Sunday, February 09, 2025

Palestinian state in Saudi Arabia: Joke or serious intent?
February 9, 2025 

CAIRO: Egypt condemned statements by Israeli officials suggesting the establishment of a ‘Palestinian state on Saudi territory’ as “irresponsible” on Saturday.

Egypt’s foreign ministry said in a statement the idea was a “direct infringement of Saudi sovereignty” and that the kingdom’s security was a “red line for Egypt”.

Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu appeared to be joking this week when he responded to an interviewer on pro-Netanyahu Channel 14 who misspoke by saying “Saudi state” instead of “Palestinian state” before correcting himself. “A Palestinian state,” Netanyahu said, correcting the interviewer. “Unless you want the Palestinian state to be in Saudi Arabia, they have a lot of territory,” Netanyahu added, smiling during the interview, conducted in Washington.

The Egyptian statement did not directly refer to Netanyahu but said such remarks were “reprehensible aggression and an infringement of diplomatic norms”.

President Donald Trump suggested this week that the United States take control of Gaza from Israel and create a “Riviera of the Middle East” after resettling Palestinians elsewhere, including in Egypt and Jordan. Arab nations want to see a two-state solution with a separate Palestinian homeland alongside Israel.

Trump later said Riyadh was not demanding a Palestinian state as a condition for normalising ties with Israel. But Saudi Arabia rebuffed his statements, and said it would not establish ties with Israel without the creation of a Palestinian state.

Any suggestion that Palestinians leave Gaza, territory they want to form part of an independent state, has been anathema to the Palestinian leadership for generations and neighbouring Arab states have rejected it since the Gaza conflict began.

Trump’s plan has received global condemnation, with regional and global leaders saying such a move would threaten regional stability. Trump said on Friday he was in no rush to implement his plan to take over and redevelop Gaza.

Published in Dawn, February 9th, 2025



‘Democratic’ ethnic cleansing

Abbas Nasir 
Published February 9, 2025 
DAWN



THE discourse on democracy in the West — in particular — is self-congratulatory, and other systems that have delivered hundreds of millions of people out of poverty, hunger, illness, illiteracy and constant want are looked upon with disdain, suspicion, even derision.

For all my life, I have been a firm believer in democracy as the only viable system of governance which is rules-based and ensures participatory politics, inclusion and safeguards of the rights of the many. This was the theory at least. Of late, dozens of example of flawed democracy have shaken — all but shattered — my faith in the system.

When US President Donald Trump announced his Gaza ethnic cleansing plan from the White House podium, as Israeli Prime Minister Benja­min Netanyahu stood next to him with a smirk affixed to his face, the international outrage was only directed at what Trump’s words represented.

It was a few days later that someone pointed out on X that these words were uttered by a convicted felon as he was feting a man wanted by the International Criminal Court on charges of crimes against humanity that is war crimes.


There were always going to be three possible outcomes of the Palestinian struggle for freedom.

And if this was ironical, even more so was the fact that ‘democratic Europe’, many of whose leaders have often been uncomfortable with the manner in which the US has bulldozed its way through world affairs, quietly held out guarantees to Israel that their leader should not fear arrest to face war crimes charges as he flew over Greek, Italian and French air space en route to Washington, D.C.’s Andrews Air Force Base.

From African dictators to Serbia’s Slobodan Milosevic (who died in his cell in The Hague) to Bosnian Serb leader Radovan Karadzic and military chief Ratko Mladic, all must wonder what they did wrong to be arrested and hauled before the International Criminal Court or tribunals to be tried for war crimes, when Netanyahu is feted in the White House and assured of ‘no arrest’ if his plane were to land anywhere in Europe.

Not just that. The honoured guest smiled on as his host publicly committed to the ethnic cleansing of Gaza in a so-called plan that one Israeli commentator called the coming true of a … dream of the far right of the apartheid state. All international law experts and human rights groups said any such move would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing, even genocide.

Trump apologists in the US quickly started spinning his plan as ‘out of the box’ thoughts to find a solution to a long-standing issue. There was some back-pedalling by the White House spokesperson and the secretary of state, both of whom said the president was misunderstood and he didn’t mean for the Palestinians to be relocated permanently. This, when the president used the word ‘permanently’ too.

On the conclusion of his visit to Israel and a quick in and out of occupied Gaza, presidential envoy Steve Witkoff had said it would take 10-15 years to clear the rubble and unexploded ordnance from the Strip before its rebuilding could start. What was the implication of this ‘assessment’, if not relocation?

The Gaza forced expulsion plan has been the subject of a think tank’s commissioned study and a ministerial report, both of which have been discussed in the Israeli cabinet. Trump’s son-in-law, Jared Kushner, said exactly the same last year as the president has proposed now.

To property developers Trump, Kushner and Witkoff, Gaza is real estate worth drooling over, and its two million Palestinian inhabitants, the rightful owners of the land, no more than an inconvenience. This is no less than a godsend for the Israeli premier who, before Oct 7, 2023, was facing corruption charges that many Israeli legal experts thought would not only see him ejected from office but also land him in a prison cell.

Both Trump and Netanyahu are not freaks but products of a flawed democratic order where the hard right’s capture of the narrative allows it to manipulate public opinion to its advantage. Hungary’s Viktor Orbán is another glaring example. He has been in power for 15 years and is the longest-serving prime minister of his country and has completely brought all state institutions, including the judiciary, under his thumb.

The problem with many of us commentators and aspirational democrats is that we see world systems through the tainted Western lens that downplays their own flaws and development and innovation in societies such as the Chinese today and the Soviet Union in years gone by.

Reverting to the Middle East crisis, there were always going to be three possible outcomes of the Palestinian struggle for freedom. The first was a viable two-state solution, which would have meant concessions by Israel that it has been unwilling to make. The second could have been ‘one state’, with equal rights and dignity for all citizens. One can also see how Israel would recoil from it, as apartheid is the cornerstone of the Zionist state.

The third and what should be called the ‘final solution’ is what is being proposed now. The expulsion of Palestinians from Gaza (announced already) in the first phase and annexation of the West Bank and mass expulsion of up to a million Palestinians from there. Yes, it is called ethnic cleansing, which is a war crime.

It is the US and Israeli ‘democracies’ proposing this, despite the protestations of their democratic yet ineffectual European allies. Any such move would turn the (despotic) regional Arab nations from being US allies, who have peace deals or potential deals with Israel, into ‘front-line resistance states’, as Palestinian politician Marwan Barghouti explicitly warned and former Saudi intelligence chief Prince Turki bin Feisal also suggested to CNN.

The driver for the Arab states may well be one of self-preservation, because of the likelihood of explosive repercussions of a ‘forced relocation’, but as long as the Palestinians can get some justice, all else is unimportant.

The writer is a former editor of Dawn.
abbas.nasir@hotmail.com

Published in Dawn, February 9th, 2025


Unexploded ordnance imperils thousands of lives in Gaza

AFP
Published February 9, 2025 


PARIS: Unexploded bombs and shells buried in the ruins of Gaza could kill or injure thousands of people in the conflict-stricken Palestinian territory in the future, an aid organisation has warned.

The volume of ordnance dropped on Gaza during 15 months of conflict between Israel and Hamas was “mind-boggling”, said Simon Elmont, a demining expert with Handicap International — Humanity & Inclusion.

“The amount of ordnance that has been fired is an enormous quantity,” Elmont said, adding that between nine and 13 per cent of munitions fail to explode on initial impact. “It is going to be tens of thousands of unexploded ordnance, that’s for sure,” he added.

He said that the contamination level in Gaza was massive, and much of the ordnance “lies mainly within the rubble and underneath the surface of Gaza”. Hamas and Israel have agreed a ceasefire, which came into effect on Jan 19 and ushered in a fragile calm.


‘Fatal’

Elmont warned of the risk of multiple deaths and injuries as hundreds of thousands of displaced Palestinians return home to recover their belongings and try to rebuild. “The potential is for hundreds, if not thousands, of incidents where people potentially are injured. And unfortunately, some of those injuries will be fatal,” Elmont said.

“We know that people will start to try to find their personal effects. They will be entering damaged and destroyed buildings. They will start moving the rubble around,” Elmont added. “Our great concern now is that as they’re doing that, they will come across ordnance.” Citing recent video footage, the expert said a Gazan child had been hospitalised after another child threw a grenade at him, “believing it was a toy”.

“Making the war-ravaged territory safe from unexploded bombs is especially difficult because it is impossible to evacuate the population from the territories to be decontaminated”, he said. “The problem in Gaza is that there is nowhere to move them to,” Elmont said.

Another problem, he said, was the lack of a security force or a functioning authority to enforce safety cordons during clearance operations. “In Gaza this is unique in that those don’t exist at the moment.”

Israel’s offensive has killed at least 48,181 people in Gaza, the majority civilians, according to data provided by Hamas-run territory’s health ministry. The United Nations considers the figures reliable.

Published in Dawn, February 9th, 2025



Why Trump’s proposal on Palestinian displacement from Gaza rings alarm bells in the region




US president's suggestion to Egypt, Jordan to take in more Gaza residents heightens fears among Palestinians of being forcibly displaced in yet another "Nakba".

 
US President Donald Trump’s suggestion that Jordan and Egypt should take more Palestinians from Gaza, shattered by 15 months of Israel’s bombardment, is seen raising concerns among the enclave’s inhabitants as well as its neighbours.

The proposal is likely to heighten fears among Gaza’s 2.3 million Palestinians of being driven out of the coastal strip, and stoke concern in Arab states which have long been worried about the destabilising impact any such exodus would have.
What is behind the concerns?

Palestinians have long been haunted by what they call the “Nakba”, or catastrophe, when 700,000 of them were dispossessed from their homes when Israel proclaimed its creation in 1948.

Many were driven out or fled to neighbouring Arab states, including to Jordan, Syria and Lebanon, where many of them or their descendants still live in refugee camps. Some went to Gaza. Israel disputes the account that they were forced out.

The latest conflict since has seen an unprecedented Israeli bombardment and land offensive in Gaza, devastating urban areas. Palestinians and UN officials say there are no longer any safe areas in Gaza to seek shelter.

Most Gazans have already been displaced several times during Israel’s onslaught, launched after Hamas’ Oct 7, 2023 attack on Israel that killed 1,200 people, according to Israeli tallies.

The military campaign has killed more than 47,000 Palestinians in Gaza since then, according to Palestinian health officials. A recent study by academics assessing the period till June 2024 suggests that the death toll could be 40 per cent higher.


Palestinians wait to be allowed to return to their homes in northern Gaza after they were displaced to the south at Israel’s order during its war, in the central Gaza Strip on January 26. — Reuters/Mohammed Salem


What has happened during this conflict?

Before Israel launched its onslaught, it told Palestinians in north Gaza to move to what it said were safe areas in the south. As the offensive expanded, Israel told them to head further south towards Rafah.

According to UN estimates, up to 85pc of the 2.3 million people in Gaza — one of the most densely populated areas of the world — have already been displaced from their homes.

Many Palestinians in Gaza have said they would not leave even if they could because they fear it might lead to another permanent displacement in a repeat of 1948.

Egypt, meanwhile, has kept the border firmly closed except to let a few thousand foreigners, dual nationals and a handful of others leave Gaza. Egypt and other Arab nations strongly oppose any attempt to push Palestinians over the border.

Yet, the scale of this conflict eclipses other Gaza crises or flare-ups in past decades, and the humanitarian disaster deepens for Palestinians by the day.


Palestinians wait to be allowed to return to their homes in northern Gaza after they were displaced to the south at Israel’s order during its war, in the central Gaza Strip on January 26. — Reuters/Hatem Khaled


What are Arab, Western states and the UN saying?

From the earliest days of the conflict, Arab governments, particularly Egypt and Jordan, said Palestinians must not be driven from the land where they want to make a future state, which would include the West Bank and Gaza.

Like Palestinians, they fear any mass movement across the border would further undermine prospects for a “two-state solution” — the idea of creating a state of Palestine next to Israel — and leave Arab nations dealing with the consequences.

Top UN officials have added their voices to concerns about a mass displacement. UN aid chief Martin Griffiths said last February it was an “illusion” to think people in Gaza could evacuate to a safe place.

What have Israel’s govt and its politicians said?

Israeli Foreign Minister Israel Katz said on Feb 16, 2024 that Israel had no plans to deport Palestinians from Gaza. Israel would coordinate with Egypt on Palestinian refugees and find a way to not harm Egypt’s interests, Katz added.

However, comments by some in the government have stoked Palestinian and Arab fears of a new Nakba.

Finance Minister Bezalel Smotrich called on Dec 31, 2023 for Palestinian residents of Gaza to leave the besieged enclave. National Security Minister Itamar Ben-Gvir said the war presented an “opportunity to concentrate on encouraging the migration of the residents of Gaza”.

After Jordanian Foreign Minister Ayman Safadi said on Dec 10, 2023 that Israel’s military operation was “a systematic effort to empty Gaza of its people”, Israeli government spokesperson Eylon Levy called those comments “outrageous and false accusations”.

According to a Reuters report from October 2024, which cited various sources, Israeli leaders were seeking to lock in strategic gains that go beyond military victories — to carve out de facto buffer zones and shield its borders from any future attacks.

Header image: A drone view shows Palestinians waiting to be allowed to return to their homes in northern Gaza after they were displaced to the south at Israel’s order during its war, amid a ceasefire between Israel and Hamas, in the central Gaza Stri
p on January 26. — Reuters/Stringer

Published in Dawn, January 25th, 2025


West Bank’s turn

DAWN

MERE days after pausing the Gaza genocide, Israel has turned its guns on the occupied West Bank.

Though Israel had been conducting raids in the West Bank while simultaneously carrying out the slaughter in Gaza in the aftermath of Oct 7, 2023, with the ceasefire taking effect in the Strip on Sunday, Tel Aviv is now free to concentrate its attention on the rest of the occupied Palestinian territories.

Raids were stepped up earlier this week, with around a dozen people killed, while residents of the Jenin refugee camp have been forcibly evacuated.

As a UN official has noted, Israel is applying “war fighting” methods in the West Bank. While Tel Aviv had cited Hamas as the casus belli for the Gaza rampage, the West Bank is ruled by the Fatah-led Palestinian Authority. This shows that Israel has a problem with all Palestinians, regardless of their political affiliations.

Israel’s actions in the West Bank have very swiftly shattered the illusion that the Gaza ceasefire would bring peace to the occupied territories. The Zionist state — as it has shown over the decades — thrives on conflict, and peacemaking is not a priority for the Israeli ruling elite.

Couple this with the fact that the current occupant of the White House is surrounded by zealous Zionists, and the future for the Palestinians does not look good. It is highly likely that Israel will try and annex the West Bank, with the Trump administration egging it on. This will likely turbo-charge the Palestinian resistance, as Arabs in both Gaza and the West Bank fight for survival.

It is also a fact that the Lebanon ceasefire is due to expire in a few days, and Tel Aviv has no plans to withdraw from south Lebanon. While Hezbollah may be weakened, it can still put up a fight. Therefore, it may only be a matter of time before the ‘multifront’ war resumes in the region.

Published in Dawn, January 25th, 2025
GAZA 
A fleeting peace

Zahid Hussain 
DAWN



THE guns have gone silent in Gaza with the ceasefire coming into effect, as life limps back to what is considered normal in the enclave, devastated by incessant Israeli bombing for the past 15 months.

But the war is far from over with the Zionist regime still not willing to end its occupation. It’s only the first phase of the three-stage truce process that is being implemented; there are still questions about Israel fulfilling its promise of complete withdrawal.

An eerie calm prevails, with the people of Gaza continuing to live under siege. Two Palestinian men, including a teenager, were killed by Israeli forces hours after the ceasefire started.

The Israeli prime minister has threatened to resume military operations if the second phase of the truce doesn’t work. There is still no mention of an independent Palestinian state.

It is a tentative peace with hundreds of thousands of Palestinians returning to the rubble that was once their home. There are still dead bodies buried underneath. Each one of them has lost a family member or acquaintance in the genocide that has left more than 46,000 people dead and thousands of others gravely injured. Most of them are children.

Yet the resilience of the people who have gone through a genocidal war is indomitable. The spectacle of thousands of people celebrating the ceasefire, waving Palestinian flags on the streets of the devastated enclave underscores their resolve in the face of adversity. Israel’s military might, backed by the United States, has failed to destroy the resistance.

Hamas was back taking charge immediately after the ceasefire. Thousands of Hamas fighters have re-emerged from hiding and have re-established control over the enclave. It was apparent that despite the horror it has wrought Israel has failed to achieve its main objective of eliminating the resistance groups.

According to some reports, more recruits have joined the militant outfits, replacing the fighters who were killed by Israeli forces.


The resilience of the people who have gone through a genocidal war is indomitable.

After months of hectic diplomatic engagements that involved Qatar, Egypt and the US, the two sides finally reached a ceasefire agreement last week. The main resistance to the truce had come from Tel Aviv, which was not willing to withdraw its forces from the occupied territory. The three-phase deal finally came through just days before the installation of Donald Trump as US president.

Interestingly, there was no significant change in the peace draft that has been on the table since May last year. There are several factors that seem to have led to the change of stance by Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s government.

It may be true that pressure from Donald Trump forced the right-wing Israeli government to step back from its hard-line position. Trump had repeatedly threatened that there would be “hell to pay” if the hostages were not released ahead of his January 20 inauguration.




And surely it did happen with some arm-twisting by Trump’s special envoy for the Middle East, Steve Witkoff. According to media reports quoting some Arab diplomats involved in the negotiations, a “tense” weekend meeting between PM Benjamin Netanyahu and Witkoff led to a breakthrough in the hostage negotiations.

The first part of the three-phased deal began with a six-week ceasefire and the exchange of the first batch of three Israeli hostages taken by Hamas in October 2023, and some 90 Palestinian prisoners by Tel Aviv.

Over the next six weeks, if the deal holds 33 of the roughly 100 remaining hostages still in Gaza, living and dead, and more than 1,000 imprisoned Palestinians held in Israel will be released.

In the second phase a permanent ceasefire would follow complete withdrawal of Israeli forces from Gaza. The third phase envisages reconstruction process lasting from three to five years.

It all sounds good on paper but there is a strong suspicion that Israel, under pressure from its far right, would not abide by the agreement in the second phase. Some coalition members of the Netanyahu government are already talking about not extending the ceasefire to the second phase, which would really mark the effective end of the war.

It remains to be seen how the Trump administration would allow the deal to fall apart. President Trump, who has claimed credit for brokering the ceasefire deal, last week declared that he would build up the momentum of the freshly agreed upon Gaza ceasefire deal to expand the “historic” Abraham Accords.

The US-backed agreements struck during his first term normalised Israel’s relations with several Arab countries, including the United Arab Emirates, Bahrain and Morocco. “We will continue promoting peace through strength throughout the region” the new US president said.

President Trump would seek to broaden the deal to include major Arab power Saudi Arabia. During his previous term he succeeded to bring Tel Aviv and Riyadh closer. But Israel’s genocidal war in Gaza has halted the move.

Riyadh has said it will not consider normalising relations until Israel commits to a “credible path” to a Palestinian state. “Normalisation and true stability will only come through … giving the Palestinians a state,” declared the Saudi foreign minister.

While there is no indication that the new administration in Washington would press Israel to agree to the two-state solution, President Trump appears optimistic that Saudi Arabia could still be persuaded to come into the fold of the Abraham Accords.

One is not sure that Trump’s Middle East project would work without Israel accepting the two-state solution. In fact, some senior members of Mr Trump’s nominated cabinet favour a further or even complete Israeli annexation of the West Bank, which could make a viable Palestinian state almost impossible. In such a situation there is no hope of ending the Middle East conflict.

Indeed, the ceasefire, along with provisions to allow humanitarian aid into Gaza, has provided some relief to the hapless population. But a temporary peace and opening of the food supply cannot heal the wounds of such relentless oppression.

The most crucial question is whether the Palestinians would be able to get their rights and have full control over their land and their lives. How can people in Gaza live in peace while being under an everlasting state of siege?

The writer is an author and journalist.

zhussain100@yahoo.com

X: @hidhussain

Published in Dawn, January 22nd, 2025



GREEN CAPITALI$M;  PAKISTAN

Moving The Needle From Red To Green
Published February 9, 2025 
DAWN

FACING the fallout from abrupt climate change has forced Pakistan to carefully assess the challenges versus the opportunities as a key pivot to securing its future. It is a vital journey accompanied by the pressure upon a variety of stakeholders to help the country achieve the Sustainable Development Goal (SDG) target.

Public and private banks are among those who have come together to build new structures in the fight against the adverse fallout from climate change.

In the words of Zafar Masud, the chairman of Pakistan Banks’ Association (PBA), global climate “is not confined to any boundaries”, noting the interdependence of the international community facing a collective fallout from this threat.
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The response to the challenge from the banks has included a range of initiatives focused on energy conservation, and support for renewable energy, and a general push to lift Pakistan’s green economy.

Internally within banks, there has been a fast-paced conversion towards online solutions for fulfilling the needs of customers, in a step towards eliminating the use of paper-based processes. Similarly, the fast-paced expansion of the use of information technology across banks has laid a strong foundation for electronic networking in the workplace for times to come.

Other timely changes, such as the introduction of ‘green practices’ among criteria for loans to new ventures, have forced prospective new borrowers to reshape their projects. This is in sharp contrast to the days when prospective customers negotiating loans from banks for new ventures, exclusively focused on their balance sheets as a basis for negotiations.

The changed focus by Pakistani banks from yesteryear is broadly in sync with climate change-driven new national initiatives. It is also worth noting that the tilt of banks increasingly towards going green ultimately contributes to promoting Pakistan’s international commitments.

With Pakistan’s interest rates now almost halved from almost two years ago, there are growing opportunities for fresh lending initiatives to help individual consumers affordably face the fallout from climate change.

Interventions in agriculture and related areas are set to lay the ground for lifting Pakistan’s food security — a key element in the nation’s march toward progress. To this goal, Pakistani banks have begun integrating green finance practices in their lending portfolios to attract fresh large-sized investments in the critical field of agriculture. By turning towards climate-resilient farming practices, banks are increasingly venturing in an area that offers vast opportunities for corporate investors and small farmers alike.

One example that stands out in this area for corporate customers is the Green Corporate Initiative (GCI), a collaborative venture between banks and the Special Investment Facilitation Cell (SIFC) that is set to attract corporate investments in farming projects across at least 50,000 acres of prospective farmland in the Cholistan region. The eventual target aims at turning uncultivated barren land into fertile and productive farmland, marking a unique event in Pakistan’s history.

A significant benefit from this initiative will come in the shape of the introduction of modern technologies, such as state-of-the-art and efficient irrigation systems, cultivation with the use of modern, high-yielding seeds, and the use of solar power for energy generation purposes. Once in place, the project will stand out as an example for others to emulate in different regions of Pakistan. The push to expand corporate investments in agriculture also carries the potential benefit of generating larger financial commitments for research at agricultural research institutions, in areas like the development of new climate-resilient seeds and additional key inputs.

Financial institutions and corporate investors are being encouraged by the build, operate and transfer (BOT) model that suits investors and banks alike as their risk is mitigated and returns are carefully structured. Other banks have started green office initiatives, integrating environmental and social factors in their operations.

Additionally, in a move to reach out to small farmers, banks have joined hands with the Prime Minister’s Youth Business and Agriculture Loan Scheme, which is designed to convert 1.2 million tube wells across Pakistan to run on solar power. In the first phase, the programme aims at converting 100,000 tube wells that currently run on fossil fuels.

The reduction in running costs of these tube wells will allow farmers to utilize their savings for other agricultural inputs. The plan will reduce the existing carbon footprint across Pakistan, as the conversion of these tube wells will cut down carbon emissions by at least five million metric tons annually.

The financing terms facilitated through banks under this initiative include a subsidized interest rate of zero per cent annually for end users among farmers, with repayments made over periods of up to five years. Through this and other initiatives, Pakistan hopes to eventually succeed in reducing its rural poverty and consolidate its future economic growth.

Meanwhile, the journey to tackle climate change has turned the attention of banks towards a larger involvement with the promotion of EV financing aimed at making two-wheelers and three-wheelers more affordable for the public.

This is a critical area for the future as its expansion will improve Pakistan’s overall atmospheric conditions, and help meet the country’s national goals as defined in the first draft of the national electric vehicle policy, which targets zero emission by 2060.

It is a journey whose first step has been taken, with banks stepping ahead to finance two-wheelers and three-wheelers. The subsequent journey of targeting for the future assembly and eventual manufacturing of four-wheel EVs in Pakistan will receive a strong impetus from the current focus on smaller vehicles.






More importantly, this initiative has marked an important step towards the creation of sustainable businesses that will help improve climatic conditions. At the same time, the expansion of EV production in Pakistan also creates investment opportunities for entrepreneurs while creating employment opportunities for young, qualified professionals, trained in areas ranging from related technologies to the business aspects of such ventures.

Though the journey ahead will be challenging at the very least, it is always the first step towards a larger goal that must be appreciated for its ground-breaking magnitude. Pakistan’s banks have already taken more than just the first step in the right direction.

These initiatives are instrumental in laying the groundwork for similar efforts by other stakeholders across Pakistan’s private sector. Opportunities to successfully meet the challenge of climate change can be created through financially profitable and sustainable models. Banks in Pakistan are doing just that.

The writer is an Islamabad-based writer currently associated with Pakistan Banks’ Association (PBA). He writes regularly on economic and developmental issues.

Race against time
Published February 9, 2025 
DAWN

SOME of the foremost authorities on environmental issues converged in Islamabad this past week to talk about the urgent nature of the climate crisis in Pakistan. Alongside these experts at DawnMedia’s Breathe Pakistan conference, policymakers and jurists, too, laid out both the scale of the challenge and the action required to surmount it.

Pakistan faces what Supreme Court Justice Mansoor Ali Shah calls a “dual injustice” — bearing a disproportionate burden of climate impacts while lacking the structural capacity to respond. The conference’s outcomes were sobering. Pakistan needs $40-50bn annually until 2050 for climate adaptation, yet current flows amount to barely one-eighth of that.

The World Bank’s climate chief, Valerie Hickey, highlighted that while 70pc of global climate finance goes to mitigation, Pakistan’s pressing need is adaptation. More concerning still, less than 20pc of total climate finance reaches the Global South, where it is needed most.

Some bright spots emerged. Punjab has allocated Rs100bn for climate resilience and Rs10bn specifically for smog mitigation. KP’s forests serve as a carbon sink, removing half of Pakistan’s carbon emissions. The centre’s Uraan Pakistan initiative promises to integrate climate resilience into energy and development planning. But these efforts, while laudable, are dwarfed by the scale of the challenge. The outcome of inaction is already visible. We lost 97 school days to climate disruptions in 2023-24.

The Indus, Pakistan’s lifeline, is now the world’s second-most plastic-polluted river. Air pollution alone causes 128,000 deaths annually, reducing life expectancy by 3.9 years and costing the economy billions. By 2050, nearly half of Pakistan’s agricultural land could become unsuitable for farming.

The conference crystallised three imperatives. First, climate finance must be restructured. The finance minister’s call for more predictable, flexible, and grant-based support reflects the frustration with current mechanisms. Second, regional cooperation is essential. Pakistan’s initiative to engage with India on transboundary air pollution is a promising start. Third, domestic resource mobilisation must improve; we cannot wait for foreign help while our glaciers melt and crops fail.

The path is clear, if daunting. We must streamline our climate governance, implement the Climate Change Act’s delayed provisions, and create promised institutions like the climate change authority. The private sector must be better incentivised to help find climate solutions.

The media also has a vital role. By shifting from disaster reporting to solutions-oriented journalism, it can engage the public and hold policymakers accountable. It must also break down the jargon that often hinders effective climate communication. The conference has shown the way. The question is whether the country can summon the political will — both local and international — and resources to follow it.

Published in Dawn, February 9th, 2025

Targeting The Net Zero Equation
Published February 9, 2025
DAWN



RISING global temperatures are causing more frequent extreme weather events and environmental disasters. The European Union (EU) Copernicus Climate Change Service reported that between February 2023 and January 2024, global temperatures surpassed 1.52°C for the first time, marking a critical milestone beyond the 2015 Paris Agreement’s goal.

The United Nations Environment Programme (UNEP) Emissions Gap Report 2022 showed that while global emissions growth was slowing, current levels were still far from aligning with the Paris Agreement’s target of limiting warming to below 2°C by the century’s end.

The private sector’s role is instrumental in reducing emissions, finding innovative solutions and also providing financing. Furthermore, it is important to understand that climate change has become an existential risk for economic growth in almost every country as it requires economies to become resilient to uncertainty.

Pakistan’s case is no different. Under the present scenario, the predicted temperature rise will increase the chances of more heatwaves and higher levels of precipitation, with the sea level rising by 40cm until 2080, and all this will likely cause severe damage to the infrastructure. Pakistan’s temperature is expected to rise 2-4°C between now and the end of the century. Rising temperatures have an impact on the earth’s geophysical systems that manage the weather and climate, which are destabilising many of its ecosystems, resulting in both slow onset and fast onset events.

To prevent these impacts, there is a need to work at the root cause, which is reducing the level of carbon emissions, but there is a need to manage the impact of climate change. Providing costly solutions and training to farmers requires support, and companies sourcing from these farmers invest to ensure continued productivity. This example is a very simplistic approach to a complicated problem that often involves multiple impacts which have ripples up and down the value chain. Hence, for climate action which results in resilient economies, it is important for actors to work together both at global and local levels in climate mitigation, adaptation and financing.

Emission reduction

Pakistan’s commitments related to the Nationally Determined Contributions (NDC) under the Paris Agreement mandate national emission reductions, aligning with global climate goals. This requires substantial adjustments in business operations, such as energy consumption and supply chain management, often necessitating investments in new technologies. Implementation of the Paris Agreement requires economic and social transformation, based on the best available science.

However, as a first step, there is a need to quantify GHG emissions. For the corporate sector, the standard method of measuring and quantifying GHG emissions divides emissions into three types: scope 1 emissions in operations, scope 2 indirect emissions from purchasing electricity or heating, and scope 3 that covers emissions from the whole value chain — from raw material, production and transportation to customer use and product end of life.

While large companies have started decarbonising, smaller businesses must also be encouraged to meet NDC commitments. Large enterprises can encourage small and medium enterprises (SMEs) to go green within supply chains, and government support through financial incentives and streamlined policies can help these businesses meet environmental regulations.

Following this step, it is advised that companies develop an emissions reduction plan. The plan includes setting science-based targets. The Science-Based Targets Initiative (SBTi) provides a framework to set and disclose validated short-term, long-term, and net-zero targets. A handful of Pakistani companies belonging to the textile sector have registered to meet SBTi targets in all the three criteria. Companies in general use the following pathways for reducing emissions:

By focussing on improving the energy efficiencies in equipment used in operations, and lighting and cooling in buildings, to reduce scope 1 emissions. Additionally, by ensuring there is a system in place for energy management leads to measuring and monitoring systems for efficiency. Common examples include lighting and cooling or heating options. Leading companies are now using technology driven by artificial intelligence (AI) to determine the optimum efficiency for systems to adjust electricity use as per the need.

Reducing GHG emissions can be achieved through renewable energy, either by purchasing it or through self-generation. Many manufacturing facilities in Pakistan are now self-generating energy via solar, wind and biomass waste. Although there is still some reliance on grid electricity, its high costs have encouraged facilities to shift towards self-generation. On the other hand, it is important that the grid also modernises to reduce emissions.

While it is crucial for organisations to reduce scope 1 and 2 emissions, the corporate sector must also be accountable for scope 3 emissions. For instance, a refrigerator manufacturer should not only focus on reducing emissions from the production process, but to also design energy-efficient refrigerators using refrigerants with lower GHG emissions, thus addressing scope 3 emissions.

A common method to document and identify areas for improvement is the lifecycle assessment of a product. The assessment quantifies the GHG emissions at all stages of development and when this information is available, better products can be designed. Research by the Carbon Disclosure Project (CDP) has identified that scope 3 emissions are, on average, 11 times higher than direct (scope 1) emissions, and account for over 70pc of total emissions.Pakistan’s bulk goods transport sector remains largely informal, and often uses fuel that has been brought through the informal economy and is unregulated. This is an important source of carbon emissions. Here, the businesses can only deal with third party contractors that are certified to be using fuel and vehicles that are more efficient.

A Paris Agreement aim is “making finance flows consistent with low GHG emissions and a climate-resilient pathway”. While financial institutions have few scope 1 and scope 2 emissions, financed emissions account for scope 3 emissions. According to the CDP, financed emissions account for 700 times more than a financial institution’s directly generated emissions. At present, both lenders and investors are also setting targets for reducing the portfolio emissions, and even commercial lending requires businesses to submit emission reduction plans.

As countries set GHG emission targets in their NDCs and aim at net-zero emissions, accountability through GHG quantification and reporting becomes crucial. Many importing companies now report GHG emissions per product. EU legislation under the Green New Deal emphasises transparency and accountability.

In Pakistan, exporting textile companies must share their Emission Reduction Plan and SBTi commitments. Additionally, the Securities and Exchange Commission of Pakistan (SECP) has approved aligning annual reports with International Financial Reporting Standards (IFRS) guidelines, requiring companies to disclose GHG emissions and the process for determining and managing climate risks and opportunities.

Understanding the risks

In Pakistan, climate change poses multiple threats to businesses, from physical to transition risks. Transition risks are particularly acute as global policies shift towards sustainability. Pakistani businesses, especially those exporting to European markets, are increasingly required to commit to net-zero targets to remain competitive. This shift is driven by stringent environmental regulations and the growing preference for businesses to move towards renewable energy sources.

Financial risks are intricately linked to these physical and transition challenges. Businesses must secure funding for large-scale investments in adaptation and mitigation strategies, which could strain their financial resources. Additionally, the insurance sector in Pakistan faces the brunt of increased claims due to climate-related disasters, potentially leading to higher premiums for businesses. For instance, insurance companies in Los Angeles a few months before the recent forest fires, had withdrawn fire damage coverage for properties in wildfire-prone areas to reduce their exposure, demonstrating a global trend of insurers reassessing risk exposure, and leaving properties without financial protection against climate-induced events.

In Pakistan, social and reputational risks tied to climate change are critical for companies in international value chains. As global awareness increases, scrutiny on businesses’ environmental and social responsibilities grows. Pakistani exporters, especially to regions with strict regulations like the EU, must meet complex due diligence from buyers who prioritise high labour and environmental standards. To effectively manage these evolving risks, Pakistani companies must align climate-related risks into the risk management processes.

A study conducted by the Pakistan Business Council (PBC) and Deutsche Gesellschaft für Internationale Zusammenarbeit (GIZ) in 2024 highlighted that even though most companies recognise climate change as a top risk, efforts to address the risks are still fragmented. There is still a lack of understanding of climate-related risks at the department levels, and linking the risks to a financial business case and then aligning the risks to business continuity planning is not always efficient enough.

However, SECP’s requirements related to the IFRS and global reporting requirements will perhaps kick-start this change. Companies should engage in the capacity building of employees. This will support companies in identifying the safety measures required, making investments in infrastructure to combat hazards, and enabling transparent communication with stakeholders.

Building resilience

As climate risks increase, building economic resilience is crucial. Global discussions show that organisations with women in decision-making roles for sustainability and climate perform better. In Climate2Equal initiative, a pilot project aimed at engaging businesses, the PBC and the International Finance Corporation (IFC) collaborated to integrate gender-inclusive climate action into their business operations and supply chain by making commitments and pledges. As part of the peer-learning initiative, companies have demonstrated substantial work in areas, such as recruiting women in green jobs, internal and external awareness, capacity-building, and data-collection related to gender-inclusive climate action.

This initiative involved companies from various sectors who pledged to hiring more women in those roles identified as green jobs. Artistic Milliners, MG Apparel, Naveena Exports Limited and Packages Group also conducted training sessions to enable women with the knowledge and skills to contribute to climate action.

In terms of external awareness, companies aligned the activities to their business model. Bank Al Falah, added a module on climate change in the financial literacy session being imparted to women, while National Foods developed a children’s reading book focussed on climate literacy. A few companies have started to track and monitor how their operations impact women in the local communities they operate in as well. Artistic Milliners conducted climate literacy session when interacting with women working on cotton farms. The Dawood Foundation imparted both internal and external trainings on air quality using an all-women team.

Additionally, several companies have begun tracking the impact of their operations on women in the communities where they operate. This data is crucial as it adds a much-needed gender lens and can help understand how women as consumers and suppliers are impacted. While these initiatives are only a starting point, it gives an indication on how diversity can be innovative and develop more solutions to climate change.

Climate finance

Climate finance in Pakistan is a major concern, especially compared to Bangladesh. Pakistan has received less than $500 million in international mitigation and adaptation finance, while annual needs are $7-14 billion until 2050. Bangladesh has access to larger amounts, showing stronger engagement with global mechanisms like the Green Climate Fund. Recently, Pakistan’s Ministry of Climate Change launched the National Climate Finance Strategy to better utilise these financing pathways.

Furthermore, the recently launched Pakistan Carbon Credit Policy establishes a comprehensive framework for carbon trading to incentivise emission reductions and integrate Pakistani businesses into the global carbon market. One notable initiative is the Delta Blue Carbon Project in Sindh. This project is not only the world’s largest mangrove restoration effort, but also a significant endeavour in climate change mitigation. To fully leverage the carbon credit market and climate finance, Pakistan needs strong government support.

Climate action

Pakistan’s private sector recognises climate change as an existential risk. While large companies have started decarbonising, smaller businesses must also be encouraged to meet NDC commitments. Large enterprises can encourage small and medium enterprises (SMEs) to go green within supply chains, and government support through financial incentives and streamlined policies can help these businesses meet environmental regulations.

As the race to reduce carbon emissions to tackle climate change intensifies, it is becoming apparent that the private sector has a crucial role to play in reducing the economy’s environmental impact (mitigation) and preparing for climate change effects (adaptation). It is only the dual approach that will help build economic resilience.

The writers are associated with the Centre of Excellence in Responsible Business, Pakistan Business Council.

Published in Dawn, February 9th, 2025



Cracking The Code Of Climate Finance
Published February 9, 2025 
DAWN




THE catastrophic floods of 2022, which submerged a third of Pakistan and caused $30 billion in economic losses, laid bare the harsh reality of climate change in emerging markets.

The disaster displaced 33 million people, wiped out 10pc of GDP, and devastated millions of acres of farmland, triggering soaring food insecurity and inflation. Pakistan’s already fragile economy was pushed to the brink as its farms flooded, its infrastructure crumbled and the public sector struggled to respond to crisis calls from every direction.

Admittedly, this was the country’s biggest climate catastrophe, and it required massive relief and rehabilitation efforts from a cash-strapped government that did not have the resources to respond. And, yet, this was not a crisis created by those who were suffering its consequences.

Even though Pakistan accounts for less than one per cent of global emissions, it has already sustained climate-related damages of billions of dollars and is expected to lose over 6pc of its GDP annually due to climate-related damages, like floods, heatwaves and reduced agricultural productivity. As United Nations Secretary-General António Guterres bluntly put it: “Pakistan is a double victim — of climate chaos and of an outdated, unjust global financial system that blocks middle-income countries from accessing the resources they need for adaptation and resilience.”

Pakistan requires an estimated $40-50 billion annually for meeting its climate adaptation and mitigation needs. Yet, despite being one of the most climate-vulnerable countries in the world, it only receives $1.5-2 billion annually from international climate funds, multilateral development banks, and bilateral sources combined. Key sources include the Green Climate Fund (GCF), the Global Environment Facility (GEF), and the World Bank’s climate investment funds.

In the case of GCF, which remains the largest climate fund in the world, Pakistan has only secured $250 million to date, contrasting sharply with India’s $782 million and Bangladesh’s $441 million, highlighting a significant mismatch that threatens to undermine its resilience against future shocks.

While the much-discussed Loss and Damage Fund offered a glimmer of hope for vulnerable nations, the complex mechanics of accessing climate finance — from project preparation to implementation — remain a significant hurdle for frontier markets, like Pakistan.

Trillions of dollars in climate finance are theoretically available, with multilateral banks, sovereign funds, and private investors pledging record amounts towards mitigation and adaptation. The global green finance market crossed $1.5 trillion in 2023, and institutions, such as the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and the World Bank, along with various other climate funds, have ramped up commitments. Yet, for emerging markets like Pakistan, accessing these funds remains a struggle.

Pakistan requires an estimated $40-50 billion annually for meeting its climate adaptation and mitigation needs. But it currently receives only $1.5-2 billion from international climate funds. In the words of UN chief, Pakistan is a victim as much of climate chaos as of an unjust global financial system that blocks middle-income countries from accessing the resources they need for adaptation and resilience.

Complex approval and accreditation processes, stringent credit ratings, and high borrowing costs often mean that even climate-focused capital flows disproportionately to lower-risk, higher-return projects in more developed economies compared to going where it is most needed.

Meanwhile, billions in pledged funds sit unused, stalled by operational inefficiencies and a lack of viable financial instruments tailored to the needs of climate-vulnerable nations. Without structural reforms to unlock these funds, climate finance risks becoming more about commitments than impact.

As the world continues to suffer from the consequences of climate change, there is increasing acknowledgement, echoed at the last half-a-dozen UNFCCC annual climate meetings, that more needs to be done to support vulnerable countries, like Pakistan. Practitioners are aware that systems take time to shift, but as various stakeholders wait to see what the most recent change in US climate policy can predict for climate finance, it is also abundantly clear that we just do not have the time.

Even today, Pakistan continues to grapple with record temperatures against a backdrop of rolling economic crises, and urgent questions remain about how to respond to these threats when traditional funding markets invariably remain out of reach.

The data paint a stark picture. Since June 2023, each consecutive month has broken global temperature records dating back to 1850, with the past decade (2014-24) marking the warmest period in recorded history. During this period, Pakistan has also consistently ranked among the world’s ten most climate-vulnerable nations with devastating consequences on the ground. Temperatures in major cities regularly surpass 45°C, with unpredictable rainfall, droughts, landslides, and devastating extreme weather events severely impacting agricultural yields and water tables.

The economic implications of Pakistan’s climate vulnerability are particularly acute in its agricultural sector, which underpins both food security, employment and export earnings. Contributing 24pc to GDP, the sector provides critical inputs to manufacturing and textile, that in turn account for 75pc of export revenues.

Further, almost half the labour force is employed in agriculture and a vast majority of rural households entirely depend on it for their livelihoods. As such, the impact of climate on agriculture is well worth discussing in some detail, as climate shocks to the sector send shockwaves through the entire economy, compounding existing fragilities and deepening instability. And what makes things much worse is that the system is already stretched extremely thin.

As context, Pakistan’s agricultural sector is not only fragmented, but also deeply inefficient. Farming remains largely reliant on outdated techniques, exposing producers to unpredictable weather, disease outbreaks, and price volatility. These structural weaknesses have left Pakistan’s agricultural productivity trailing global standards — output per hectare for key commodities, such as wheat, cotton and rice, is 30-50pc lower than the world average.

For smallholder farmers, who cultivate 90pc of farms and half the country’s arable land, productivity is even more constrained, lagging by an additional 30pc. It is no surprise then that even though Pakistan ranks as the world’s eighth-largest wheat producer, its yield of 2.9 tonnes per hectare stands in sharp contrast to that of Ireland, which is the 60th largest producer, having a yield 72% higher.

The structural inefficiencies plaguing the agricultural sector create a vicious cycle of vulnerability for its farmers. The fragmented value chain compounds these challenges. Multiple intermediaries — from commission agents to wholesalers — extract margins at each step, driving up consumer prices while depressing farmer income. Accordingly, Pakistani rice farmers capture just 35pc of retail prices, compared to 65pc for their counterparts in India and Bangladesh.

In short, deep-rooted market distortions, limited access to weather advisory services, and outdated farming techniques have eroded productivity. Low yields, high post-harvest losses, and razor-thin margins create a self-reinforcing ‘poverty trap’, where farmers lack the capital to invest in modern farming and climate adaptation, leaving them ever more exposed to weather shocks. Decades of underinvestment in capacity-building and systemic resilience have only compounded this fragility — turning agriculture into a sector entirely unprepared for escalating climate threats.

This not only affects farmer income, but cuts across to increasing food insecurity in a context where 90 million people are already food-insecure and 38pc of children under five years of age are stunted. Also affected are areas like water shortage, rural-to-urban migration, current account imbalances, and the socio-economic fabric.

Clearly, Pakistan and other climate-vulnerable agrarian economies need to urgently invest in climate adaptation solutions to build resilience at a macro level. Given the limitations of available funding, it is also abundantly clear that there needs to be a real focus on project development. Private-sector investments in climate-focused agribusinesses present a commercially viable opportunity to address adaptation challenges, and do not require navigating potentially complex public-sector processes to get started. However, securing funding that aligns with the long-term nature of climate projects is essential.

Given the scale of the problem, Pakistan needs to develop a multi-stakeholder approach with private and public sector engagement. Accordingly, keeping the agriculture sector in mind, but extending to a broader focus on financial solutions, a few recommendations seem appropriate:

Bankable Projects: Efforts should be made to come up with projects that may attract investment, and leverage climate finance efficiently. Even if unlimited funding were to become available (and it is not going to be the case), we need to develop high-quality, commercially viable projects with robust IRRs and realistic risk/return profiles.

Financial Innovation: Utilise blended finance models and other innovative financial mechanisms to de-risk investments, attract private capital to higher-risk but impactful projects, and expand access to finance for smallholder farmers and early-stage innovators. Instruments such as sovereign green bonds can be used to offer alternative ways to mobilize funds while aligning incentives with sustainability goals. At the same time, parametric insurance and catastrophe bonds could provide financial buffers against climate disasters, reducing the strain on public finances.

Fintech-driven solutions, including digital lending for smallholder farmers and carbon credit markets, can further expand access to climate finance. However, for these innovations to succeed, Pakistan must develop a stronger regulatory framework, deepen capital markets, and enhance institutional capacity to scale investable climate projects.

Impact-Focused Grant: Acting as a catalyst for further private sector engagement and unlocking the potential for transformative solutions. This includes results-based financing, including carbon credits and impact bonds, concessional loans with forgiveness clauses, quasi-equity with no/low expected returns, and debt swaps for climate goals.

The Right Investment: Pakistan has struggled to develop stable, high-quality institutions and mechanisms that are specifically dedicated to climate finance, which makes it difficult to effectively access, manage and implement climate funds. The lack of institutional capacity and technical expertise results in limitations on project development, and a low base of high-quality, bankable climate project proposals that meet international standards and funding requirements.

Better coordination is needed between various government departments, as well as between federal and provincial levels, to present a unified approach to climate finance. Lack of clarity on key priorities and stakeholders can further delay funding decisions. In addition, frequent changes in government and policy directions can also create further uncertainty for international donors and investors, potentially limiting long-term commitments.

Developing and attracting specialized knowledge in climate finance, technology, and policy is crucial. We can learn from other developing countries, like Bangladesh and Chile, that are highly vulnerable to climate change have developed regulatory roadmaps and mechanisms for building capacity for national climate resilient development.

At this point, Pakistan urgently needs to foster a vibrant climate ecosystem by connecting early-stage innovators with established players, facilitating knowledge sharing, engaging experienced climate investors with corporates and experts to provide technical support and enable technology transfer to local climate solutions. The focus should be on collaboration, and mentorship to drive innovation and scale impactful solutions.

Additionally, offering technical assistance to help public institutions integrate climate risk considerations into development planning and policymaking can enhance the ability of government agencies to develop robust, climate-resilient projects that meet international funding standards for grant-based loans and concessional financing.

Private-Sector Engagement: With fiscal constraints and rising debt levels, Pakistan cannot afford to rely solely on public funds to finance its climate response. Private sector engagement is critical to mobilising large-scale investment in climate resilience and low-carbon development.

Creating an enabling regulatory environment — through targeted incentives such as tax breaks for green investments and mandatory climate risk disclosures — would help attract capital to climate-related projects. Blended finance models and public-private partnerships can further de-risk investments, ensuring both financial returns and equitable climate action. Beyond funding, private sector participation brings technological innovation, efficiency, and expertise, fostering solutions that are both economically viable and sustainable.

A paradigm shift is needed — one that prioritizes financial innovation, institutional reform, and private-sector engagement. Pakistan must urgently build a pipeline of bankable, climate-resilient projects that can attract both concessional and commercial capital, particularly in the agriculture sector.

At the same time, global financial institutions also need to reform their frameworks to ensure that climate-vulnerable nations can access financing on equitable terms. Without real reform, the gap between climate pledges and disbursements will keep increasing, turning climate finance into little more than empty promises at annual COP gatherings.

Pakistan’s ability to navigate this crisis will entirely depend on bold policy reform, strategic long-term investment in climate adaptation, and a multi-stakeholder approach that brings together the public and private sector. Indeed, the scale of the challenge is immense — but the cost of doing nothing is far worse.

The writer is the Regional Managing Director, Acumen.


Published in Dawn, February 9th, 2025





Climate Speak: Look Who’s Talking!

Afia Salam on how regional and digital media are driving the climate change narrative, leaving mainstream outlets to play catch-up.
Published 06 Feb, 2025
DAWN

Climate change and environmental issues are the new ‘trend’ in the media or so it would seem. But are they really? There was a time when journalists would find it hard to ‘pitch’ their stories on these issues to their editors. Only a ‘hard sell’ or a connection to a high-profile event or cataclysmic happening would get them the editorial nod; otherwise, at best, they would be tucked in an obscure column or aired at an unearthly hour on the airwaves.

Years ago, I made a statement at a media event regarding the fact that if climate change wasn’t given the space it deserved, a time would come when it would snatch the headlines and occupy the front pages. Subsequent climate-induced disasters did just that, although I wish I had not been proved correct in this instance.

Generally, when making a rapid assessment, we equate prominence with influence, and in Pakistan, as far as the legacy media houses are concerned, their reach has primarily been measured by influence rather than clout. While this is not the forum to go into the whys and hows of this, it has to be said that the English-language media has, for the most part, been considered more influential than the Urdu-language or regional media.

However, it also needs to be acknowledged that the regional language media has played a very robust and vibrant role in giving space to environmental awareness, climate change advocacy and highlighting the issues related to these matters. In doing so, they have been able to reach a wider audience that, for the most part, has no access to the Urdu and English language press.

Regional media coverage is embedded in on-ground realities.

As a result, it has successfully brought life to voices that people would otherwise be unaware of. Because of the ease of communicating in the same language as the people whose stories they want to project and in the right cultural context, their coverage has been more nuanced. Furthermore, the democratisation in the dissemination of information through the digital space has also brought greater depth to their coverage.

The mainstream media is generally resource-strapped. Sending teams deep into remote areas means allocating reporters, whose numbers are dwindling, added to which are transportation and equipment expenses, boarding, lodging and so on. It is far easier for regional journalists to reach a spot and cover an issue or an event. I experienced this firsthand during the floods of 2010 when the mainstream media was just readying its team, which could only reach accessible locations via the roads that had not been washed away. It is still fair to say that the regional media has been successful in featuring in-depth articles and research reports on a variety of topics, including some inspiring success stories.

Digital has given a great fillip to smaller media houses, which can now invest in capacity building without having to divert resources to maintaining a physical presence. Furthermore, opportunities offered by media development organisations have been snapped up by freelance digital content creators who learn the tricks of the trade, are not restricted to the whims of their editors and can pitch their stories to others if refused from one outlet.

There is also an increasing trend in climate change and environmental journalists self-publishing on platforms and monetising them.

This growth of local and regional self-published media may not benefit from editorial oversight, but the more diligent focus on honing their fact-checking and data journalism skills. No longer do we have to lament the paucity of real, grounded content as far as climate change and environmental discourse are concerned, as the widening media landscape is now giving the English-language media a run for its money.

Afia Salam is a journalist, climate change advocate and member of the National Climate Change Council.


Published in Dawn, February 9th, 2025


Potential of air quality cooperation

Ahmad Rafay Alam | Sanjay Upadhyay 
Published February 8, 2025 
DAWN

The writers are environment lawyers based in New Delhi and Lahore, respectively.

IN October-November of 2024, air quality in the Indo-Gangetic Plain (IGP) region deteriorated significantly to a critical level, particularly in the vicinity of the Punjab region.

Governments on both sides are making efforts to address this issue, but it is a complex one and needs a collective, collaborative regional effort to save the health of people, particularly infants and the elderly who are more vulnerable to air pollution.

Maryam Nawaz Sharif, the chief minister of Pakistan’s Punjab, proposed “climate diplomacy” between Indian and Pakistani Punjab on the issue of air pollution. Chief Minister Sharif’s statement was made in the context of the annual spike in air pollution that occurs in the northern IGP region during the months of October and November.

This is caused by year-round air pollution in both countries, but spikes in the airshed during the onset of winter is due to seasonal crop burning.

Last year’s historically unprecedented AQI levels — in some places for several days — were also possibly due to changes in the otherwise unusual large-scale wind circulation linked to La Nina under the influence of climate change.

The reality of the health impacts of air pollution on human life, agricultural production, and flora and fauna is serious. The WHO informs us that over nine million people prematurely lose their lives due to air pollution every year. Most of these deaths occur in Asian and African cities on account of air pollution from transport, energy production, and industrial emissions.

Millions of people in South Asia are at risk of losing their lives every year due to air pollution. Crop productivity is also stifled by air pollution, leading to falling agricultural incomes. Livestock is also affected by air pollution, although this area needs more study.

Air pollution in South Asia is not a city- or country-specific problem. It is also a regional problem that will worsen unless addressed at every level. It is incumbent on states in the IGP airshed — that is, India and Pakistan — to act to protect the lives and property of their citizens.

Air pollution does not respect borders, and a transboundary airshed approach, based on data, is necessary to address air pollution. It is in this spirit that an agenda and course of action for cooperation on regional air pollution may be envisaged.

Joint action by India and Pakistan to reduce air pollution can lead to health benefits on both sides.

A dialogue between environment, air pollution, energy, transport and health experts from both countries can and should be convened. The common issues in such a dialogue should include improved air quality research and monitoring, sharing knowledge that also includes climate data.

Ideally, experts, scientists and research institutions should be involved from both countries in the collection of data and to achieve desired research-based solutions for mutual benefits in saving the lives of affected people on both sides of the border.

Based on scientific findings, fossil fuel-based energy production is a major cause of deteriorating air quality in urban agglomerations in our countries. Pathways to transition to cleaner energy, especially renewable energy, should be discussed not only in the context of India and Pakistan’s commitments under the Paris Agreement but also to improve air quality in the region.

India has made strong strides in the transition to electric vehicles in the transport sector, the quality of fuel, and alternative fuel such as PNG and now hydrogen, among others. However, to deal with transboundary pollution generated primarily from fossil fuel combustion, it is imperative to work within the complete airshed for a meaningful outcome.

Both countries can also learn from each other’s experience in controlling automobile emissions and improving fuel quality. The very first step should be to develop a high-resolution emission inventory of major pollutants in the entire airshed region encompassing both countries near the border areas rather than focusing on cities or states.

Seasonal crop burning remains an issue neither India nor Pakistan has been able to tackle effectively. An air pollution summit can be a forum to share challenges in introducing soil-seeding machines, as well as other options such as crop rotation or crop substitution. A dialogue can also be an opportunity to work out a mechanism for joint monitoring of crop burning.

Most importantly, a dialogue can bring together health experts to discuss the multifarious impacts of air pollution on the health of citizens, especially children and senior citizens. Improved and more accessible data collection and research on the public health impacts of air pollution can be a catalyst for policymakers to make the important — and often costly and long-term — decisions necessary to improve air quality.

Lastly, a dialogue can chart out a shared strategy to monitor and reduce crop burning, find technology alternatives, and discourage traditional practices through incentive-based mechanisms; it can also agree on a vision, target and timeline for improved air quality.

Cities and countries that have faced and addressed air pollution in the past have all had one thing in common: a strong civil society vision of a clean-air future that is more sustainable than the five-year election cycle.

We believe an air pollution dialogue would be one manifestation of that vision. While such a dialogue may not result in improved air quality — not in the short term at least — it will be an opportunity to share goodwill between neighbours — goodwill that could foster momentum in other areas of diplomacy. The exchange of best practices in the long run may also reduce hostilities and mitigate the distrust that exists between the neighbours.

In a few weeks, as the winter dissipates, air pollution levels will drop — though nowhere near acceptable levels — and this issue will be kicked down the road till the onset of the next winter.

By not dealing with air pollution as a regional, year-round health pollution emergency, policymakers on both sides of the border are losing sight of the fact that early and coordinated action now is the best way to improve air quality in the future.

Published in Dawn, February 8th, 2025


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Belarusians after the elections: between apathy and fear



Andrei Vazyanau looks at why last month‘s presidential election did not produce the huge protests witnessed five years earlier.

The 2025 presidential elections in Belarus have been called the calmest, especially in contrast to 2020, when the most massive protests in Belarusian history broke out. The absence of open demonstrations against the obviously falsified results was secured by ongoing mass repression – participants of the 2020 protests are still beingdaily arrested, fined, banned from their profession and dispossessed of their property, in a country that has lost more than 5% of its population within five years.

The electoral campaign was organized in a way that discouraged any expression of dissent – with reports of forced collection of signatures and voting andvoting polls for Belarusians abroad completely absent. The  months before the elections were marked by mass detentions, which also affected people coming back from abroad. After a mass protest action of Belarusians in Warsaw, Poland, on election day, officials in Minsk claimed to have identified hundreds of participants and started checking whether they have property and relatives in Belarus.

Still, there is more than Lukashenka‘s violence inciting political apathy in Belarusian society. Firstly, the ongoing Russian invasion of Ukraine has brought immense destruction and civilian death to Ukranian cities, as well as the loss of dozens of thousands of combatants on both the agressor‘s and the victim‘s side. In 2022, Russian armed forces attacked Ukraine from Belarusian territory, both on land and from air. The Belarusian regime also assisted Russia in its agression, including the abduction of Ukrainian children.

Part of Belarusian society might even benefit from the war economically, given that the country’s defence complex produces armaments for Russia. However, within the first weeks of the full-scale invasion, partisans in Belarus undertook about eighty diversions to slow down the movement of Russian military materiel towards Kyiv. In Ukraine, Belarusian volunteers formed the Kalinouski regiment to fight on the Ukrainian side. The Belarusian Armed Forces did not join the war, and the last Russian missile that was launched into Ukraine from Belarusian territory was in October 2022.

Belarus today is not experiencing mass Belarusian deaths at the front line or under bombardment; there are no thousands of veterans without limbs. Furthermore, in Belarus, unlike Russia, killing Ukrainians has not established itself as a social lift, a money-making strategy, or a way to escape prison. According to surveys, while not wanting the Belarusian Army to join the war, Belarusians also do not consider that Belarus is at war. Thus, despite the mass repression, they have something to lose: the lives of their nearest and dearest, their homes, and entire landscapes like those destroyed by Russia in Ukraine.

Intuition of this is a backbone of Lukashenka’s rhetoric. It construed peace in Belarus as the main achievement of the dictatorship to be preserved, by whatever inadequate and controversial means, in the name of Belarusian sovereignty – according to surveys, losing statehood by joining Russia is a consistently unpopular idea in Belarus. By manipulating these fears, the regime draws attention away from the daily ongoing politically motivated detentions, dismissals and dispossessions inside Belarus.

The fear of war and loss of sovereignty also affect the perception of the West inside Belarus, where most of the pro-democratic protesters of 2020 remain. Access to Western goods is rarely discussed in Belarus, instead “the sanctions” are mostly mentioned in relation to mobility and visas.

Since 2020, the mass repression has divided many Belarusian families across the EU-Belarus border. After 2022, many EU countries introduced restrictions on tourist or other visas for people with Belarusian passports. Additionally, the withdrawal of EU consular offices and embassies from Minsk has made the visa application process for Belarusians much harder, even in comparison to Russians. Consular offices of some EU states in Minsk even require that Belarusian applicants travel to Russia to apply for a visa.

 Out of several railway connections between Belarus and EU countries, none is functioning since 2020. Many other reactions by Western stake-holders isolate the Belarusian population from the West rather than the hit the regime. The withdrawal of Tinder in 2023 made chatting with Poles from the Belarusian territory more difficult while giving way to Russian dating apps. In July 2024, the copyright holders of JK Rowling’s Harry Potter series refused to authorise translations into the Belarusian language, stating they did not want to deal with anything Belarusian while Belarus is under sanctions, although speakers of Belarusian have long been discriminated against in Belarus by Russophones.

In August 2024, when Russia and Western countries exchanged political prisoners in Ankara, Belarusian imprisoned oppositionists were ignored, although Belarus released a German citizen as a part of the deal. In a polarized Belarusian society in which disinformation is widespread, such stories are told victoriously by both Lukashenka and Russia supporters, which are overlapping but not identical circles.

In this context, Belarusians engage in quiet resistance to Russian expansion, rather than open protest against Lukashenka’s regime. Some avoid buying Russian goods at the grocery, which became especially difficult to do after mutual sanctions between Belarus and the EU. Others reject job offers from Russia, which comes at cost – in Belarus, salaries are lower, opportunities are fewer in number and the risk of repression is higher. Yet other Belarusians opt to spend their vacation in the EU and undertake the visa quest – but border police and embassies use increasingly formalistic approaches, annulling Schengen visas for reasons which have not counted as violations throughout decades. Since monetary tactics of resistance meet so many obstacles, many drift towards inner emigration and downshifting, virtually invisible from outside.   

Andrei Vazyanau is Assistant professor at the Department of Social Sciences, European Humanities University, Vilnius, Lithuania.

Image: Alexander Lukashenko https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Alexander_Lukashenko_2022.jpg Source: Kremlin.ru,  licensed under the Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International license.

Happy 80th Birthday, Bob Marley


 

  FEBRUARY 6, 2025

Co-founder of Philosophy Football Mark Perryman celebrates the meaning of Bob Marley.

As self-styled “sporting outfitters of intellectual distinction” Philosophy Football, we’ve made our name by going in search of philosophical quotes that explain the meaning of football and turn them into T-shirts, name and squad number on the back. Unique? We like to think so: our first, existentialist and Algerian international goalkeeper Albert Camus, swiftly followed by Gramsci. 

Imagine our joy therefore when we found out that Bob Marley had waxed lyrical about his love of the game: “Football is a part of I  – when I play the world wakes up around me.” Into production ahead of Bob’s beloved Jamaica making their World Cup debut at France ’98, we made him our number eleven. Club side? As a man of the people we reckoned Bob might fancy turning out for Kingstonian FC, not Jamaica’s capital, but south London’s premier non-leaguers. 

The shirt proved instantly popular, a tad too popular. The Bob Marley Foundation got to hear about it and sent us a writ for breach of copyright demanding the shirt be immediately withdrawn. We had become kind of used to this. Not many T-shirt companies have been sued by Eric Cantona, Hergé of Hergé’s Adventures of Tintin fame and now Bob Marley! But when we explained what we were about, two football fans with the idea of mixing our love of the game with our interest in ideas and design, plus in those days wildly ambitious festivals on London’s South Bank celebrating the global culture of football, the foundation were so impressed they insisted for Bob’s shirt we remove our legal get-out of jail description “strictly unofficial” and make ours The Official Bob Marley Football Shirt. Blimey, were we chuffed, not ‘alf.

Today, Thursday 6th February, would have been Bob Marley’s 80th birthday, sparking memories of how we described his place in our textiled squad. Playing of the ball on the grass, no dope far out on the wing, climbing high as a kite to catch the long ball. To celebrate his birthday, the shirt has been re-introduced into our unique line-up to rejoin Camus, Gramsci and others who prefer to play the game deep.

But this is a moment also to reflect on the meaning of Bob Marley and others like him. The writer and activist David Widgery had a neat way of describing his politics as “against miserabilsm”:                  

“There is a real danger of getting too depressed about the apparent triumph of a particularly tawdry and irresponsible sort of finance capitalism and the state of the labour movement and the cowardice and lack of vision of its leadership. But I’m very against miserabilism.”

David wrote those words at the peak of Thatcher’s rule, reinforced by the flag-waving aftermath to the 1982 Falklands war. Labour was drifting under the leadership of Neil Kinnock, the latter having led CND marches, promptly dropping any such commitment to nuclear disarmament once leader. The miners in 1984 suffering a catastrophic defeat. And this sorry lot of the early 1980s was just for starters. David Widgery was “against miserablism” because what precisely does being miserable achieve?

Widgery had form on the subject. He was one of the architects of the greatest fusion of a popular agitational politics with a popular joyful music, Rock against Racism. And he had no time for those he would otherwise agree with politically who couldn’t grasp the significance: “Marxists who turn socialism into something as obscure as particle mechanics.” 

As we danced to The Clash, Buzzcocks, Tom Robinson Band, Elvis Costello, X-Ray Spex, Stiff Little Fingers, the punk mainstays of Rock against Racism mixed with UK reggae’s Steel Pulse, Aswad, Misty In Roots, Matumbi, the musical-political combination was natural, vital and most of all wonderfully fun.

Daniel Rachel’s superb book Walls Come Tumbling Down chronicles how Rock against Racism segued into 2 Tone, a musical movement that didn’t have to spell out A-G-A-I-N-S-T R-A-C-I-S-M, it was fundamental to the music, the fashion, the line-up, everything about 2 Tone and in particular label-mates The Specials, The Selecter and The Bodysnatchers.

Bob Marley symbolises the potential and pitfalls of an anti-racism we can dance to such as this. In the late 1970s, Chelsea had amongst its fanbase a fascist hardcore who when the Ska anthem The Liquidator was boomed out of the Stamford Bridge PA system would loudly insert into that pregnant pause in the opening bars “British Movement boom boom”, an outfit for those who found the Nazi National Front a tad moderate. An anti-racism without musical accompaniment is entirely miserabilist. But music, the same goes for football, that doesn’t make the connection between a multicultural soundtrack or team line-up and the society which both exist alongside has a nasty habit of leaving any meaning on the dancefloor or pitch. A territorial anti-racism that is all about liking the music, the player but as for the rest who share his or her skin colour, religion, country they came from to ours, leave it out. Or words, actions – a damn sight worse. How that connection is made in a manner that is popular and connective, rather than waving a placard with a slogan that simply tells those whom the intention is to reach that they’re wrong, wrong, wrong won’t do it. Never has, never will.   

Jammin’ is what Bob Marley excelled in. Never for one moment did his music make us miserable. He lifted our sights to the possible which seemed all but impossible. Oh, and he understood that at its best our much-fabled ‘people’s game’ had every potential to do the self-same. In contrast to the activist-speak sloganising of ‘ Stop this, Fight that, Smash the other’, Bob Marley’s words “I believe racism, hatred and evil can be healed with music” positions popular culture in any contest of ideas not as a sideshow but absolutely central. It’s a practical understanding of how to reverse the current popular drift to increasingly hateful times, and better still one we can dance to.  Thanks for everything, Bob Marley, and many happy returns.

Philosophy Football’s Bob Marley T-shirt is available here.