"Protesters don't back down even when shots are fired," DW correspondents report from Bangladesh. The capital has seen days of massive student protests with over a hundred deaths,
Arafatul Islam
Weeks of escalating student protests over a quota reform for government jobs have spiraled into Bangladesh's worst unrest in living memory with over a hundred deaths in the past few days.
The government of Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina has imposed a nationwide curfew and deployed the military, following clashes between demonstrators and police during student protests.
Most local news outlets have not updated their online editions since Thursday night, after the government largely cut off internet, telephone, and SMS connections.
After several attempts, DW's Bengali service managed to communicate with its correspondents in Dhaka to get a firsthand experience from the city cut off from other parts of the country and the rest of the world.
'Risk of casualties'
Correspondent Harun Ur Rashid Swapan said Saturday that protesters who were protesting in several areas of Dhaka on Friday were still holding their positions even after the curfew was announced.
"Army and security forces took positions in those areas. But the protesters are large in number," he told DW. "So, there is a risk of casualties if security forces try to disperse the protesters."
Samir Kumar Dey, another DW correspondent based in Dhaka, said that the protesters refused to back down even when police opened fire: "The situation has reached a level that the protesters don't back down even when shots are fired. What I have noticed since yesterday is that the involvement of activists of political parties is more visible in the student protests."
The controversial quota system
The student groups are demonstrating against a high court order announced last month to reinstate quotas for government jobs. The quota system had been abolished in 2018 following massive student protests.
Under the quota system, more than half of civil service jobs are reserved for specific groups. For example, 30% of government jobs are reserved for family members of veterans who fought in the 1971 liberation war against Pakistan.
"Most of the students want to have a government job in Bangladesh. Social security is one of the reasons behind this," Lamia Rahman Supti, a Dhaka University student who has been participating in the protests, told DW.
She said protesters do not see the logic in reserving government jobs for the grandchildren of people who fought in the liberation war more than 50 years ago, commonly called "freedom fighters" in Bangladesh. Other groups, like women and the disabled, are allotted a smaller percentage.
Some 3,000 such government jobs were open to nearly 340,000 graduates last year, according to government data.
Nasiruddin Yousuff Bachchu, a well-known freedom fighter and cultural personality based in Dhaka, also thinks the quota system should be reformed, but he opposes reducing it drastically, which the quota reform protesters demand.
''The quota system should be reduced to 20% from the current 56%," Bachchu told DW. "The 10% quota we have for women should be increased to 15% as we still need to see more women in government jobs. Also, we need to keep quotas for ethnic minorities, persons with physical disabilities, and marginalized communities."
Toughest unrest in decades
Veteran journalist Harun Ur Rashid Swapan says he hasn't seen such wide and violent unrest for many decades. In his experience, no protests can compare to the scale of the ongoing quota reform protests that have seen many casualties and attacks on government properties. In one case, protesters managed to release prisoners from jail.
"I have seen a mass uprising against Ershad [military dictator in the 1990s]," Swapan told DW. "Considering the current movement's pattern and activities, I think it's a big one. The violence has reached a high level."
Samir Kumar Dey remembers two other protests that took place in the past decades. In 2006, when current Prime Minister Hasina was the opposition leader, her party was able to stage a powerful anti-government protest in Dhaka that led to the fall of the BNP government. And, in 2013, the hardline Islamist group Hefazat e Islam's protest at the center of Dhaka failed after security forces dispersed the protesters.
"Both protests took place in two specific areas of Dhaka," Dey told DW. "But I haven't seen a wide and violent protest like the current one before."
Dhaka at a standstill
Both journalists told DW that the streets are largely empty in the capital, apart from the areas where protests are taking place. Many citizens avoid appearing on the main streets while security forces are patrolling the streets.
"People can't roam outside," Swapan said. "Shops are largely closed. In some places, goods are sold at higher prices. I went to Kawran Bazar, the biggest commodity marketplace in Dhaka, this morning. But sales aren't taking place there."
He pointed out that day-laborers are suffering in particular, as they have been out of work for days due to the protests.
Both correspondents think that while many people support the students' demand for quota reform and believe that the issue could have been solved long before it turned violent, they also see divisions in the population. "One side thinks it's okay to try to topple the government," said Samir Kumar Dey. "However, the other side thinks that the government shouldn't be toppled over such an issue."
Government announces curfew
Prime Minister Hasina had been due to leave the country on Sunday for a planned diplomatic tour but abandoned her plans after a week of escalating violence. The government curfew went into effect at midnight Friday, and the premier's office asked the military to deploy troops after police again failed to subdue the protests.
Swapan said that some government ministers have been trying to negotiate with the protest organizers to calm the situation.
"I don't think the movement is limited to quota reform anymore," he told DW. "It has been spread in other directions too. It's difficult to say if the curfew or the current course of action can calm the situation in the coming days now."
Meanwhile, the police have arrested thousands of protesters, including some coordinators of the movement, in the past days.
Editor: Ben Knight
Arafatul Islam Multimedia journalist focusing on Bangladeshi politics, human rights and migration.
Issued on: 21/07/2024 -
The Supreme Court in Bangladesh on Sunday ruled that only a small share of government jobs can be allocated to relatives of veterans who fought in the country’s war of independence. The rest must be allocated upon merit. The controversial quota system, which previously reserved 30 percent of those jobs to people related to war veterans, has in the past few weeks led to mass protests and more than a hundred deaths, according to local media.
Issued on: 21/07/2024 -
Bangladesh’s top court on Sunday scaled back a controversial quota system for government job applicants after it led to nationwide unrest and deadly clashes between police and protesters that have killed scores of people.
The Supreme Court in its verdict ordered 93% of the government jobs to be allocated on a merit-based system, leaving the remaining 7% for relatives of veterans who fought in Bangladesh’s war of independence in 1971 and other categories. Earlier, the system reserved 30% of such jobs to the relatives of war veterans.
Sunday’s verdict comes after weeks of demonstrations — mostly led by students — that turned deadly on Tuesday after protesters began clashing with police. During the week, police fired tear gas and rubber bullets and hurled smoke grenades to scatter stone-throwing protesters who filled the streets and university campuses. Sporadic clashes in some parts of Dhaka, the capital, were reported on Saturday but it was not immediately clear whether there were any fatalities.
Bangladeshi authorities haven’t shared any official numbers of those killed and injured, but the Daily Prothom Alo newspaper reported Saturday that at least 103 people have died so far.
Ahead of the court’s hearing, soldiers patrolled cities across the South Asian country, while a nationwide curfew and an internet blackout continued to remain in force. Home Minister Asaduzzaman Khan said the curfew will be relaxed from 3 p.m. to 5 p.m. on Sunday for people to run essential errands.
Meanwhile, Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina’s government has declared Sunday and Monday as public holidays, with only emergency services allowed to operate.
The chaos highlights cracks in Bangladesh’s governance and economy and the frustration of young people who lack good jobs upon graduation. It also represents the biggest challenge to Hasina since she won a fourth consecutive term in office after January’s elections, which were boycotted by the main opposition groups.
Protesters argue the quota system is discriminatory and benefits supporters of Hasina, whose Awami League party led the independence movement, saying it should be replaced with a merit-based system. Hasina has defended the quota system, saying that veterans deserve the highest respect for their contributions in the war against Pakistan, regardless of their political affiliation.
Representatives from both sides met late Friday in an attempt to reach a resolution and Law Minister Anisul Huq said the government was open to discussing their demands. The demands included the reform of the current quota system, the reopening of student dormitories shut by the police following the clashes and for some university officials to step down after failing to protect campuses from the violence.
The main opposition Bangladesh Nationalist Party has backed the protests, vowing to organize its own demonstrations as many of its supporters have joined the student-led protests. However, BNP said in a statement its followers were not responsible for the violence and denied the ruling party’s accusations of using the protests for political gains.
The Awami League and the BNP have often accused each other of fueling political chaos and violence, most recently ahead of the country’s national election, which was marred by a crackdown on several opposition figures. Hasina’s government had accused the opposition party of attempting to disrupt the vote.
In 2018, the government halted the job quotas following mass student protests. But in June, Bangladesh’s High Court nullified that decision and reinstated the quotas after relatives of 1971 veterans filed petitions. The Supreme Court suspended the ruling, pending an appeal hearing.
Hasina has called on protesters to wait for the court’s verdict.
(AP)
The quota reform protests began in 2018 but were quickly suppressed through harsh tactics. Recently, the movement has reemerged due to government indecision, rallying students from both private and public universities across the country. This resurgence reflects the deep connection people feel to the cause, as many find the demands reasonable.
Image by Collected
In recent years, no other protest has mobilized as many students. The widespread participation stems from the frustration of graduates who struggle to find jobs commensurate with their education. Compounding this issue are rampant corruption and irregularities in government job recruitment, fueling anger among students and graduates alike.
Today’s youth face the paradox of jobless growth; while the economy appears to grow, job creation remains stagnant. Numerous public sector vacancies exist, especially in education and health, yet the uncertainty around job prospects is overwhelming. Many students are considering leaving the country, while those unable or unwilling to emigrate feel particularly disheartened by the bleak job landscape. These students are at the forefront of the protest movement.
The Bangladesh Civil Service (BCS) is viewed as the most secure job opportunity; however, the current quota system in BCS exams leaves many feelings marginalized. There’s a widespread belief that talent and merit are not appropriately valued. Issues like question leaks, favoritism, and corruption contribute to the perception that many job opportunities are lost unethically.
In response, students are uniting to demand change, hoping to amplify their voices against these injustices. Unfortunately, the government’s response has been dismissive. In 2018, when protests were at their peak, the government eliminated quotas entirely, a move that did not align with protesters’ demands for meaningful reform. While over 50% of jobs were initially allocated through quotas, the total removal adversely affected those who truly need support, including minority groups and individuals with disabilities.
The high court deemed the government’s complete removal of quotas illegal, leading to the current protests that have spread nationwide. Students from various institutions are now demanding a thorough reform of the quota system.
The government claims it cannot intervene due to ongoing legal proceedings, yet the High Court ruling indicates that reform is possible if the government chooses to act. This stance misrepresents the court’s message and shows a lack of willingness to engage with student concerns.
Had the government formed a committee to address students’ demands and ensure protection for those who genuinely need quotas, many of these issues could have been resolved. Instead, the government has opted for hostility, labeling protesters negatively and inciting further unrest. Even Prime Minister’s comments have been derogatory, escalating tensions.
In response to the protests, the Bangladesh Chhatra League (BCL) has resorted to violence, with reports of police brutality, including the use of batons and tear gas against peaceful demonstrators. Tragically, several protesters have lost their lives. This reflects a troubling trend of the government responding with authoritarian measures to public demands.
Historically, when citizens, including students and labor groups, advocate for their rights, the government has reacted with violence and misinformation. This approach sends a clear message: ordinary citizens are not entitled to voice their concerns. Anyone who dares to dissent faces severe repercussions.
The government is complicating a straightforward issue raised by students who simply seek fair opportunities based on merit. When students are attacked for demanding recognition of their qualifications, it constitutes an attack on the nation as a whole.
As citizens, we feel the pain of this situation. We demand an end to violence against students, a shift in the government’s approach, and a commitment to listening to their demands. It’s time for a constructive dialogue to address these pressing issues.
On the raging student movement in Bangladesh
SUNDAY 21 JULY 2024, BY RADICAL SOCIALIST
Right now, Bangladesh has been functionally turned into a prison and a graveyard. Students have observed a nationwide strike across Bangladesh on Thursday (18th July 2024) which have been called “Bangla blockade”.
What is the reason behind this movement? Is this primarily a movement of traitors, razakars? Is this protest just against quotas?
This movement was sparked off by the recent judgement of the country’s high court that has ruled to bring back the quota system which was halted in the year 2018. Government education and jobs in Bangladesh are 56% under quota, out of which 30% consists of the freedom fighter quota. The Bangladeshi system is not a quota system for marginalized or deprived peoples, which we are used to in the Indian reservation system.
Rather, this is an attempt by Awami League to permanently create a vote bank for themselves through the creation of a privileged class that receives preferential treatment. It is worth noting that this time many descendants of freedom fighters have spoken in support of the movement.
In 2018, the government under pressure from a mass movement was forced to order a halt this quota. This order was challenged in court. Why had the government not passed a clear cut law regarding the same issue where affirmative action for genuinely deprived peoples is initiated and separated from the “muktijoddha quota” (trans: freedom fighter quota)?
In 2018, students had demanded a reform of the 30% quota for the families of freedom fighters. And the Hasina government had completely removed the 26% reservations kept for marginalized and deprived peoples along with these quotas.
When the same was taken to court, the quota system in its entirety has been brought back. It is not impossible that some people in the movement are conservative, and some are against quotas for women.
However, the arrowhead of the movement is pointed at the freedom fighter quota.
This movement is so strong because under late capitalism there are very few jobs in underdeveloped Bangladesh resulting in hundreds of thousands of young people hopefully applying annually for a few thousand secure government jobs.
The Bangladeshi government does not look after the interests of the many. They serve international capital, including big capitalists of China and India and look to line the pockets of the ruling party and political leaders with profit. One of the slogans of the student movement is “Bhuya! Bhuya” (trans: Fake! Fake!). The underlying meaning is that “freedom fighter family” is often a bogus label given to those close to the Awami League.
Sheikh Hasina has tried to label this movement as one of Razakars. In 1971, Razakars assisted the Pakistanis and were traitors to the Bangladeshi cause. The protesters have responded with the slogan “Ami ke? Tumi ke? Rajakar! Rajakar! Ke bolechhe? Ke bolecche? Shwoirachar! Shwoirachar!” (trans: Who am I? Who are you? Rajakar! Rajakar! Who says so? Who says so? Who says so? Dictator! Dictator!) The word “Razakar” from the mouth of Sheikh Hasina is similar to the utterance “antinational” or “terrorist” from the mouth of Narendra Modi.
Masses of students have joined this movement in Bangladesh. As of 6 pm, 18th of July, 2024, 64 people have been martyred. But this movement has not been able to organize itself in a clear leftist direction. Organizations like Jamaat-e-Islami exist in Bangladesh.
Haseena has labelled the movement as one completely of Razakars in order to exploit the presence of these organizations. This is of course a failure of left organizations that they have not been able to create a strong counter polarity in their favour. Out of these, the Workers’ Party (known to be close to the CPIM) and sections of JASAD/JSD are completely subservient to Hasina. Others are supportive of the movement but we cannot claim that they are giving any direction to it.
We support the democratic movement of Bangladesh against unjust quotas and at the same time support the system of reservation directed at removing social discrimination. We support the democratic movement of the people against the authoritarian Bangladeshi government and support the demand for democratic and free and fair elections which was raised by a united left in 2023.
It is an important task in India to stand in solidarity with the movement in Bangladesh for history will read the progressive movements of both countries as intertwined.
We also strongly condemn the actions of the Kolkata police who detained protesters in solidarity with Bangladesh and sent them to Lalbazar (HQ of Kolkata police). May the democratic movement of the people stand strong against the union of dictators!
Radical Socialist – 19th July, 2024.
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