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Thursday, November 21, 2024

Climate Change Gives Us the Chance to Truly Decolonize; Will We Take It?



If we are to safeguard our very existence, climate change will challenge us to rethink, review, and reinvent the very notion of civilization and modernity.


Activists demanding financing for renewable energy projects in Africa demonstrate on day seven of the UNFCCC COP29 Climate Conference on November 18, 2024 in Baku, Azerbaijan.   SURPRISED THEY AIN'T IN JAIL
(Photo: Sean Gallup/Getty Images)

Mbong Akiy Fokwa Tsafack
Nov 20, 2024
Common Dreams

As delegates enter the final days of negotiations in Baku, Azerbaijan for the 29th seating of the Conference of the Parties—COP29—one thing is certain: These discussions happen under circumstances far different from the early 1990s. At that time, it was an absolute novelty that climate activists were highlighting the consequences of a Euro-North American notion of modernity and civilization rooted in extraction and overconsumption. Today, delegates meet within the framework of a global recognition that colonialism exacerbated climate change and that decolonisation is critical in reversing its effects on humankind.

In its 2022 report, the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change made a clear connection between climate change and colonialism, stating that colonialism not only caused climate change but continues to exacerbate the impact of the climate crisis on the most vulnerable around the world. This acknowledgement sent a strong message to the global community and fired up the debate around the need to decolonize our mindsets, economic systems, and definition of modernity and civilization if we are to adequately deal with the climate crisis.

Climate change has inadvertently exposed the inferiority of modern civilization, characterized by a neocolonial economic model rooted in extraction, exploitation, and destruction of nature

2024 has given humanity a foretaste of the apocalypse that awaits us all if we do not rethink our approach to development and make true commitments toward staying below 1.5°C and attaining net-zero carbon dioxide emissions globally by 2050.

With record-high temperatures in several parts of the world this year, the reality of climate change has dawned on even the hardest denialists. Climate change is a lived experience for billions around the world, as floods continue to ravage cities, droughts threaten villages and communities, and wildfires scorch through lives and livelihoods.
Can We Afford to Continue With Business as Usual?

Science tells us we must immediately halt all new investment in fossil fuels. Many countries are making significant strides in the right direction—the U.K. recently announced that it was closing the last of its coal plants following Portugal, Greece, and many others making the switch away from the most polluting fossil fuel. Despite these gains, threats still loom. Trumpism and its “drill baby drill” narrative might have left climate activists feeling despondent, while news reports expose unsettling conversations between the COP29 chair and fossil fuel corporations. The fact of the matter is that no one can truly deny that the world is facing one of its greatest challenges yet and human-made climate change is at the center of it all.

There’s no room for fossil fuels, even though capitalist greed, individualism, and desire for profits over people and the rest of nature still drive the fossil fuel industry. But this industry is well aware of the devastation it has and continues to cause humanity.

COP28 gave a glimpse of hope with terminology to transition away from fossil fuels. COP29 must be more audacious in calling for a full phase out of fossil fuels if we are to reverse the harms of the last 100 years.

Climate Change as a Gift


Unlike many other human-made disasters facing the world—wars, conflicts, economic crises, and political rivalries—climate change has no borders or boundaries. It affects the wealthy and the less privileged, even if the wealthy can adapt better to its damages. The heatwaves, droughts, and the ferocity of the wildfires which science directly link to human activity have cast a dark cloud on the credibility of the Western civilization that has driven global systems in the last 100 years.

this reality calls on every one of us who is confronted with climate change to challenge the Euro-North American notion of a good life, of well-being, of development, of wealth, that has driven us to a climate apocalypse.

Climate change has inadvertently exposed the inferiority of modern civilization, characterised by a neocolonial economic model rooted in extraction, exploitation, and destruction of nature. A civilization that has destroyed the Earth, polarised society, driven individualism and greed, and left our very existence hanging on a thread if we do not act fast to reverse the speed at which the Earth is heating.

Beyond the horrors and misery bestowed on us by extreme weather events, collapsing food systems, and negative health impacts, there may also be a gift in climate change. If we are to safeguard our very existence, climate change will challenge us to rethink, review, and reinvent the very notion of civilization and modernity.

The Imperative of Decolonial Thinking and Decolonisation


Climate talks today should prioritize the need for a decolonial mindset, focusing on an alternative economic model rooted in our relationship with nature, our relationship with self, with each other, and rethinking growth and development.

Wisdom guarded by Indigenous African communities, and other Indigenous communities around the world, shows that it is possible to live great lives, build great empires and kingdoms, while maintaining peace with nature.

Whether world leaders commit to what must be done at COP29 is yet to be seen. However, the reality of a world ravaged by extreme weather events is indisputable. And this reality calls on every one of us who is confronted with climate change to challenge the Euro-North American notion of a good life, of well-being, of development, of wealth, that has driven us to a climate apocalypse.

Whether we like it or not, we will not save ourselves unless we treat the tragedy of climate change as a gift that compels us to do things differently and ultimately to live better lives.



Our work is licensed under Creative Commons (CC BY-NC-ND 3.0). Feel free to republish and share widely.


Mbong Akiy Fokwa Tsafack is a Pan-African, climate and decolonization activist and executive chairperson of Umoya MwaAfrika.
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Could Trump 2.0 End the American Century?

ITS ALREADY ENDED
IT WAS LAST CENTURY 



Trump’s second term will almost certainly be one of imperial decline, increasing internal chaos, and a further loss of global leadership.




Alfred W. Mccoy
Nov 20, 2024


Some 15 years ago, on December 5, 2010, a historian writing for TomDispatch made a prediction that may yet prove prescient. Rejecting the consensus of that moment that U.S. global hegemony would persist to 2040 or 2050, he argued that “the demise of the United States as the global superpower could come... in 2025, just 15 years from now.”

To make that forecast, the historian conducted what he called “a more realistic assessment of domestic and global trends.” Starting with the global context, he argued that, “faced with a fading superpower,” China, India, Iran, and Russia would all start to “provocatively challenge U.S. dominion over the oceans, space, and cyberspace.” At home in the United States, domestic divisions would “widen into violent clashes and divisive debates… Riding a political tide of disillusionment and despair, a far-right patriot captures the presidency with thundering rhetoric, demanding respect for American authority and threatening military retaliation or economic reprisal.” But, that historian concluded, “the world pays next to no attention as the American Century ends in silence.”

Now that a “far-right patriot,” one Donald J. Trump, has indeed captured (or rather recaptured) the presidency “with thundering rhetoric,” let’s explore the likelihood that a second Trump term in office, starting in the fateful year 2025, might actually bring a hasty end, silent or otherwise, to an “American Century” of global dominion.
Making the Original Prediction

Let’s begin by examining the reasoning underlying my original prediction. (Yes, of course, that historian was me.) Back in 2010, when I picked a specific date for a rising tide of American decline, this country looked unassailably strong both at home and abroad. The presidency of Barack Obama was producing a “post-racial” society. After recovering from the 2008 financial crisis, the U.S. was on track for a decade of dynamic growth—the auto industry saved, oil and gas production booming, the tech sector thriving, the stock market soaring, and employment solid. Internationally, Washington was the world’s preeminent leader, with an unchallenged military, formidable diplomatic clout, unchecked economic globalization, and its democratic governance still the global norm.

Looking forward, leading historians of empire agreed that America would remain the world’s sole superpower for the foreseeable future. Writing in the Financial Times in 2002, for instance, Yale professor Paul Kennedy, author of a widely read book on imperial decline, argued that “America’s array of force is staggering,” with a mix of economic, diplomatic, and technological dominance that made it the globe’s “single superpower” without peer in the entire history of the world. Russia’s defense budget had “collapsed” and its economy was “less than that of the Netherlands.” Should China’s high growth rates continue for another 30 years, it “might be a serious challenger to U.S. predominance”—but that wouldn’t be true until 2032, if then. While America’s “unipolar moment” would surely not “continue for centuries,” its end, he predicted, “seems a long way off for now.”

Writing in a similar vein in The New York Times in February 2010, Piers Brendon, a historian of Britain’s imperial decline, dismissed the “doom mongers” who “conjure with Roman and British analogies in order to trace the decay of American hegemony.” While Rome was riven by “internecine strife” and Britain ran its empire on a shoestring budget, the U.S. was “constitutionally stable” with “an enormous industrial base.” Taking a few “relatively simple steps,” he concluded, Washington should be able to overcome current budgetary problems and perpetuate its global power indefinitely.

After the steady erosion of its global power for several decades, America is no longer the—or perhaps even an—“exceptional” nation floating above the deep global currents that shape the politics of most countries.

When I made my very different prediction nine months later, I was coordinating a network of 140 historians from universities on three continents who were studying the decline of earlier empires, particularly those of Britain, France, and Spain. Beneath the surface of this country’s seeming strength, we could already see the telltale signs of decline that had led to the collapse of those earlier empires.

By 2010, economic globalization was cutting good-paying factory jobs here, income inequality was widening, and corporate bailouts were booming—all essential ingredients for rising working-class resentment and deepening domestic divisions. Foolhardy military misadventures in Iraq and Afghanistan, pushed by Washington elites trying to deny any sense of decline, stoked simmering anger among ordinary Americans, slowly discrediting the very idea of international commitments. And the erosion of America’s relative economic strength from half the world’s output in 1950 to a quarter in 2010 meant the wherewithal for its unipolar power was fading fast.

Only a “near-peer” competitor was needed to turn that attenuating U.S. global hegemony into accelerating imperial decline. With rapid economic growth, a vast population, and the world’s longest imperial tradition, China seemed primed to become just such a country. But back then, Washington’s foreign policy elites thought not and even admitted China to the World Trade Organization (WTO), fully confident, according to two Beltway insiders, that “U.S. power and hegemony could readily mold China to the United States’ liking.”

Our group of historians, mindful of the frequent imperial wars fought when near-peer competitors finally confronted the reigning hegemon of their moment—think Germany versus Great Britain in World War I—fully expected China’s challenge would not be long in coming. Indeed, in 2012, just two years after my prediction, the U.S. National Intelligence Council warned that “China alone will probably have the largest economy, surpassing that of the United States a few years before 2030” and this country would no longer be “a hegemonic power.”

Just a year after that, China’s president, Xi Jinping, drawing on a massive $4 trillion in foreign-exchange reserves accumulated in the decade after joining the WTO, announced his bid for global power through what he called “the Belt and Road Initiative,” history’s largest development program. It was designed to make Beijing the center of the global economy.

In the following decade, the U.S.-China rivalry would become so intense that, last September, Secretary of the Air Force Frank Kendall warned: “I’ve been closely watching the evolution of [China’s] military for 15 years. China is not a future threat; China is a threat today.”
The Global Rise of the Strongman

Another major setback for Washington’s world order, long legitimated by its promotion of democracy (whatever its own dominating tendencies), came from the rise of populist strongmen worldwide. Consider them part of a nationalist reaction to the West’s aggressive economic globalization.

At the close of the Cold War in 1991, Washington became the planet’s sole superpower, using its hegemony to forcefully promote a wide-open global economy—forming the World Trade Organization in 1995, pressing open-market “reforms” on developing economies, and knocking down tariff barriers worldwide. It also built a global communications grid by laying 700,000 miles of fiber-optic submarine cables and then launching 1,300 satellites (now 4,700).

By exploiting that very globalized economy, however, China’s industrial output soared to $3.2 trillion by 2016, surpassing both the U.S. and Japan, while simultaneously eliminating 2.4 million American jobs between 1999 and 2011, ensuring the closure of factories in countless towns across the South and Midwest. By fraying social safety nets while eroding protection for labor unions and local businesses in both the U.S. and Europe, globalization reduced the quality of life for many, while creating inequality on a staggering scale and stoking a working-class reaction that would crest in a global wave of angry populism.

Riding that wave, right-wing populists have been winning a steady succession of elections—in Russia (2000), Israel (2009), Hungary (2010), China (2012), Turkey (2014), the Philippines (2016), the U.S. (2016), Brazil (2018), Italy (2022), the Netherlands (2023), Indonesia (2024), and the U.S. again (2024).

Set aside their incendiary us-versus-them rhetoric, however, and look at their actual achievements and those right-wing demagogues turn out to have a record that can only be described as dismal. In Brazil, Jair Bolsonaro ravaged the vast Amazon rainforest and left office amid an abortive coup. In Russia, Vladimir Putin invaded Ukraine, sacrificing his country’s economy to capture some more land (which it hardly lacked). In Turkey, Recep Erdogan caused a crippling debt crisis, while jailing 50,000 suspected opponents. In the Philippines, Rodrigo Duterte murdered 30,000 suspected drug users and courted China by giving up his country’s claims in the resource-rich South China Sea. In Israel, Benjamin Netanyahu has wreaked havoc on Gaza and neighboring lands, in part to stay in office and stay out of prison.
Prospects for Donald Trump’s Second Term

After the steady erosion of its global power for several decades, America is no longer the—or perhaps even an—“exceptional” nation floating above the deep global currents that shape the politics of most countries. And as it has become more of an ordinary country, it has also felt the full force of the worldwide move toward strongman rule. Not only does that global trend help explain Trump’s election and his recent reelection, but it provides some clues as to what he’s likely to do with that office the second time around.

In the globalized world America made, there is now an intimate interaction between domestic and international policy. That will soon be apparent in a second Trump administration whose policies are likely to simultaneously damage the country’s economy and further degrade Washington’s world leadership.

As the world shifts to renewable energy and all-electric vehicles, Trump’s policies will undoubtedly do lasting damage to the American economy.

Let’s start with the clearest of his commitments: environmental policy. During the recent election campaign, Trump called climate change “a scam” and his transition team has already drawn up executive orders to exit from the Paris climate accords. By quitting that agreement, the U.S. will abdicate any leadership role when it comes to the most consequential issue facing the international community while reducing pressure on China to curb its greenhouse gas emissions. Since these two countries now account for nearly half (45%) of global carbon emissions, such a move will ensure that the world blows past the target of keeping this planet’s temperature rise to 1.5°C until the end of the century. Instead, on a planet that’s already had 12 recent months of just such a temperature rise, that mark is expected to be permanently reached by perhaps 2029, the year Trump finishes his second term.

On the domestic side of climate policy, Trump promised last September that he would “terminate the Green New Deal, which I call the Green New Scam, and rescind all unspent funds under the misnamed Inflation Reduction Act.” On the day after his election, he committed himself to increasing the country’s oil and gas production, telling a celebratory crowd, “We have more liquid gold than any country in the world.” He will undoubtedly also block wind farm leases on Federal lands and cancel the $7,500 tax credit for purchasing an electrical vehicle.

As the world shifts to renewable energy and all-electric vehicles, Trump’s policies will undoubtedly do lasting damage to the American economy. In 2023, the International Renewable Energy Agency reported that, amid continuing price decreases, wind and solar power now generate electricity for less than half the cost of fossil fuels. Any attempt to slow the conversion of this country’s utilities to the most cost-effective form of energy runs a serious risk of ensuring that American-made products will be ever less competitive.

To put it bluntly, he seems to be proposing that electricity users here should pay twice as much for their power as those in other advanced nations. Similarly, as relentless engineering innovation makes electric vehicles cheaper and more reliable than petrol-powered ones, attempting to slow such an energy transition is likely to make the U.S. auto industry uncompetitive, at home and abroad.

Calling tariffs “the greatest thing ever invented,” Trump has proposed slapping a 20% duty on all foreign goods and 60% on those from China. In another instance of domestic-foreign synergy, such duties will undoubtedly end up crippling American farm exports, thanks to retaliatory overseas tariffs, while dramatically raising the cost of consumer goods for Americans, stoking inflation, and slowing consumer spending.

Reflecting his aversion to alliances and military commitments, Trump’s first foreign policy initiative will likely be an attempt to negotiate an end to the war in Ukraine. During a CNN town hall in May 2023, he claimed he could stop the fighting “in 24 hours.” Last July, he added: “I would tell [Ukraine’s president] Zelenskyy, no more. You got to make a deal.”

Just two days after the November election, according toThe Washington Post, Trump reputedly told Russian President Vladimir Putin in a telephone call, “not to escalate the war in Ukraine and reminded him of Washington’s sizable military presence in Europe.” Drawing on sources inside the Trump transition team, The Wall Street Journalreported that the new administration is considering “cementing Russia’s seizure of 20% of Ukraine” and forcing Kyiv to forego its bid to join NATO, perhaps for as long as 20 years.

With Russia drained of manpower and its economy pummeled by three years of bloody warfare, a competent negotiator (should Trump actually appoint one) might indeed be able to bring a tenuous peace to a ravaged Ukraine. Since it has been Europe’s frontline of defense against a revanchist Russia, the continent’s major powers would be expected to play a significant role. But Germany’s coalition government has just collapsed; French president Emmanuel Macron is crippled by recent electoral reverses; and the NATO alliance, after three years of a shared commitment to Ukraine, faces real uncertainty with the advent of a Trump presidency.
America’s Allies

Those impending negotiations over Ukraine highlight the paramount importance of alliances for U.S. global power. For 80 years, from World War II through the Cold War and beyond, Washington relied on bilateral and multilateral alliances as a critical force multiplier. With China and Russia both rearmed and increasingly closely aligned, reliable allies have become even more important to maintaining Washington’s global presence. With 32 member nations representing a billion people and a commitment to mutual defense that has lasted 75 years, the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) is arguably the most powerful military alliance in all of modern history.

Yet Trump has long been sharply critical of it. As a candidate in 2016, he called the alliance “obsolete.” As president, he mocked the treaty’s mutual-defense clause, claiming even “tiny” Montenegro could drag the U.S. into war. While campaigning last February, he announced that he would tell Russia “to do whatever the hell they want” to a NATO ally that didn’t pay what he considered its fair share.

Right after Trump’s election, caught between what one analyst called “an aggressively advancing Russia and an aggressively withdrawing America,” French President Macron insisted that the continent needed to be a “more united, stronger, more sovereign Europe in this new context.” Even if the new administration doesn’t formally withdraw from NATO, Trump’s repeated hostility, particularly toward its crucial mutual-defense clause, may yet serve to eviscerate the alliance.

In the Asia-Pacific region, the American presence rests on three sets of overlapping alliances: the AUKUS entente with Australia and Britain, the Quadrilateral Security Dialogue (with Australia, India, and Japan), and a chain of bilateral defense pacts stretching along the Pacific littoral from Japan through Taiwan to the Philippines. Via careful diplomacy, the Biden administration strengthened those alliances, bringing two wayward allies, Australia and the Philippines that had drifted Beijing-wards, back into the Western fold. Trump’s penchant for abusing allies and, as in his first term, withdrawing from multilateral pacts is likely to weaken such ties and so American power in the region.

Although his first administration famously waged a trade war with Beijing, Trump’s attitude toward the island of Taiwan is bluntly transactional. “I think, Taiwan should pay us for defense,” he said last June, adding: “You know, we’re no different than an insurance company. Taiwan doesn’t give us anything.” In October, he toldThe Wall Street Journal that he would not have to use military force to defend Taiwan because China’s President Xi “respects me and he knows I’m f—— crazy.” Bluster aside, Trump, unlike his predecessor Joe Biden, has never committed himself to defend Taiwan from a Chinese attack.

Should Beijing indeed attack Taiwan outright or, as appears more likely, impose a crippling economic blockade on the island, Trump seems unlikely to risk a war with China. The loss of Taiwan would break the U.S. position along the Pacific littoral, for 80 years the fulcrum of its global imperial posture, pushing its naval forces back to a “second island chain” running from Japan to Guam. Such a retreat would represent a major blow to America’s imperial role in the Pacific, potentially making it no longer a significant player in the security of its Asia-Pacific allies.
A Silent U.S. Recessional

Adding up the likely impact of Donald Trump’s policies in this country, Asia, Europe, and the international community generally, his second term will almost certainly be one of imperial decline, increasing internal chaos, and a further loss of global leadership. As “respect for American authority” fades, Trump may yet resort to “threatening military retaliation or economic reprisal.” But as I predicted back in 2010, it seems quite likely that “the world pays next to no attention as the American Century ends in silence.”






© 2023 TomDispatch.com


Alfred W. Mccoy is professor of history at the University of Wisconsin-Madison is the author of "In the Shadows of the American Century: The Rise and Decline of U.S. Global Power". Previous books include: "Torture and Impunity: The U.S. Doctrine of Coercive Interrogation" (University of Wisconsin, 2012), "A Question of Torture: CIA Interrogation, from the Cold War to the War on Terror (American Empire Project)", "Policing America's Empire: The United States, the Philippines, and the Rise of the Surveillance State", and "The Politics of Heroin: CIA Complicity in the Global Drug Trade".
Full Bio >


Sunday, November 17, 2024

Trump chooses oil fracking boss as energy secretary

Bloomberg News | November 16, 2024  

President-elect Donald Trump nominated Chris Wright, who runs a Colorado-based oil and natural gas fracking services company, to lead the Energy Department.


Wright, the chief executive officer of Liberty Energy Inc., has no previous Washington experience. He’s made a name for himself as a vocal proponent of oil and gas, saying fossil fuels are crucial for spreading prosperity and lifting people from poverty. The threat of global warming, he has said, is exaggerated.

“Chris has been a leading technologist and entrepreneur in Energy,” Trump said in a statement Saturday. “He has worked in nuclear, solar, geothermal, and oil and gas. Most significantly, Chris was one of the pioneers who helped launch the American shale revolution that fueled American energy independence, and transformed the global energy markets and geopolitics.”

Trump said Wright, if confirmed, would also sit on the newly formed Council of National Energy that will be chaired by Doug Burgum, Trump’s nominee to lead the Interior Department.

The Energy Department has a disparate mission that includes helping to maintain the nation’s nuclear warheads, studying supercomputers and maintaining the US’s several hundred million-barrel stockpile of crude oil.

It also plays a key role in approving projects to export liquefied natural gas, something that was paused during Biden’s administration. Trump has vowed to undo the pause.

While the department has little authority over oil and gas development, Wright will play a leading role in helping Trump carry out his energy priorities.

Trump’s selection of Wright, whose company is among the largest providers of fracking services globally, is a show of support for the hot-button oil and gas extraction method that Trump frequently touted during the campaign to attack his Democratic opponent Kamala Harris.

Harris said she’d consider banning the technique during her 2020 primary run and reversed course in her 2024 campaign.


‘No climate crisis’

Wright’s company published a 180-page paper this year that concluded climate change “is far from the world’s greatest threat to human life,” and that “hydrocarbons are essential to improving the wealth, health, and life opportunities for the less energized.”


“There is no climate crisis. And we are not in the midst of an energy transition either,” Wright said in a video posted on his LinkedIn page. “Humans, and all complex life on earth, is simply impossible without carbon dioxide — hence the term carbon pollution is outrageous.”

Wright holds engineering degrees from the Massachusetts Institute of Technology and the University of California at Berkeley. He describes himself on his Denver-based company’s website as a “tech nerd turned entrepreneur and a dedicated humanitarian.”

While Wright has warned that subsidies for wind and solar drive up power prices and increase grid instability, he does support alternative energy. He serves on the board of small modular reactor developer Oklo Inc., and his company is an investor in geothermal energy and sodium-ion battery technology.

“I’m not here to protect market share for oil gas,” he said during a 2022 interview with Bloomberg Television. “We should do credible things, mostly driven by market forces. But shoveling subsidies at wind and solar, which are 3% of global energy, that’s not meaningfully going to change greenhouse gas emissions. But it is going to drive electricity prices up.”

Wright is also on the board EMX Royalty Corp., a global mining royalties firm, according to his company bio.


Chris Wright, CEO of Liberty Energy, speaking at the ALEC Annual Meeting in Denver in October 2024. Credit: The American Legislative Exchange Council


Trump named Wright with backing from Continental Resources chairman Harold Hamm, a Trump energy adviser and donor. Hamm said in an interview with the Houston-based trade publication Hart Energy that Wright was his choice for the job.

If confirmed by Congress, Wright would play a leading role in Trump carrying out his campaign pledge to declare a national emergency on energy. Trump has cast such a declaration as helping increase domestic energy production — including for electricity — which he says is needed to help meet booming power needs for artificial intelligence.

Under the first Trump administration, the Energy Department played a critical role in the president-elect’s efforts to revive US coal power, an initiative he’s hinted he may attempt again.

Wright would also oversee Trump’s promise to refill the nation’s emergency cache of crude oil. The Strategic Petroleum Reserve, which has a capacity of more than 700 million barrels, reached lows not seen since the 1980s following the Biden administration’s unprecedented drawdown of a record 180 million barrels in the wake of Russia’s invasion of Ukraine.

Trump’s first energy secretary, former Texas Governor Rick Perry, called for eliminating the agency entirely during a run for president in the 2012 cycle. He later apologized and vowed to defend the agency “after being briefed on so many of the vital functions” it plays.

(By Ari Natter)

Friday, November 15, 2024

Eco-friendly biomass pretreatment method yields efficient biofuels and adsorbents



A new biomass densification technique promises cost-effective bioethanol production and dye wastewater treatment



Journal of Bioresources and Bioproducts

A New Biomass Densification Technique Promises Cost-Effective Bioethanol Production and Dye Wastewater Treatment 

image: 

Eco-Friendly Biomass Pretreatment Method Yields Efficient Biofuels and Adsorbents

view more 

Credit: School of Environmental and Biological Engineering, Nanjing University of Science and Technology, Nanjing 210094, China




As global demand for sustainable energy solutions increases, bioethanol production from lignocellulosic biomass is gaining traction. However, traditional methods face limitations due to high processing costs and waste issues. A recent study led by Xinchuan Yuan, published in the Journal of Bioresources and Bioproducts, presents an innovative biomass pretreatment method that not only improves bioethanol production efficiency but also utilizes biomass residues as bio-adsorbents for wastewater treatment, potentially transforming the industry.

 

Producing bioethanol from lignocellulosic biomass is essential for developing sustainable fuels. However, existing pretreatment methods often involve high sugar loss and require intensive solid-liquid separation, adding to production costs. This study introduces a densification pretreatment approach that uses sulfuric acid and metal salts under mild autoclave conditions, which reduces energy requirements and operational costs.

 

The researchers employed a combination of sulfuric acid and metal salts, specifically FeCl₃ and ZnCl₂, for pretreatment at 121°C. This process, called densified lignocellulosic biomass with sulfuric acid and metal salts (DLCA(SA-MS)), allows biomass loading as high as 400 kg/m³, a substantial increase over typical levels. The DLCA(SA-MS) biomass achieved over 95% sugar retention and 90% enzymatic sugar conversion, reaching a high fermentable sugar concentration of 212.3 g/L. This advancement could increase bioethanol yields, meeting growing energy needs sustainably.

 

Beyond bioethanol, the study also addresses the environmental impact of lignocellulosic residue. After bioethanol extraction, DLCA(SA-MS) residues were processed into bio-adsorbents. These bio-adsorbents exhibited strong adsorption properties for dyes like methyl orange and methylene blue, which are common pollutants in textile wastewater. The bio-adsorbents achieved removal rates of over 90% for methyl orange and 80% for methylene blue, offering an effective and eco-friendly solution for industrial wastewater treatment.

 

The DLCA(SA-MS) pretreatment method demonstrates significant potential in industrial applications by increasing bioethanol production efficiency and providing a sustainable approach to managing biomass residues. With its dual benefits—enhanced biofuel yields and dye wastewater treatment—this method aligns well with current environmental goals and economic pressures for sustainable biorefinery operations.

This new approach marks an important step toward full-component utilization of lignocellulosic biomass, reducing production costs, and improving environmental outcomes. Future research will focus on scaling up the process and further refining pretreatment conditions to maximize benefits.

DOI:

https://doi.org/10.1016/j.jobab.2024.09.004

Funding:

This research received support from the School of Environmental and Biological Engineering, Nanjing University of Science and Technology, and other institutional sponsors.

Citation:

Yuan, X., Shen, G., Huo, J., Chen, S., Shen, W., Zhang, C., & Jin, M. (2024). Enhanced biomass densification pretreatment using binary chemicals for efficient lignocellulosic valorization. Journal of Bioresources and Bioproducts, 9, 548–564. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.jobab.2024.09.004

Friday, November 01, 2024

 

First Large Containership Methanol Conversion Completed for Maersk Halifax

Maersk containership converted to methanol
Ceremonies marked the compleition of the methanol conversion of Maersk Halifax (Photo courtesy of Zhoushan Maritime Safety Administration )

Published Nov 1, 2024 1:22 PM by The Maritime Executive

 


Ceremonies were conducted in China on October 29 marking the completion of the conversion of the Maersk Halifax into a dual-fuel methanol vessel. It is being hailed as a landmark in the effort toward green shipping as it becomes the first large, in-service vessel converted for methanol operations.

The work was completed at the Zhoushan Yatai Ship Engineering and Repair Co. where the vessel arrived in July, although work had begun with steel cutting in March 2024 after the 2023 contract signing. The shipyard prefabricated sections to speed the conversion time which is reported as lasting 236 days. 

The modification project is reported to have involved the modification of the main engine, the installation of methanol tanks, and the lengthening of the overall lengthening of the ship. Built in 2017 in South Korea as the Maersk Honam, the vessel was a casualty in 2018 but rebuilt and returned to service renamed Maersk Halifax. Prior to the methanol conversion, the vessel was listed as 1,158 feet (352 meters) in length with a capacity of 15,226 TEU. The Chinese reports are saying the vessel is now 1,204 feet (367 meters) and Maersk lists the vessel with a nominal TEU capacity of 15,262.

“Retrofitting a MAN B&W engine to dual-fuel running is straightforward as our standard, electronically-controlled ME-C diesel engines are constructed as ‘dual-fuel ready’ and therefore readily retrofittable,” commented Klaus Rasmussen, Head of Projects and PVU Sales at MAN PrimeServ, when the contract was announced in June 2023. 

Maersk noted however that it faced space challenges for the project which involves adding a new fuel line for methanol alongside the traditional fuel line. Alfa Laval provided the fuel supply system. Chengxi Walxin Special Coatings Co., a division of CSSC, applied a special inorganic zinc coating for the methanol tank which it reported is 2,800 square meters.

The vessel was reportedly fueled with methanol in mid-October. The Maritime and Safety Administrated listed the vessel as undergoing sea trials between October 16 and 20. Maersk’s online systems reflect the vessel as departed Shanghai on November 5 and making stops in China and South Korea before crossing the Pacific to APM Terminals Lazaro Cardenas in Mexico.

Maersk previously said it would continue the retrofit project to other ships of the class. They are planning a conversion on a sister ship timed to a special survey due in 2027.

Other major carriers including COSCO, CMA CGM, and Seaspan working with Hapag-Lloyd have announced plans for similar methanol fuel conversions. Work began last week at Shanghai COSCO Shipping Heavy Industry for the first project on a 20,000 TEU COSCO containership. This project is being promoted as another advancement as both the MAN S90 main engine and the Wärtsilä W32 auxiliary engine are being converted to operate on methanol. Steel cutting began for the project.


Maersk Signs Long-Term Methanol Sourcing Deal in China

methanol-fueled Maersk containership
Naming for one of Maersk's large methanol-fueled vessels in the UK (Maersk)

Published Oct 30, 2024 6:28 PM by The Maritime Executive

 

Maersk entered into a new long-term bio-methanol offtake agreement while highlighting that China continues to play a pioneering role in the development of alternative fuels. With this latest agreement, Maersk reports its combined methanol offtake agreements now meet more than 50 percent of the dual-fuel methanol fleet demand in 2027.

LONGi Green Energy Technology Co., a developer of photovoltaic and solar power projects and an electrolyzer manufacturer, will supply the bio-methanol produced at a facility in Xu Chang, Central China. The bio-methanol will be produced from residues of straw and fruit tree cuttings, with the first volumes expected in 2026. Full production is expected at the end of the decade.

Maersk notes that this agreement has evolved out of its growing global alternative fuels portfolio. The company which has previously said the supplies of the alternative fuel were in short supply notes that several of its other methanol projects “are currently in advanced stages of maturity,” including current efforts with several promising projects in the U.S. The company states that bio- and e-methanol continue to be the most promising alternative shipping fuels to scale up in this decade.

Developing a steady supply remains a key part of Maersk’s decarbonization strategy. The company notes that it now has seven of its dual-fuel methanol vessels, including six of the 16,000 TEU vessels in service. The company has orders for a total of 25 dual-fuel methanol vessels with the deliveries underway while it also has underway the conversion of its first in-service vessel to operate as dual-fuel methanol. 

While the company continues to espouse the virtues of methanol, Maersk was seen as wavering on its strategy as part of its current fleet renewal program. In August, Maersk reported it had elected a mix of methanol and liquified gas dual-fuel propulsion systems saying in the short term, Maersk also foresees a multifuel future for the industry which includes liquified bio-methane. Once the fleet renewal is implemented, Maesk says around a quarter of its fleet will be equipped with dual-fuel engines.

“Global shipping’s main net-zero challenge is the price gap between fossil fuels and the alternatives with lower greenhouse gas emissions. We continue to strongly urge the International Maritime Organization’s member states to level the playing field by adopting a global green fuel standard and an ambitious pricing mechanism which the industry urgently needs,” the company said announcing the new offtake agreement.

Maersk says it believes that the future of global logistics will see several pathways to net-zero, with today’s agreement underscoring the continued momentum for methanol projects. 

China continues to play a pioneering role, and it is encouraging to also see strong market developments in other geographies as well. One example is the US where we are engaging closely with several promising projects.

Monday, October 28, 2024

New Mein Schiff Cruise Ship Completes Maneuvers During Sea Trials

cruise ship trials
Mein Schiff Relax maneuvering during sea trials (Mein Schiff)

Published Oct 28, 2024 2:49 PM by The Maritime Executive

 

 

The innovative new cruise ship under construction at Fincantieri in Monfalcone, Italy for Germany’s Mein Schiff completed her first sea trials in October. At 160,000 gross tons, she will be the largest cruise ship in the fleet and the company’s first LGN dual-fuel cruise ship.

Named Mein Schiff Relax, the ship left the yard in Monfalcone and after a brief dry docking to clean its hull, began its first maneuverability tests. In addition to the zigzag course and basic maneuvering turns, the ship ran full astern tests and conducted a crash stop. The most spectacular tests caught in drone video were the 360-degree turning circle maneuver and a “Williamson turn,” a crash 180-degree turn used in man overboard and similar emergency situations. 

German travel company TUI reports Mein Schiff Relax demonstrated great maneuverability at top speed and passed all the first-round tests. The ship, which is 1,093 feet (333 meters) in length, is scheduled to undergo its first tests of its new dual-fuel LNG propulsion system in the coming weeks.

The ship is powered with two Azipods and incorporates new design elements including an innovative bridge and improved catalytic converts, as well as a shore power connection. In the future, the ship and a sister ship still under construction at Fincantieri can also operate using future bio- or e-LNG fuels.

 

 

Passengers will also find new design elements aboard the ship which is the first the line has built in Italy. Previously they built seven cruise ships at Meyer Turku in Finland. The new ship will have features ranging from 14 restaurants and 17 bars and lounges to a 25-meter (82-foot) swimming pool, a new design for a roof over the pool and deck areas, and a design that emphasizes relaxation. The line is calling the new ship the “feel good ship.”

The two new ships are part of a large expansion of the brand which caters to German-speaking passengers. It is a joint venture with Royal Caribbean Group.

CEO Wybcke Meier highlights that the company introduced one new cruise ship, Mein Schiff 7, in June 2024, Mein Schiff Relax in 2025, and the sister ship to be named Mein Schiff Flow in 2026. “This will increase the capacity of the fleet by almost 60 percent,” said Meier. “The expansion of the fleet not only creates more capacity but also enables us to reach different target groups and open up new markets.”

 

Mein Schiff relax will be the largest cruise ship and first LNG-fueled in the line's fleet (TUI)

 

Construction for Mein Schiff Relax began in June 2022 and the ship was floated out in November 2023. The ship will enter service in March 2025 sailing from Malaga, Spain to the Canary Islands. Mein Schiff announced a unique christening event scheduled for April 9, 2025, where two other ships of the fleet, Mein Schiff 5 and Mein Schiff 7, will join Mein Schiff Relax.

The line reports work is underway on its ninth cruise ship, Mein Schiff Flow. The second LNG vessel is due to enter service in 2026.