the confrontational nature of the left, it may be preferable to speak of leftism.

Communism

Finally, communism as a ruin-seed has both Eurocentric and non-Eurocentric origins. In the Eurocentric world, it has come to signify the most vigorous resistance and the most consistent alternative offered by the left against modern capitalist, colonialist, and patriarchal domination. Drawing on Max Weber’s concept of the ideal type, I refer to communism as the project of a society free from the exploitation of human beings by other human beings (potentially unlimited extraction of value from the labor force) and from the exploitation of nature by human beings (potentially unlimited extraction of value of natural resources). In terms of the epistemologies of the Global South, communism denotes a post-abyssal society – a society that does not divide human beings into those treated as fully human and those treated as subhuman, a society that does not treat nature as something we possess or that belongs to us, but rather as something we are and to which we belong. I am not referring here to the concrete social experiments that have self-identified as communist. Some came close to the ideal type; others perverted it in an ethically and politically repugnant manner.

In the non-Eurocentric world, communism referred to premodern, communal forms of collective life. In fact, the truly existing version of communism arose in the premodern, non-Eurocentric world and was therefore labeled by Western modernity as primitive communism. To describe communism as a ruin-seed without evoking primitivism or perversity, it might be preferable to speak of neo-communism.

The Guiding Liberations of the Paradigmatic Transition

The three ruins-seeds – epistemologies of the South, the Left, and communism – are the principal mechanisms of the paradigmatic transition. If this transition ever comes to an end, whatever comes into being will have every right to self-designate. The paradigmatic transition aims at the liberation of shackled or oppressed potentia. The scope of this task today far exceeds anything Gramsci could have imagined. The names given to the liberations of shackled potentia are necessarily inadequate because they stem from the different dimensions of oppression. We cannot imagine the names that this potentia will assume once it is liberated. As they appear on the horizon from the point where we stand, the main liberations are: liberating nature, liberating the commons, liberating the subhumans, liberating knowledge, liberating democracy, liberating education and culture, and liberating the divine. Each of these liberations presupposes the others. There will be no liberation without liberation struggles. There will be no struggle if there is no one willing to fight and take the risks that this entails. In the following texts, I will show how the ruin-seeds can help us in the immense tasks of liberation that impatiently await us.

(TO BE CONTINUED)

[1] Carole Cadwalladr, “You’re obsessing over the wrong Peter Thiel conference,” https://broligarchy.substack.com/p/youre-obsessing-over-the-wrong-peter

[2] The End of the Cognitive Empire: the coming of age of the epistemologies of the South. Duke UP, 2018Email

Boaventura de Sousa Santos

Boaventura de Sousa Santos is the emeritus professor of sociology at the University of Coimbra in Portugal. His most recent book is Decolonizing the University: The Challenge of Deep Cognitive Justice.

 

Peace for Iran: Declaration of Global Conscience

By Various Contributors

April 11, 2026

Source: Originally published by Z. Feel free to share widely.

Image by Diane Krauthamer, Creative Commons 4.0

Prefatory Note: Two Texts evant to Ongoing US/Israel War Against Iran in the context of a failing Ceaefire Agreement. Iran’s Conditions and Declaration of Global Conscience signed and individually affirmed by listed non-Iranians.]

“Six Non‑Negotiable Terms from international Scholars and Former Officials from 30 countries to End the U.S. War on Iran Amid Trump’s Threat of War Crimes”

The conscience of humanity resists “everything for us, nothing for others,” the creed of the predatory empire erected on the corpses of nations. The shameless rapacity and insolence have reached their zenith, and Trump’s threats illustrate the depraved spirit of a decaying civilisation. We must not be passive witnesses, but active architects of a new world where arrogance crumbles and righteousness prevails.

A large transnational group of prominent voices—including former UN officials, Retired career diplomats, former ministers, scholars and intellectuals, political figures and former parliamentarians, military and security professionals, artists, lawyers as well as journalists, activists, and antiwar leaders, from 30 countries—has released an open letter sharply criticising the global role of the United States and calling for a new international order centered on sovereignty and resistance to what they describe as Western domination.

Most of the signatories are from Western countries, alongside participants from Asia, Latin America, and Africa. The declaration, titled “A Declaration to the Conscience of Humanity,” was signed by over 170 signatories from countries including the United States, the United Kingdom, Canada, Germany, France, Portugal, Belgium, Italy, Scotland, Ireland, Australia, Switzerland, the Netherlands, Sweden, Serbia, Poland, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Lithuania, Russia, China, Malaysia, India, Brazil, Venezuela, Argentina, Mexico, South Africa, Lebanon, Turkey, and Iran.

In this fact-based public letter, the authors deliver a sweeping critique of American foreign policy and historical conduct. The letter states that for “249 years—spanning the entirety of its existence since 1776—the United States built a record of atrocity that belonged to a darker, pre-civilised age,” describing the country as “a predatory empire erected on the corpses of nations.”

The signatories, including current and former professors affiliated with 52 universities and academic institutions worldwide, accuse Washington of maintaining global military dominance through an extensive overseas presence. They state that the United States operates “over 800 military garrisons poisoning more than 90 foreign countries and territories” and has cultivated what the signatories call “a doctrine of absolute predation.”

The declaration also condemns U.S. involvement in major wars of the twentieth and twenty-first centuries, referring to what it calls “the genocidal horror of Vietnam,” “the annihilation of Cambodia,” and the “systematic slaughter of Koreans,” as well as the destruction of Iraq, Libya, Syria, and Afghanistan.

A central focus of the document is the ongoing confrontation involving Iran. These public figures argue that the current situation reflects what they describe as an expansionist U.S. strategy aimed at dominating global resources. According to the statement, the United States government is driven by “the demonic creed of ‘everything for us, nothing for others’,” which they say seeks control of global resources ranging from “the oil of Venezuela” to “the mineral wealth of Greenland” or “the energy reserves of Canada”.

The undersigned further assert that U.S. policy now “fixates on Iran” because the country possesses “over seven percent of the world’s mineral and energy wealth,” which they describe as “the final frontier of plunder.”

The document also criticizes contemporary American leadership, arguing that the “moral collapse of the West finds its embodiment in the pathetic figure of Mr. Trump,” and calling for what they describe as an end to “the era of pillage.”

Beyond its criticism of U.S. policy, the announcement proposes several demands that the signatories say are necessary to end the current war on Iran. These include guarantees against future aggression, the dismantling of U.S. military installations in the region, formal international condemnation of acts of aggression, reparations for damages caused by war, the establishment of a new legal framework for the Strait of Hormuz, recognising Iran’s sovereignty, and the prosecution and extradition of operatives in anti-Iranian media who have incited this bloodshed.

The authors also call on intellectuals, scholars, institutions, and civil society organizations worldwide to condemn what is described as the normalization of violations of international law and to challenge the global

structures that sustain domination and military intervention.

In conclusion, the signatories argue that the present moment represents a decisive historical turning point. “We stand with justice—not as passive witnesses, but as active architects of a new world,” the letter states, emphasizing that the international community must confront what it calls the return of predatory power in global politics.

Among the signatories are prominent scientists and figures representing a wide array of expertise and leadership, including philosophers, economists, historians, sociologists, jurists, theologians, Islamologists, reverends, biologists, physicians, musicians, filmmakers, songwriters, singers, entrepreneurs, engineers, novelists, theorists, as well as a physicist, a psychologist, an anthropologist, and a comedian. This diverse coalition reflects the global conscience of humanity, uniting professionals, scholars, and advocates from multiple disciplines in a shared call against U.S. exceptionalism.

The full text of the declaration, along with the complete list of signatories, has been released publicly in more than ten languages:

……………………………………………………………………………………………………….

A Declaration to the Conscience of Humanity

To the peoples of the world, to thinkers, to scholars, and to those who believe in justice:

A specter now haunts the conscience of humanity—the return of predatory power— and it shall no longer go unchallenged.

For 249 years—spanning the entirety of its existence since 1776—the United States built a record of atrocity that belonged to a darker, pre-civilised age; the predatory empire erected on the corpses of nations; from the genocide of nearly 5 million Indigenous peoples, to the brutal enslavement of over 4 million Africans, to the lynching of more than 4,000 Black citizens under Jim Crow. With over 800 military garrisons poisoning more than 90 foreign countries and territories, it cultivated a doctrine of absolute predation. From the genocidal horror of Vietnam, with over 3 million dead; to the annihilation of Cambodia, where 2 million perished under US-backed terror; to the systematic slaughter of Koreans, with more than 4 million Korean lives extinguished; to the destruction of Iraq, Libya, Syria, and Afghanistan, where one million Iraqis and tens of thousands of Libyans were consumed by US fire.

Yet the rational order that governs the world once helped humanity move beyond such practices. Humanity had consigned this barbarism to history. But now we are witnessing its return. The ongoing, systematic immolation of Gaza through the sustained support for the genocidal Israeli regime, where over 77,000 civilians in Palestine have been butchered—the scale of this atrocity reveals an inescapable truth: the pre-civilised practice has returned, and Washington has once again become its willing executor.

This is the demonic creed of “everything for us, nothing for others.” With shameless rapacity, it claims the resources of the world—whether the oil of Venezuela, the mineral wealth of Greenland, or the energy reserves of Canada—as objects of strategic entitlement. And now, that gluttonous eye fixates on Iran. Because Iran—possessing over 7% of the world’s mineral and energy wealth—is seen as the final frontier of plunder.

Yet this is no longer a matter of economics. It is a matter of honour. The world witnesses that the United States is actively engaged in a criminal enterprise termed the “Ramadan War” against the Iranian nation. This ongoing butchery has already claimed the lives of 208 innocent children. Let the world mark the date—168 of them were little girls, elementary students at the Shadjareh Tayyebeh School in Minab city in Iran, extinguished in their classrooms by US ordained terror.

Their futile and desperate contrivances aim at so-called “regime change” and the fragmentation of Iran—stripping the nation of its sovereignty and, thereby, facilitating the systematic plunder of its resources. In pursuit of this ultimate depravity, the U.S. brutally assassinated Iran’s spiritual and intellectual leader, Ayatollah Seyyed Ali Khamenei—recognised globally as a voice against arrogance and terrorism—along with his family.

They have waged a war of targeted terror against the very pillars of the Iranian state. To date, US aggression has criminally murdered 39 Iranian statesmen, including the scientific genius Dr. Ali Larijani, Secretary of the Supreme National Security Council.

Now, the insolence has reached its zenith. The US President openly threatens the Iranian people on social media with the destruction of their energy infrastructure. This is the depraved spirit of a decaying civilisation. The moral collapse of the West finds its embodiment in the pathetic figure of Mr. Trump—a man whose catastrophic conduct over the last two years has exhausted not only the world, but his own people. The time has come to declare, with one voice: Enough! The era of pillage is over.

But the United States has made a fatal miscalculation. What stands before it is not merely a nation, but a civilisation that has weaponised its own DNA—ancient organisational genius fused with 21st-century scientific sovereignty. This is the reality of active deterrence by Iran; a global pole of power that dictates the terms of engagement, forcing strategic retreat by rewriting the very rules of active defence. Now, its adaptive reorganisation, civilisational continuity, and social unity have fused into a singular, unbreakable force.

Iran’s all-encompassing defence and active deterrence represents a golden opportunity to end global hegemony. The historical and civilisational doctrine of Iran is absolute: power does not confer right, and domination cannot serve as a foundation for justice. This is recognised as the bedrock of Iran’s invincibility. The world may avail itself of this historic turning point, drawing upon this very doctrine of liberation, to bring an end to domination and oppression wherever they may exist.

US and Israeli exceptionalism have dragged the world into an epoch defining choice between might and right, sovereignty and subjugation, dignity and dishonour. This moment must serve as the wake-up call for humanity to recognize that there is another way. It must impel people everywhere to do everything in their power to challenge the structures undergirding a global system that desecrates every moral value including the right to life itself.

Iran is the final frontier. If it falls, the hope of a better, enlightened future for the world dies with it. We cannot let that happen. The aggression against Iran is part of a system of global power that oppresses all of us. We cannot afford to stand by and watch arrogant authoritarianism running amok. Our very future depends on the success of Iran.

Therefore we cannot countenance any outcome of this war that involves a return to the status quo ante. Those who inflict such suffering must be made to pay a hefty price for their crimes. They must be made to realise that military might does not absolve them of the responsibility to uphold the laws on which the peace and security of our world depend. To that end, we support the terms set out by Iran for ending this war.

From the perspective of global justice, the terms for ending this war are absolute and non-negotiable:

1. Guarantees against repetition and a binding international commitment ensuring no future aggression.
2. The immediate dismantling of all US military installations in the region.
3. Formal admission of aggression, international condemnation of the aggressors, and full reparations for life and property.
4. An immediate end to war on all regional fronts.
5. A new legal regime for the Strait of Hormuz, recognising Iran’s sovereignty.
6. The prosecution and extradition of operatives in anti-Iranian media who have incited this bloodshed.

We, the undersigned in spirit, call upon our peers, the thinkers, the scholars, the institutions of conscience, and the advocates of justice across the world:

• Condemn the United States unequivocally for its systematic normalisation of contempt for international covenants and its reversion to the spirit of historical savagery and barbarism.

• Isolate the rogue regime of the United States diplomatically and economically for its ongoing crimes against humanity.

• Recognise Iran’s inherent right to active deterrence against unprovoked aggression.

• Demand the immediate cessation of American and U.S.-sponsored terrorism and the prosecution of those who order it.

As it has always done, history will record the courage of those who refuse to remain silent. We stand with justice—not as passive witnesses, but as active architects of a new world that has reached its threshold where arrogance crumbles and righteousness prevails. The arrogant must be dismantled. The world demands it. Justice will enforce it.

Signed in solidarity;

1. Richard Falk (USA)

Professor Emeritus of International Law at Princeton University and former UN Special Rapporteur on human rights in the Occupied Palestinian Territories (2008 – 2014) author or editor of more than 50 books on international law and global politics

• Denis Halliday (Ireland)

Former UN Secretary-General deputy and Humanitarian Coordinator in Iraq, Gandhi International Peace Award (2003)

• Norman Finkelstein (USA)

Highly internationally known political scientist, son of Holocaust-survivor parents, widely cited & recognized in Middle East political debate. former Professor at universities of DePaul, Princeton, Rutgers and New York

• Avi Shlaim (UK)

Professor Emeritus of International Relations and Historian at St Antony’s College, Oxford University, British Academy Medal (2017) for lifetime achievement,PEN Hessell‑Tiltman Prize (2024) for historical writing

• Hans von Sponeck (Germany)

Former UN Assistant Secretary-General and UN Humanitarian Coordinator for Iraq

• Alain de Benoist (France)

Internationally recognized philosopher and essayist whose work spans political theory, philosophy, history of religions, and cultural criticism, focused on critiques of liberalism, universalism, and modern egalitarian ideology

• Chris Williamson (UK)

Former Shadow Ministerfor Communities and Local Government (2010 to 2013), Former member of Parliament for 7 years, former leader of Derby City Council

• Boaventura de Sousa Santos (Portugal)

One of the world’s most internationally highly cited sociologists, Professor Emeritus of Sociology at the School of Economics of the University of Coimbra, Distinguished Legal Scholar at the University of Wisconsin-Madison Law School, Founder of the World Social Forum & the concept of “Epistemologies of the South”, Frantz Fanon Lifetime Achievement Award (2022), Kalven Prize, Jabuti Award, Gulbenkian Science Prize

• Jean Bricmont (Belgium)

Internationally cited theoretical physicist and philosopher of science, Professor at the Catholic University of Louvain, author/co-author of several books including Fashionable Nonsense and Humanitarian Imperialism

1. Dieudonné (France)

Internationally recognized Artist and Stand-up Comedian, author of more than 25 one-man shows, recipient of the Grand Prix de l’Humour Noir (2000) for his contribution to satirical comedy

1. Hamid Algar (USA)

Professor Emeritus of Persian studies at the University of California, Berkeley, King Faisal Prize laureate

1. Oya Baydar (Turkey)

Iconic Novelist and Sociologist who spent years in political exile after the 1980 Turkish coup d’état, later she returned and continued her literary career. She holds 5 Awards on novels, literature, short story and culture

1. Philip Giraldi (USA)

Counterterrorism Expert and Columnist, Executive Director of the non-profit, non-partisan anti-war advocacy group The Council for the National Interest (CNI), Veteran Intelligence Professionals for Sanity (VIPS)

1. Imam Suhaib Webb (UK)

Former imam of the Islamic Society of Boston Cultural Center, Former Resident Scholar of the Islamic Center of New York University, founder of Ella Collins Institute, one of the World’s 500 Most Influential Muslims list by the Royal Islamic Strategic Studies Centre (2010), recipient as Best Muslim Blog of the Year and Best Muslim Tweeter of the Year by Brass Crescent Awards

1. Cynthia McKinney (USA)

Former Congresswomen for 6 terms (Georgia), Assistant Professor and Director of the Office of External Affairs at North South University; recipient of various peace and human-rights awards (e.g., peace advocacy awards)

1. Ann Wright (USA)

Army Colonel and Former US diplomat who resigned in 2003 in opposition to the US war on Iraq, Jurist

1. Mohd Azmi Abdul Hamid (Malaysia)

President of Malaysia Consultative Council of Islamic Organizations

1. R. Roshan Baig (India)

Former seven-time member of the Karnataka Legislative Assembly, Former Minister of Home Affairs, Former Minister for Urban Development, Former Minister for Infrastructure

1. Saied Reza Ameli (Islamic Republic of Iran)

Full Professor of Communication and Global Studies at the University of Tehran, Head of the UNESCO Chair on Cyberspace and Culture, Founder and Dean of the Faculty of World Studies, Editor-in-chief of Journal of Cyberspace Studies, Member of Iranian Academy of Sciences as well as two High State Cultural Councils

• Haim Bresheeth (UK)

Retired Professorial Research Associate Professor of Film, Media and Cultural Studies, and Visual Culture at the School of SOAS, the University of East London, Campaign Against Misrepresentation in Public Affairs

• Mohammad Marandi (Islamic Republic of Iran)

Full Professor of English Literature, Orientalism and American Studies at University of Tehran

• Ajamu Baraka (USA)

2016 Green Party nominee for Vice President, Anti-Colonial fighter and Veteran of U.S. Black Liberation Movement, Founder of Black Alliance for Peace

• Bijan Abdolkarimi (Islamic Republic of Iran)

Philosopher, prominent intellectual in post October 7^th era, focused on ontology and political philosophy, specializing in the thought of Martin Heidegger, Associate Professor of philosophy in Islamic Azad University

• Daud Abdullah (UK)

Director of Middle East Monitor and former Deputy Secretary General of the Muslim Council of Britain

• Vijay Prashad (India)

Director of Tricontinental: Institute for Social Research, editor of LeftWord Books, Chief Correspondent at Globetrotter, and senior fellow at Renmin University of China, advisory board member of the US Campaign for the Academic and Cultural Boycott of Israel, co-founder of the Forum of Indian Leftists, Muzaffar Ahmad Book Prize, Paul A. Baran–Paul M. Sweezy Memorial Award

• Ramón Grosfoguel (USA)

Sociologist and Professor Emeritus at the Department of Ethnic Studies at the University of California, Berkeley

• Lawrence Davidson (USA)

Professor Emeritus of Middle East History at West Chester University (WCU)

• David Miller (UK)

Sociologist and former professor at the University of Strathclyde, the University of Bath and the University of Bristol, Co-Director of Spinwatch

• Abbas Edalat (UK)

Professor of Computer Science and Mathematics at Imperial College London and founder of the Science and Arts Foundation (SAF) and Campaign against Sanctions, Military and Imperial Interventions (CASMII)

• Dinah Shelton (USA)

Professor Emeritus of International Law at George Washington University Law School; former Commissioner and President of the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights (2010–2014), Elizabeth Haub Prize for Environmental Law (2006), International Environmental Law Award (2016)

• Jodi Dean (USA)

Political Theorist and Professor at Hobart and William Smith Colleges, former Erasmus Professor of the Humanities in the Faculty of Philosophy at Erasmus University Rotterdam

• Peter Limb (USA)

Internationally recognized Historian and Professor at Michigan State University

• Michael Maloof (USA)

Former Senior Security Policy Analyst in the Office of the Secretary of Defense

• Michael Springmann (USA)

Former Diplomat in Germany and Saudi Arabia, Attorney and Counsellor at Law, Doctor of Law

• Augusto Sinagra (Italy)
  Professor Emeritus of International Law at Sapienza University of Rome
• Syed Sadatullah Husaini (India)

President of India’s biggest Muslim origination (Jamaat-e-Islami Hind)

• Angelo d’Orsi (Italy)

Historian of Philosophy and Professor Emeritus of History of Political Doctrines at the University of Turin

• Sibel Edmonds (USA)

Exposer of corruption and intelligence failures within U.S. government agencies, PEN/Newman’s Own First Amendment Award (2006), Sam Adams Award for Integrity in Intelligence (2012)

• Kevin B. MacDonald (USA)

Professor Emeritus of Evolutionary Psychology at California State University, Long Beach (CSULB)

• Alberto Bradanini (Italy)

Former director of UN Interregional Crime & Justice Research Institute & UN Research Institute on Crime & Drugs, former ambassador in Tehran and Beijing, president of the Centre for Contemporary China Studies in Italy

• James H. Fetzer (USA)

McKnight Professor Emeritus of the Philosophy of Science at the University of Minnesota Duluth

• Piero Bevilacqua (Italy)

Historian, Professor of Contemporary History at the Sapienza University of Rome, author of 34 books

• Claudio Mutti (Italy)

Former Professor at the University of Bologna, Director of “Eurasia, Rivista di Studi Geopolitici”

• Siddiqullah Chowdhury (India)

Representative of the West Bengal Legislative Assembly, member of the All India Trinamool Congress (AITC)

• Claudio Moffa (Italy)

Former Professor of History of International Relations at the University of Teramo

• Maria Poumier (France)

Professor at University of Havana, Former Professor at the University of Paris (Sorbonne), documentary maker

• Bruno Drweski (France)

Professor Emeritus at the National Institute of Oriental Languages ​​and Civilizations (Université Paris-Cité) and Paris Geopolitics Academy

• Paulina Aroch Fugellie (Mexico)

Full Professor at the Department of Humanities, Metropolitan Autonomous University

• Munyaradzi Mushonga (South Africa)

Global Academic Director for the Decolonial International Network (DIN), Associate Professor at the University of the Free State

• Mufti Mukarram Ahmed (India)

Religious and literary scholar, Imam of India’s second largest mosque (Shahi Masjid Fatehpuri)

• Alain Corvez (France)

Colonel of French Army, former advisor minister of defense, former deputy to the General Commanding the UN Force in South Lebanon, advisor in international affairs

• Jodie Evans (USA)

Co-founder of the anti-war organization Code Pink, Filmmaker, former board chair of Rainforest Action Network

• Jean-Louis Poirier (France)

Philosopher, Historian and Translator

• Zlatko Hadžidedić (Bosnia and Herzegovina)

Political Scientist and Director of the Center for Nationalism Studies in Sarajevo

• Elizabeth Murray (USA)

Former Deputy National Intelligence Officer for the Near East at the National Intelligence Council; member of Veteran Intelligence Professionals for Sanity (VIPS)

• Pepe Escobar (Brazil)

Geopolitical Analyst and Journalist who has written for Asia Times, Mondialisation.ca, CounterPunch, Al-Jazeera, RT, Sputnik, Strategic Culture Foundation and Guancha

• Rodney Shakespeare (UK)

Economist and Visiting Professor at Trisakti University, Expert on Binary Economics

• Salman Hussaini Nadwi (India)

Founding member/chairman of numerous religious, medical, IT and engineering colleges and hospitals, scholar and professor in the Islamic sciences, author of numerous scholarly works, President of Jamiat Shabaab ul Islam, editor and co-editor of thirteen different periodicals in English, Urdu, Persian and Arabic languages 

• Ralph Bosshard (Switzerland)

Former Military Advisor to the Secretary General of Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe

• Daniel Estulin (Lithuania)

Writer and international speaker, author of “The True Story of the Bilderberg Group”

• Peter Koenig (Switzerland)

Economist and Geopolitical Analyst with more than 30 years of experience in the World Bank, the World Health Organization and the Swiss Development Cooperation

• İbrahim Betil (Turkey)

Founding President of the Turkish Education Volunteers Foundation, Businessman and Social Entrepreneur, former CEO of Tekfen Holding, Multiple Turkish civil society and philanthropy awards

• Tommy Sheridan (Scotland)

Candidate for Glasgow in 2026 Scottish Parliamentary Elections, Former Member of the Parliament, Former Convenor of Scottish Socialist Party, Former Glasgow City Councillor, former Convenor of Solidarity

• Christoph Hörstel (Germany)

Author and Expert on Security, NATO Policies, Geopolitics, and German foreign policy, Publicist

• Sara Flounders (USA)

Co-director of the International Action Center and Secretariat Member of the Workers World Party

• Kevin J. Barrett (USA)

Arabist-Islamologist Scholar, former Professor at the University of Wisconsin-Madison

• Zakia Soman (India)

Former Professor of Business Communication at the University of Gujarat, Founder of Bharatiya Muslim Mahila Andolan (BMMA) on women’s rights, member of South Asian Alliance for Poverty Eradication (SAAPE)

• Stephen Sizer (UK)

Former Vicar of Christ Church of Virginia Water in Surrey and director of the Peacemaker Trust

• E. Michael Jones (USA)

Former Professor of English literature at Saint Mary’s College (Indiana), founder of Culture Wars Magazine

• Tim Anderson (Australia)

Political Economist, Director of Centre for Counter Hegemonic Studies, Former Senior lecturer at the University of Sydney 

• Piers Robinson (UK)

Former Professor of Political Journalism, International Politics and Political Communication at Universities of Sheffield, Manchester and Liverpool, Co-Director Organisation for Propaganda Studies & Research Director at 
the International Center for 9/11 Justice

• Pino Cabras (Italy)

Former Vice-President of the Foreign Affairs Committee of the Italian Parliament

• Jean Michel Vernochet (France)

Former Journalist of Le Figaro Magazine, Writer and Geopolitical Analyst

• Angelo Persiani (Italy)

Former Ambassador in Uzbekistan, Tajikistan and Sweden

• Guillermo Barreto (Venezuela)

Biologist and Retired Full Professor at the Organisms Biology Department of Simón Bolívar University

• Mateusz Piskorski (Poland)

Former Professor at University of Szczecin and Jan Długosz University, Co-founder of the European Center of Geopolitical Analysis, former member of the Polish Parliament in the Assembly of Western European Union

• Declan Hayes (Ireland)

Retired Professor at the Sophia University of Tokyo

• Anisur Rahman Qasmi (India)

Scholar, community leader, Former vice president of the All India Milli Council, lecturer on Islamic jurisprudence 

• Dave Smith (Australia)

Anglican priest, Social Educator, Boxer, 2022 Candidate in Federal Election – United Australia Party (Grayndler)

• Aran Martin (Australia)

Managing Editor of the Institute of Postcolonial Studies (IPCS), Professor at University of Melbourne, Executive Director of Global Security Foundation, Editor of Postcolonial Studies

• David Rovics (USA)

Singer and Songwriter, Musician focused on US wars, globalization, anarchism, social justice and labor history, ASCAP Deems Taylor Award

• Vito Petrocelli (Italy)

Former Chairman of Foreign affairs committee of Italian Senate, Editorial Director of AntiDiplomatico,

• Dilek Bektas (Turkey)

Retired Professor at Mimar Sinan Fine Art University

• Veysel Dinler (Turkey)

Professor of law at Hitit University

• Christian Bouchet (France)

Anthropologist, Former Politician and Antiwar Activist

• Hacer Ansal (Turkey)

Professor of Sociology at Işık University, Expert on Social Theory and Gender

• Denijal Jegić (Lebanon)

Professor of communication in the Department of Communication at Lebanese American University

• Pawel Moscicki (Poland)

Professor at the Polish Academy of Sciences, Philosopher, Essayist, host of the Inny Swiat podcast

• Vanessa Beeley (France)

Photographer and Independent Journalist on Middle Eastern issues based in Syria

• Massoud Shadjareh (UK)

Chair of Islamic Human Rights Commission-London, holding consultative status at the UN Department of Economic and Social Affairs

• Zeki Kılıçaslan (Turkey)

Professor of chest diseases at Istanbul University Faculty of Medicine, Social Justice Advocate

• Sandew Hira (Netherlands)

Founder of Decolonial International Network known for his Decolonial Theory, Director of International Institute for Scientific Research

• Paul Larudee (USA)

Founder of the Free Gaza Movement and the Free Palestine Movement, Member of the International Solidarity Movement, co-speaker of the 2010 Gaza Freedom Flotilla

• Yvonne Ridley (UK)

Secretary General of European Muslim League, Candidate for Glasgow in 2026 Scottish Parliamentary Elections, Former President of the International Muslim Women’s Union

• Konrad Rekas (Poland–Scotland)

Lecturer at Nottingham Trent University, Member of Polish YES for Scotland

• James Perloff (USA)

Author, Researcher, and former Editor-In-Chief of The New American magazine

• Lucien Cerise (France)

Author of Governing by Chaos, Antiwar activist and Geopolitical Analyst

• Jürgen Cain Külbel (Germany)

Criminologist, Investigative Journalist, Author of a book on Israel’s role in assassination of Hariri

• Carol Brouillet (USA)

Peace activist, co-founder of the Northern California 9-11 Truth Alliance, and Green Party candidate for the U.S. Congress in California (2006, 2008, 2012)

1. Dogan Bermek (Turkey)

President of Alevi Philosophy Center Association, Former President of the Alavi Federation of Turkiye

1. Gilles Munier (France)

Investigative Journalist and Secretary General of the Franco-Iraqi Friendships Association

1. Rebecca Shoot (USA)

International lawyer, Co-Convener of Washington Working Group for the International Criminal Court and Co-Convener ImPact Coalition on Strengthening International Judicial Institutions

1. Leonid Savin (Russia)

Chief editor of Geopolitika.ru (from 2008), founder and chief editor of Journal of Eurasian Affairs

1. Rich Siegel (USA)

Pianist, songwriter, writer and peace activist, and 2015 Green Party political candidate in New Jersey

1. Gordon Duff (USA)

Former UN Diplomat in Iraq, Vietnam War Marine

1. Marion Sigaut (France)

Historian, Essayist, and Researcher on French history and political thought

1. Caleb Maupin (USA)

Founder of Center for Political Innovation, Journalist

1. Jacob Cohen (France)

Academic, Novelist and Antiwar Activist

1. Ken O’keefe (USA–Ireland)

Former Marine and Gulf War veteran, antiwar activist

1. Rainer Rupp (Germany)

Economist and Journalist

1. Thomas Werlet (France)

Leader of Mouvement FRANCE RÉSISTANCE 

1. Dragana Trifković (Serbia)

Director General of the Center for Geostrategic Studies &President of the Eurasian Media Forum

1. Feroze Mithiborwala (India)

Columnist and Founder of India Iran Friendship Forum

1. Imam Muhammad al-Asi (USA)

Former Imam of the Islamic Center of Washington, Research Fellow at the Institute of Contemporary Islamic Thought

1. Benedetto Ligorio (Italy)

Assistant Professor at the Department of philosophy of Sapienza University of Rome

1. Rania Masri (USA)
   Co-Director of North Carolina Environmental Justice Network
2. Haydeé García Bravo (Mexico)

Associate Researcher at Center of Interdisciplinarity Research in Science and Humanities, National Autonomous University of Mexico (UNAM)

1. José Gandarilla Salgado (Mexico)

Senior Researcher at Center of Interdisciplinarity Research in Science and Humanities, National Autonomous University of Mexico (UNAM)

1. Finian Cunningham (Ireland)

Author and Journalist at Strategic Culture Foundation

1. Margherita Furlan (Italy)

Journalist and director of Casa Del Sole TV

1. Eva Bartlett (Canada–USA)

Independent journalist, war correspondent, and activist focusing on Middle East conflicts

1. Teša Tešanović (Serbia)

Journalist and TV host, founder of Balkan Info

1. Claude Janvier (France)

Writer, Essayist and Columnist

1. Eric Walberg (Canada)

Geopolitical Expert and Author

1. Valérie Bugault (France)

Jurist and geopolitical analyst; Jurist

1. Adrián Salbuchi (Argentina)

Political Analyst and Writer

1. Yvan Benedetti (France)

One of the prominent leaders of Yellow Vests Movement

1. Yannick Sauveur (France)

Writer and Geopolitical analyst

1. Pierre-Antoine Plaquevent (France)

Writer, political analyst, and international consultant, Head the Strategika think tank and the Polemos newsletter

1. Arnaud Develay (France)

Political Consultant and International Legal Expert

1. Michael Spath (USA)

Executive Director of Indiana Center for Middle East Peace

1. Zhu Haozeng (China)

Editor in Chief of Haikou Xianjielun Cultural Media

1. António Gomes Marques (Portugal)

Retired Banking Director, Essayist

1. Haleh Niazmand (USA)

Professor of Art at Modesto Junior College, Conceptual Artist, Curator, and Art Critic

1. Claude Timmerman (France)
   Biologist, statistician, and researcher in population genetics; Essayist, commentator of Boulevard Voltaire
2. Hafsa Kara-Mustapha (UK)

Journalist and Author, Head of Global Operations African Legacy Foundation

1. Ginette Hess Skandrani (France)

Antiwar activist and member of Parti des Verts (French Green party)

1. Yacob Mahi (Belgium)

Theologian and Islamologist, Professor of Islamic Studies

1. Adam Shamir (Sweden)

Writer, Journalist, and Political Commentator

1. Jean-Loup Izambert (France)

Independent Investigative Journalist and Writer

1. Zafar Bangash (Canada)

Director Institute of Contemporary Islamic Thought in Toronto

1. Imad Hamrouni (France)

Professor at Académie de Géopolitique de Paris, expert on Middle Eastern affairs

1. Joe Iosbaker (USA)

Coordinator of the March on the Democratic National Convention 2024 to Stand With Palestine

1. Richard Haley (UK)

Chair of Scotland Against Criminalising Communities

1. David J. Reilly (USA)

Independent Journalist, Political Commentator, Former Candidate for Governor of Idaho in 2020

1. Nasreen Methai (India)

Founding member of Bharatiya Muslim Mahila Andolan (BMMA); an NGO working on women’s rights

1. Kim Petersen (USA)

Co-editor of the Dissident Voice newsletter

1. Stefano Bonilauri (Italy)

Journalist and Director of Anteo Edizioni

1. Tobias Pfennig (Germany)

Software Engineer and political activist

1. Tony Gosling (UK)

Investigative journalist and political activist

1. Zhang Shouliang (China)
   Deputy editor-in-chief of Haikou Xianjielun Cultural Media
2. Steven Sahiounie (USA)
   Award Winning Journalist and chief editor of MidEastDiscourse
3. Ümit Aktaş (Turkey)

Physician, specialist in herbal therapy and acupuncture

1. Imran Mohd Rasid (Malaysia)

Executive Director of Citizens International

1. Aly Bakkali (Belgium)

President of Partie Islam, antiwar activist

1. Fatma Orgel (Turkey)

Physician at Esenler Clinic, antiwar activist

1. Gurhan Ertur (Turkey)

Director of the NGO Citizen Initiative, antiwar activist

1. Luca Arrighi (Italy)
   Logician and designer of deterministic governance architectures 
   
2. Dave Cannon (UK)

Chair of Jewish Network for Palestine

1. Fatma Akdokur (Turkey)

Theology Instructor, antiwar activist

1. Houman Mortazavi (Canada)

Barrister and Solicitor, antiwar activist

1. S.Q Massod (India)

Secretary of ASEEM, antiwar activist

1. Richard Ray (USA)

Editor and Antiwar Activist

1. Shabbir Ali Warsi (India)

Scholar and Antiwar Activist

1. Abbas Ali (UK)

InMinds Human Rights Group

1. Norma Hashim (Malaysia)

Treasurer of Viva Palestina Malaysia

1. Saidi Nordine (Belgium)

Co-spokesperson of Bruxelles Pantheres

1. Iqbal Jassat (South Africa)

Executive Member of Media Review Network

1. Syed Farid Nizami (India)

Scholar and Antiwar Activist

1. Asif Ali Zaidi (India)

Lawyer and Researcher, antiwar activist

1. Kerem Ali (UK)

Spokesperson of Palestine Pulse

1. Syed Mounis Abidi (India)

Human Rights Lawyer, antiwar activist

1. Joe Lorincz (Australia)

Wentworth Falls NSW

1. Mouhad Reghif (Belgium)

Co-spokesperson of Bruxelles Pantheres