Sunday, February 09, 2025

LIBERAL MUSLIMS
Aga Khan, late leader of Ismailis, to be buried in Egypt today
DAWN
February 9, 2025 

Prince Rahim Al-Hussaini Aga Khan V (C), accompanied by his sons, Prince Irfan and Prince Sinan, looks at the coffin with the remains of his father Aga Khan IV, the spiritual leader of Shia Ismaili Muslims, during his funeral at the Ismaili community centre in central Lisbon on Feb 8, 2025. — AFP

A coffin of Prince Karim Al-Hussaini Aga Khan IV, the spiritual leader of Ismaili Muslims, is carried into the hearse from the Ismaili Centre during his funeral in Lisbon, Portugal on Feb 8, 2025. — Reuters/Pedro Nunes


GILGIT: Prince Karim Aga Khan Al Hussaini, the 49th imam of Ismaili Muslims, will be buried in the Egyptian city of Aswan on Sunday.

His funeral at the Ismaili Centre in Lisbon was attended by more than 300 guests, including Canadian Prime Minister Justin Trudeau, Portuguese President Marcelo Rebelo de Sousa and former Spanish king Juan Carlos I, leaders of the Ismaili community and other dignitaries on Saturday.

In Gilgit-Baltistan and other parts of Pakistan, thousands of followers of the late spiritual leader gathered at their community centres and Jamaat Khanas to view the funeral ceremony broadcast from Lisbon.

In Gilgit, Hunza and Nagar, shops and businesses remained closed to mourn the death of Prince Karim, who died on Tuesday in Lisbon after nearly seven decades as the spiritual leader of the Ismaili Muslims.



Finance minister, global dignitaries attend funeral in Lisbon

According to a statement by the Ismaili Imamat, the funeral was a closed event attended only by invited guests. The Ismaili community was represented by the 22 National Council presidents from around the world, including Pakistan.

Finance Minister Muhammad Aurangzeb also represented Pakistan.

The ceremony was televised live on Ismaili TV and arrangements were made at community centres and Jamaat Khanas for the late leader’s followers to witness the funeral.

In Gilgit-Baltistan, members of the Ismaili community congregated in Gilgit, Hunza, and Ghizer districts to witness the ceremony.

A large number of people witnessed the funeral across GB despite harsh weather.


ALIABAD Bazaar, in Hunza, is closed, on Saturday. Markets remained shut in several parts of Gilgit-Baltistan on the occasion of the funeral of Aga Khan.—Dawn

Condolences

Prince Karim was regarded as a direct descendent of the Holy Prophet Muhammad (Peace be upon him) and enjoyed near-divine status as the 49th hereditary imam of Ismaili Muslims. He held British and Portuguese nationalities, as well as honorary Canadian citizenship, a distinction rarely given.

Prince Karim’s burial on Sunday would be a private ceremony, to be followed by a special homage ceremony in Lisbon on Tuesday.

His son and successor, Prince Rahim Al-Hussaini, who was named the 50th hereditary Imam, or spiritual leader, according to his father’s will, would also attend Tuesday’s ceremony.

He will grant an audience to senior leaders of the community, who will pledge their allegiance to him on behalf of Ismailis all over the world.

It is expected that Prince Rahim will ordain an update to the Ismaili constitution and bless the community.

On Saturday, Finance Minister Aurangzeb met Prince Rahim and expressed condolences on behalf of the president, the prime minister and the people of Pakistan, according to a statement issued by the finance ministry.


Finance Minister Aurangzeb meets with Prince Rahim Al-Hussaini after attending the funeral of Prince Karim Aga Khan Al Hussaini in Lisbon, Portugal on February 8. — PID


The minister lauded the services of Prince Karim and the Aga Khan Development Network for the socio-economic well-being of people and honouring cultural heritage.

He called Prince Karim’s demise a “monumental loss” not only for his family, friends and followers but also for the underprivileged and destitute people of the world. He recalled the late leader’s special attachment to Pakistan and its people.

Special prayers were also held for the late leader at Ismaili community centres across Pakistan.

Delegations representing various sects, political parties, social organisations, civil society and officials have been visiting Ismaili Council Centres in Gilgit, Ghizer, and Hunza for condolences.

They paid tribute to the late leader for his contribution to the region’s socio-economic development.

day of mourning was observed across Pakistan on Saturday over the demise of Prince Karim.

National flags on important government buildings remained at half-mast across the country.

As Aga Khan, Al-Hussaini expanded the work of his grandfather, who created hospitals, housing and banking cooperatives in developing countries.

He invested part of the immense family fortune in the most deprived countries, combining philanthropy with business acumen.

To this end, he founded the Aga Khan Development Network, a gigantic foundation which is thought to have 96,000 employees worldwide and which funds development programmes, mainly in Asia and Africa.

A keen racehorse owner, he continued the family tradition of breeding thoroughbreds in his eight stables in France and Ireland. His horses won many of the most prestigious races.

With input from Agencies

Published in Dawn, February 9th, 2025



Understanding the Aga Khan, leader of Ismaili Muslims

(RNS) — The Aga Khan IV was often referred to as a philanthropist, but the description ignores the spiritual impetus for his work.


FILE - The Aga Khan, spiritual leader to millions of Ismaili Muslims, addresses an audience, Thursday, Nov. 12, 2015, at the Memorial Church on the campus of Harvard University in Cambridge, Mass. (AP Photo/Steven Senne, File)
RNS
February 7, 2025

(RNS) — On Tuesday (Feb. 4), Shah Karim al-Hussaini, Aga Khan IV, passed away in Lisbon, at age 88. For most Americans, this name has little meaning. People with a particular historical awareness may remember his grandfather, Sir Sultan Mahomed Shah, Aga Khan III, as one of the founders of the League of Nations and international statesman. But even those who know the lineage of the Aga Khans, a title that goes back to the British Raj in India, don’t understand who Shah Karim was.

Both men were Imams, or spiritual leaders, of a Muslim community known as the Ismailis. This community is a Shi’ah community that believes the Prophet Muhammad named his cousin and son-in-law Ali as the first Imam. This figure of the Imam is designated in the Quran, the revealed word of God, according to Muslims, and is guaranteed by God to guide the community of believers. The Aga Khans are descended from Prophet Muhammad through Imam Ali and his wife Fatima.

Shah Karim, the 49th Imam in the lineage, took his title as Aga Khan in 1954, when he was 20, after the death of his grandfather.

The Aga Khan IV, who headed the Aga Khan Development Network, was often referred to as a philanthropist, a label that he himself called deeply inaccurate. According to broader Shi’ah belief, three interrelated elements are believed to elevate one another: faith, knowledge, and action. To increase in any one area, you must increase in the other areas as well, and together each amplifies the other. Most importantly, faith and knowledge without action is selfish and a denial of God’s blessings.

RELATED: The Aga Khan, spiritual leader of Ismaili Muslims and a philanthropist, dies at 88

In May 2006, in accepting the Tolerance Award from the Evangelical Academy of Tutzing, in Germany, the Aga Khan said, “I am fascinated and somewhat frustrated when representatives of the Western world … try to describe the work of our Aga Khan Development Network … they often describe it either as philanthropy or entrepreneurship.” He attributed the misconception to a false dichotomy made between secular and religious and explained that his work is in fact an expression of this relationship among faith, knowledge and action.

In the speech, he emphasized that he aimed “to improve the quality of worldly life for the concerned communities,” offering two exemplar inspirations. The first is the first verse of the Quran’s fourth chapter, which says “O mankind! Be careful of your duty to your Lord, Who created you from a single soul and from it created its mate and from the twain hath spread abroad a multitude of men and women.” The verse, the Aga Khan said, says that we are all connected, coming from the same origin, and that we are also diverse, and this is a sign of God’s blessings.

The second piece of inspiration he gave was a teaching of Imam Ali, which speaks of ideal virtues, including faith, knowledge and action and the ability to have humility and seek consultation.

The Aga Khan was a historical figure, a man of the world who skied in the Olympics on the Iranian team, received numerous honorary degrees and worked as an international peacemaker. But it is important to understand what drove him to achieve these things. The Tutzing speech is a window into that impetus: He didn’t act out of a wish for worldly acclaim or the disbursement of worldly wealth. Rather, his course in life was an expression of faith and knowledge, an essential part of what it means to be a believer, to be human.

A person of integrity, the Aga Khan did everything as part of a comprehensive whole. There was not a part that was separate from another part. For his community, he was the living exemplar of what it meant to embody the ethics of religion in its most complete form. His passing is a loss to the community and a reminder that God has promised them continual guidance, in the line of Imams that continues with his son, Prince Rahim al-Hussaini, Aga Khan V.


(Hussein Rashid, Ph.D., is an independent scholar based in New York and an Ismaili Muslim. The views in this commentary do not necessarily reflect those of RNS.)



THE RUBIYAT OF OMAR KHAYYAM




PANNIER: Prince Karim Aga Khan IV obituary


A philanthropist, Aga Khan IV was devoted to his people, the Ismailis, many of whom live in remote areas of some of the world’s poorest countries. / AKDNFacebook
By Bruce Pannier February 7, 2025

Prince Karim Aga Khan IV, the spiritual leader of some 15 million Ismaili Muslims worldwide, died in Portugal on February 4 aged 88.

The Aga Khan Development Network (AKDN) announced the passing of the “49th hereditary Imam of the Shia Ismaili Muslims and direct descendant of the Prophet Muhammad” on their website.

The Aga Khan was born into a wealthy family. He lived what most people would call a lavish life, mingling with heads of state and royalty, and devoted much time to his passion of horse-breeding and horse racing.

His horses won the Derby Stakes five times. One of the horses, Shergar, won in 1981 by the widest margin in Derby history, only to be kidnapped two years later. The horse was never found, and no suspects were ever apprehended.

But the Aga Khan was also a philanthropist, and impact investor, who was always devoted to his people, the Ismailis, many of whom live in remote areas of some of the world’s poorest countries.

Aga Khan IV's grandfather, Sultan Mahomed Shah Aga Khan III, who died in 1957, chose his successor as a person of the world for the post-World War II times (Credit: AKDN).

For these people in particular, the Aga Khan was not only their spiritual leader, but also the source of better education, the builder of needed infrastructure, and in some cases, their saviour in desperate times.

Matt Reed, the global director of Institutional Partnerships for the Aga Khan Foundation, told bne IntelliNews that the Aga Khan was “a spiritual leader who felt an obligation to humanity to improve the quality of life for all people living in countries where he or his community were present.”

Prince Karim Al-Hussaini was born in Geneva, Switzerland on December 13, 1936. His father was Prince Aly Salomone Khan, while his mother was Joan Yarde-Buller, a British socialite. After the two divorced in 1949, Prince Aly Khan married movie star Rita Hayworth.

As a small child, Prince Karim lived in Kenya, but he moved to Switzerland to attend school. Afterwards, he majored in Islamic history at Harvard University. His grandfather, Sultan Mahomed Shah Aga Khan III, died in 1957 having directed that Prince Karim, rather than Karim’s father or uncle, should be the next Aga Khan.

Aga Khan III gave this instruction because he felt it was important that the new Aga Khan was a person of the world in atomic physics and other post-World War II technologies and inventions.

Prince Karim was 20 years-old when he became the Aga Khan. Despite his position, he returned to Harvard with an entourage and completed his studies, graduating in 1959.

Aga Khan IV established the Aga Khan Foundation in 1967 “to address the root causes of poverty and support community institutions to carry out sustainable, locally-driven initiatives that improve the quality of life.”

When Ismaili communities in several African countries were expelled or displaced, along with other South Asians, in the early 1970s, the Aga Khan helped to resettle them in Asia, Europe and North America.

Children in Osh, the Kyrgyz Republic, at an Aga Khan Foundation teacher training class on latest early childhood development pedagogies and techniques (Credit: AKDN).

The Aga Khan’s work expanded over the years. Hundreds of schools, two universities and dozens of hospitals and clinics were built.

He also sponsored thousands of agricultural projects, including research into hybrid crops that can grow at high altitudes, as well as the building of large-scale energy infrastructure. Moreover, he helped with the construction of small hydropower plants that serve remote communities, invested in telecommunications, organised microfinancing, and more.

In 2008, all of these projects were grouped under a common umbrella, and the Aga Khan Development Network was created.

The AKDN now works in more than 30 countries, but one of the most important areas the organisation works in is the Pamir Mountains, where Ismaili communities of Afghanistan, Pakistan and Tajikistan are found.

There are some 500,000 Ismailis living in Pakistan. The Aga Khans have kept close connections with the country and have been doing philanthropic work in its Ismaili region for more than a century. The father of Aga Khan IV served as Pakistan’s ambassador to the United Nations in the late 1950s.

The AKDN started work in Afghanistan and Tajikistan in the 1990s, a time when there was civil war in both countries.

The Aga Khan is credited by many with saving many of the more than 200,000 Ismailis in mountainous, remote Gorno-Badakhshan Autonomous Oblast (GBAO) of eastern Tajikistan from starvation during the Central Asian country’s 1992-1997 civil war.

In the years after the war, the cash-strapped Tajik government was unable to spend money on GBAO, a region that the government’s civil war opponents used for bases because of its nearly inaccessible terrain.

The AKDN stepped in to assist and helped the government develop educational facilities, businesses and infrastructure in GBAO. It also built several bridges to connect the region to Badakhshan Province in neighbouring Afghanistan, where Ismaili communities are present.

The organisation helped establish the University of Central Asia in the GBAO regional capital Khorog (and later another UCA in Naryn, Kyrgyzstan), providing opportunities for local young people to obtain higher education without leaving GBAO.

Over the course of some 30 years, the Aga Khan spent some $1bn on projects in GBAO.

Condolences over the death of Aga Khan IV were expressed by many world leaders, past and present. King Charles III said he was "deeply saddened" on the passing away of his "personal friend of many years" (Credit: AKDN).

Since it started work in Afghanistan during the mid-1990s, the AKDN has never left the country. Some 200,000 Ismailis live in Afghanistan.

The AKDN is currently working in 26 Afghan provinces, 11 directly and 15 in partnership with other organisations, benefitting some 12mn people. The AKDN has actually expanded its Afghanistan operations in the years since the Taliban returned to power in August 2021.

The network has proved more than a lifeline to the communities it has assisted. It has helped all of them to improve their living situations and prospects, not only in the Pamir Mountains, but in other parts of Asia, Africa and the Middle East.

Reed, of the Aga Khan Foundation, said Aga Khan IV had three principles for the AKDN’s work, namely “Absolute commitment” to working with all the people in the communities where it operates, regardless of faith or background; establishing institutions that would endure long after his death, whether the governments of these countries were weak or strong; and community ownership of all the projects so that everything the AKDN built or helped establish, either belonged to, or was managed by, the communities or local people.

Aga Khan IV has been described in the media as a “socialite” or “playboy,” and that was part of his life. But the work he did for not only his Ismaili communities, but also for the people living with or near these communities, was so often invaluable.

The schools and universities, hospitals, power plants, rural projects, hotels, parks and local financing institutions Aga Khan IV leaves behind will benefit the people of these regions for generations to come.

It is therefore not surprising that among those expressing their condolences on the Aga Khan’s death and praise for his work were Pakistani President Asif Ai Zardari, Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi, former Afghan president Hamid Karzai, Tajik President Emomali Rahmon, Canadian Prime Minister Justin Trudeau, French President Emmanuel Macron, UN Secretary General Antonio Guterres and King Charles III.

(Credit: AKDN).

It is a proud legacy, and it now falls to his son, Prince Rahim (pictured above), to carry on the work as Aga Khan V.




THE PECA DOSSIER


‘Wild and distasteful’: Journalists assemble against Pakistan’s new cybercrime law

The Prevention of Electronic Crimes (Amendment) Act
 
is objectionable for all — even those journalists who otherwise feel social media is being misused.


February 7, 2025
PRISM/DAWN

“I may not be able to continue hosting my show because the content I put up will most certainly land me in prison,” said senior correspondent Azaz Syed who works for a private TV channel, but who also has his own private online digital channel. He was referring to the recent amendment in the already existing cybercrime law, terming it a “wild” law which has been instituted to grapple with fake news among other online harms.

The new version — Prevention of Electronic Crimes (Amendment) Act, 2025 — passed hurriedly, within a week, in both the houses without debate, and signed into a law by President Asif Ali Zardari on January 29, has triggered nationwide protests by the country’s media personnel.

“They have taken away my right to freedom of expression,” Syed remarked.

“I fail to understand the uproar among journalists working in electronic media. They already have Pemra, [the Pakistan Electronic Media Regulatory Authority] which is responsible for facilitating and regulating private electronic media,” said Minister for Information and Broadcasting Atta­ullah Tarar. “This law is to regulate social media and countries across the world have some codes or standards under which social media operate; but there was none in our country.”

He said the existing authority, which is the Federal Investigation Authority, that looked into cybercrimes seemed ill-equipped to handle the expanding nature of online crimes taking place — harassment, pornography, national security threats, spreading economic uncertainty; just look at the conviction rate, which is dismal,“ he defended the amendment.

Tarar’s reference to the “uproar” stems from TV journalists, like Syed, who have gigs on online platforms and fear the restrictions on content imposed by Peca.

For the past two years, Syed has been hosting a popular show on YouTube called Talk Shock, focusing on sensitive topics like the Pakistan army, intelligence agencies, blasphemy laws, persecution of Ahmadis, and forced conversions of Hindu girls. He described it as a passion project addressing issues close to his heart, despite potential disapproval from authorities. His show has gained over eight million viewers and 174,000 followers, also providing him with extra income.

Hamid Mir, host of Capital Talk, one of the oldest and highest-rated political talk shows, launched his digital TV channel on YouTube after being banned from TV in 2021 (he had already been banned twice, in 2007 by military dictator Pervez Musharraf and in 2008 by the ruling Pakistan People’s Party) for speaking against the country’s powerful military for persecuting journalists. “I share my opinions there when I am unable to on the channel that I’m employed in. Having your own platform is liberating,” he said. He has 263,000 viewers.

Azaz Syed, who has his digital TV programme on YouTube called Talk Shock. Credit: Azaz Syed

Mir’s greater worry though is the possibility of losing his voice on X, where he connects with over eight million followers. “If I can’t speak my mind, it will have a profound impact on me,” he said.

But even those journalists who otherwise feel social media is being misused find the law distasteful.

“I have zero tolerance for fake news, and am all for regulating the beast that social media has become, but not this way, certainly,” said senior investigative journalist, Umar Cheema, terming it a “third class” law.

The law was originally passed in 2016, by the same ruling party that has brought the current amendments — the Pakistan Muslim League-Nawaz. It had been met with much criticism even then.

“The reason for the need for the law given back in 2016 was to counter hate speech, terrorist content and harassment of women — this time the ruse is fake news,” said Farieha Aziz’s co-founder of Bolo Bhi, an advocacy forum for digital rights. The suspicion and criticism against the law now and then is the same — the government is using this law to “stifle political dissent and rein in freedom of expression,” she said.

The amendment to the law, criminalises fake news and its dissemination with a prison term of up to three years and a fine of up to Rs2 million (about $7,200).

But, pointed out Aziz, the concern went beyond just the penalties associated with the amendment to the law — it is the “potential for misuse” in the process of determining what constitutes fake news. “People will be reluctant to share or even discuss information out of fear that it might be deemed false or harmful, leading to criminal charges,” she explained, adding the definition of fake news was vague and broad. “They have created a vagueness through the use of language taken from the anti-terrorism act, around the offence,” she pointed out.

“The government operates in grey areas and likes to keep people in a state of confusion,” agreed Cheema.

Moreover, pointed out Munazza Siddiqui, senior producer on a private TV channel: “The law is unconstitutional as it violates the fundamental right to freedom, a core principle enshrined in our Constitution.”

She uses TikTok, a platform predominantly used for putting up entertaining content, for disseminating news and opinions. “It’s popular with young people but works superbly for me as they are my audience. The millennials and Gen Z want to stay informed about the world around them, but they lack the patience to sit through long articles or watch lengthy news segments on TV. I provide them with both in just a minute or so!”

However, Siddiqui acknowledged that her vlogging might be impacted. With the sword of Damocles hanging over her, in the form of the newly revised cyber law, she said, “We already navigate a space of self-censorship, and now there’s an added layer of fear.”

The law establishes four bodies — the Social Media Protection and Regulatory Authority, the Social Media Complaints Council, the Social Media Protection Tribunal, and the National Cyber Crime Investigation Agency — concentrating significant power. Aziz warned that these bodies, appointed by the federal government, could lack independence, creating potential conflicts of interest and undermining fairness and accountability.

“And the window of appeal has also been closed as I can only go to the Supreme Court of Pakistan,” said Azaz, which was an expensive route to prove your innocence.

Although the 2016 cybercrime law was already considered draconian by experts, the reason to tweak it further, explained Cheema, was that “the nature and use of social media has changed and become more sophisticated since then, adding that the media needed to share the blame for the recent shape the law has taken.

Cheema said the media did not establish a code of conduct for responsible social media use which led the government to step in, using the fake news excuse to silence dissenting voices. He emphasized that while media can express opinions, facts must be solid, and journalists should hold each other accountable. “Yet, we don’t even call out our colleagues for lying.”

Finding the nationwide protest hypocritical, he questioned, “The bill wasn’t a surprise — everyone knew it was being revised. Why didn’t anyone speak up then? Where were the protests and revisions when it was in the National Assembly and Senate? There was silence, and now, after it’s law, they’re out on the streets.”

“The law is in place,” Tarrar said with finality. However, he added: “The rules are still being worked out, and we’re open to media input to refine them.”

“Recalling the law may be tough,” agreed Cheema, but if the media is concerned, “They can come up with their own system; no one is stopping them; but that’s the real test for our community.”

Header image: Pakistani journalists speak out about cybercrime law from left to right Hamid Mir, Munazza Siddiqui and Umar Cheema. Credits: Jang News, and TikTok

This article was originally published in Inter Press Service and has been reproduced here with permission.


Our algorithm-driven reality
DAWN


The writer is a former editor of Dawn.

PAKISTAN’S National Assembly ignored all objections and protestations by the opposition, digital rights activists and journalists to hurriedly push through the Prevention of Electronic Crimes (Amendment) Act this week in an attempt to police social media platforms that the hybrid government has struggled to muzzle.

The question, however, is whether Pakistan is unique in its attempts to come to grips with social media. The answer is an emphatic no as is clear from examples of the US, India and China where social media has posed challenges of varying degrees and kinds.


Ever since the ouster of Imran Khan as prime minister in a vote of no-confidence in April 2022, after he fell out with the military leadership, the latter and its civilian acolytes in the PML-N and PPP have struggled to tame social media platforms dominated by their political rival.

Despite considerable effort, both legal and extrajudicial, including forced disappearances and arrests of social media activists belonging to Imran Khan’s PTI, the attempts of the regime to bring social media under control, where the latter party enjoys unrivalled superiority, have been frustrated.

Pakistan has justified its measures to put social media platforms on a leash, saying they are destabilising the gains ostensibly made by the economy under the hybrid system in place since 2022. The truth is that, more than anything else, these measures are placing roadblocks in a high-growth sector. How so?

The question is whether Pakistan is unique in its attempts to come to grips with social media.

Whether it is the firewall that slows down the internet or curbs on certain platforms or other measures, software exporters say that these are adversely affecting their business and also depriving individuals offering their services abroad of an opportunity to earn badly needed foreign exchange for the country.

India’s exports are largely driven by the services sector, namely IT; experts say the country’s huge foreign exchange surplus owes itself to these exports. And here we are throwing out the baby with the bathwater as we are bereft of ideas on how to ‘control’ anti-government content on social media.

However, Pakistan isn’t alone in trying to curb free data and information flows (admittedly these also include falsehoods and propaganda). Take, for example, the current tension in the US between TikTok and the authorities, where President Donald Trump has given the platform a three-month reprieve after it was banned.

While officially, the concern regarding TikTok is about a ‘Chinese-controlled’ firm harvesting US user date to develop algorithms and others digital weapons that could be used in an information or propaganda war with the US, there are other, more potent issues as well.

Israel’s Gaza genocide is one. Where US-owned (and controlled) social media platforms such as Facebook are said to have used algorithms to block content showing events in their entirety, X and even Meta’s Instagram were more cunning.

In the words of one social media user, X’s Elon Musk has repeatedly talked of his commitment to ‘free speech’, but has made no such promise to ensure ‘free reach’. The devil is in this detail. While most of us were free to post almost any information/ opinion on Gaza, critics say the platform algorithms kicked in to give greater reach to pro-Gaza genocide posts.

Ever since Musk took over Twitter and rechristened it X, many accounts, which were adding a certain number of followers every month, have stopped growing as has their reach. My own ‘followers’ count has not grown for months now, neither has my reach or views. I can only attribute it to the gulf between my worldview and the one promoted by Musk’s algorithms.

TikTok was a thorn in the side of the apartheid state’s supporters and hence the need to ban it. Now there are indications from no less than the US president himself that he’d want an American entrepreneur to purchase the app. This to dictate and direct content/ information flows in future conflicts, including in Gaza in case the peace deal collapses. With the bulk of traditional media already onside, US free speech advocates have remained largely silent over this ‘algorithm-controlled’ freedom.

China is at least not hypocritical and does not lecture the world on the virtues of freedom. It firewalls all content that it does not like. It is an authoritarian state which has decided to focus on economic development, while leaving political rights for another day.

Beijing has lifted over 800 million people out of poverty over the past 40 years. The World Bank said in a report in April 2022: “With this, China has contributed close to three-quarters of the global reduction in the number of people living in extreme poverty.”

Again, this by no means is an endorsement of China’s two-track policy whereby economic well-being comes against the backdrop of few or no political rights. Ironically, while the world has issues with this policy in China, it embraces despots in the Arab world doing exactly the same because they toe Washington’s line on global and regional politics.

India, where the space for non-Hindutva politics and thoughts may be dramatically shrinking under Prime Minister Narendra Modi, is a different story. Those in power have the bulk of the traditional media in their pocket and a handful of BJP politicians and oligarchs such as Ambani and Adani are calling the shots.

The size of the India market endows the country with enormous power. It has applied pressure on all social media platforms to sign up to tight regulations, obliging them to moderate (read: censor) content that the government finds unsavoury. The revenues the tech companies earn from India makes them weak-kneed when faced with government pressure.

In a fluid, ever-evolving situation, it is difficult to predict or even visualise the exact shape of things to come. One hopes this fascinating and challenging scenario does not lad to a world where we smugly celebrate ‘access to free information’ and forget how algorithm-tainted it may well be.


abbas.nasir@hotmail.com

Published in Dawn, January 26th, 2025



Throttling free speech

Usama Khilji 
DAWN

The writer is director of Bolo Bhi, an advocacy forum for digital rights.


AT a time when there should be an introspective stocktaking of the internet governance regime in Pakistan, the government has instead recommended drastic changes to the cybercrime law by proposing four new bodies as well as adding vague and broad definitions of online harms that criminalise speech further and carry a penalty of three years in jail for sharing “false or fake information”.

By this point, there is no surprise that the Peca amendment was passed without any multi-stakeholder consultation. Law and policymaking are supposed to be inclusive processes with input from across the board, including stakeholders who are directly affected, experts that work in the field, media that will be at risk, and young people who form the majority of internet users.

The amendment essentially legalises most of the illegal internet-related actions that the state has been taking since Peca, the cybercrime law, was promulgated in 2016 by the PML-N.

First, it expands the definition of complainant from aggrieved party to “an individual, including victim, having substantial reason to believe that the offence has been committed” and expands the definition of person to “a natural person or a body politic or corporate”, which means that now organisations and government bodies can also use this law to prosecute people.


The disproportionate criminalisation of speech is bound to have a chilling effect.

Second, it criminalises “false and fake information”, stipulating that “whoever intentionally disseminates, publicly exhibits, or transmits any information through any information system, that he knows or has reason to believe to be false or fake and likely to cause or create a sense of fear, panic or disorder or unrest in general public or society shall be punished with imprisonment which may extend up to three years or with fine which may extend to two million rupees or with both”.

This disproportionate criminalisation of speech is bound to have a chilling effect, especially when such a vague and broad definition leaves plenty of room for abuse. The state has now taken the responsibility to determine the truth and jail those it deems to be digressing from it. This violates Pakistan’s commitments under the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR), Article 19 of which stipulates a three-part test which includes legality, necessity, and proportionality.

Third, the government is all-powerful — judge, jury and executioner — when it comes to content on social media, with little accountability or oversight that is essential in a constitutional democracy. The amendment forms four different bodies. A Social Media Protection and Regulatory Authority presumably replaces the Pakistan

 Telecommunications Authority in internet content regulatory function and makes the directives of the government to the authority final.

So far, the PTA, which was supposed to be independent, could choose to follow directives of the government, but the new authority will be an extension of the government’s will. The PTA has been arguing in courts that it was ordered to block X by the interior ministry, when the law says that it is the PTA’s discretion to do so. The chairperson of the authority will be appointed only by the federal government.

A Social Media Complaint Council is being set up which will solicit complaints from the public regarding violation of sections of Peca. Additionally, a Social Media Protection Tribunal will hear appeals against content-related decisions of the authority. The appeals to its decisions can only be taken up in the Supreme Court, bypassing the appeals stage in the high courts, which violates fair trial and due process rights under Article 10 of the Constitution. The tribunal will have one retired judge of the high courts, one software engineer, and one journalist. Sophisticated legal interpretation cannot be left to such a council, and high court appeal must be granted.

Further, the amendment sets up a National Cyber Crime Investigation Authority to replace the Federal Investigation Agency’s Cyber Crime Wing. This is happening nine years since Peca was passed in 2016, during which time a lot was left to be desired by the existing bodies. To introduce new bodies at this point will set the process of the system’s efficiency under the law far back.

Fourth, the amendment further empowers the authority to determine what constitutes unlawful content, and nine categories have been added to it, expanding what Section 37 of Peca stipulated.

This includes content that “cast aspersions against any person including members of judiciary, armed forces, Majlis-i-Shoora (parliament) or a provincial assembly”, which will lead to huge influx of reporting from the authority to social media platforms against speech expressed on social media by citizens simply holding public officials accountable, by virtue of citizens being taxpayers and voters. The amendment also stipulates enlistment of social media platforms with the authority, which is another term for registering them locally, and empowers the authority to block the platform in case of non-compliance with censorship requests.

The Peca amendment and the further restrictions on speech it brings will have disastrous consequences for Pakistan.

First, it violates fundamental rights the same way as the Peca Ordinance passed by the PTI in 2021, which was struck down by the Islamabad High Court in April 2022, did. The right to freedom of speech and press freedom cannot be restricted to an extent where journalists risk three years in jail if the government decides their reporting or a citizen’s post is “false”. It also violates due process and fair trial rights by restricting appeals of decisions by the tribunal to the Supreme Court.

Second, the further shrinking of rights can have disastrous international consequences by violating the ICCPR, and risking Pakistan’s GSP-Plus status by the EU for trade concessions based on human rights performance.

Third, this further restricts the internet environment, risking economic losses as Pakistan already suffers from acute brain drain accelerated by internet issues caused by censorship, surveillance, and internet slowdown due to the firewall.

Any independent court would strike down such a draconian law in the interest of democratic constitutional rights and interests of the young people that need a free and open internet to progress and compete internationally.

X: @UsamaKhilji

Published in Dawn, January 25th, 2025

Changes to cybercrime law unveiled amid protest
DAWN


• Standing Committee on Interior to take up Peca (Amendment) bill today
• Changes proposed include creation of new authority with powers to block both content and social media platforms
• NCCIA to replace FIA Cybercrime Wing; 3-year terms suggested for disinformation
• Package to overhaul criminal justice system also laid before parliament


ISLAMABAD: A bill seeking amendments to the country’s cybercrime laws was introduced in the National Assembly on Wednesday, proposing three-year prison terms for spreading disinformation, dissolving the FIA’s Cybercrime Wing and setting up of a new investigation agency, and establishing a new authority with vast powers, which include partial or full blocking of social media platforms.

“Whoever intentionally disseminates, publicly exhibits or transmits any information through any information system, that he knows or has reason to believe to be false or fake and likely to cause or create a sense of fear, panic or disorder or unrest in general public or society shall be punished with imprisonment which may extend up to three years or with fine which may extend to Rs2m or with both,” reads the latest draft, titled the Prevention of Electronic Crimes (Amendment) Bill, 2025.

The proposed amendment to Peca was presented as a supplementary agenda item by Law Minister Azam Nazeer Tarar on behalf of the interior minister.

The introduction coincided with a noisy protest by PTI-led opposition lawmakers, who criticised the speaker for refusing to grant the floor to Leader of the Opposition Omar Ayub Khan before the question hour.

The National Assembly’s Stan­d­ing Committee on Interior is set to convene today (Thursday) to dis­cuss the Peca (Amendment) Bill.

According to the bill, the Social Media Protection and Regulatory Authority will be based in Islamabad, with the provision to establish offices in other provinces as needed.

The authority will oversee the enlisting of social media platforms and set operational standards and ensure the protection of users’ rights while facilitating social media platforms.

The authority will be authorised to take disciplinary action against social media platforms violating the Peca Act. It can also direct relevant institutions to remove unlawful content from social media. Individuals affected by illegal online activities must report to the authority within 24 hours.

The authority will comprise nine members, including the interior secretary, the PTA chairman and the Pemra chairman serving as ex-officio members. The chairman and five other members will be appointed for a five-year term. The chairman must hold at least a bachelor’s degree or have 15 years of relevant experience.

The chairman will have the power to order the immediate blocking of any unlawful content on social media.

Under the new amendments, all social media platforms must register with the authority. Platforms failing to comply with the law may face temporary or permanent bans.

The authority will have the power to block content that contradicts the ideology of Pakistan or incites citizens to break the law.

It will also be authorised to block unlawful content targeting members of the judiciary, armed forces, parliament or provincial assemblies. Content deleted during parliamentary proceedings cannot be reuploaded on social media.

According to the amendment bill, statements from banned organisations or individuals cannot be uploaded on social media.

NCCIA, council and tribunal

The amendment also proposes the establishment of a Social Media Complaint Council. In cases where social media platforms fail to comply with directives, the authority will have the power to approach the tribunal for enforcement.

To investigate illegal activities on social med­ia, the federal government will establish the National Cyber Crime Investigation Agency (NCCIA), as per the amendment bill. The agency will be headed by a director general, appointed for a three-year term.

Officers and personnel of the authority will have powers equivalent to police officers of corresponding ranks. Upon the establishment of the new investigative agency, the FIA’s Cybercrime Wing will be dissolved.

The federal government will also establish a Social Media Protection Tribunal to enforce the provisions of the amended act. The tribunal will be chaired by a former high court judge and will include a journalist and a software engineer as members.

According to the proposed amendment, decisions made by the tribunal can be challenged in the Supreme Court within 60 days.

CrPC amendments

Earlier, the law minister also introduced a bill proposing 108 amendments to the Criminal Procedure Code (CrPC). The amendments aim to simplify the filing of FIRs, prevent false complaints and curb police excesses during arrests and detentions.

Mr Tarar highlighted provisions requiring lower courts to grant bail when police investigations favour acquittal. He also proposed a one-year timeline for completing trials in criminal cases, with high courts mandated to act if deadlines are exceeded. Pending appeals in high courts would also need to be resolved within a specified timeframe, with consequences for non-compliance.

The bill also includes provisions for using modern devices as evidence and invited input from lawmakers during committee reviews.

The National Assembly also passed the Biological and Toxin Weapons Convention (Implementation) Bill, introduced by Dr Shezra Mansab Ali Khan Kharal.

Meanwhile, Parliamentary Secretary for Energy Aamir Talal Khan responded to a calling-attention notice, stating that 70 per cent of K-Electric’s 2,100 feeders are now loadshedding free. He added that 282 out of 295 feeders serving mixed-use consumers face no loadshedding, while only 30pc of feeders in high-loss areas experience power outages.

At the start of the session, Leader of the Opposition Omar Ayub Khan attempted to raise a point of order but was denied by Speaker Sardar Ayaz Sadiq, who remarked, “No point of order will be allowed before the question hour is over. I do not make U-turns.”

This sparked a protest by PTI lawmakers, who chanted slogans in support of their imprisoned founder Imran Khan. They also tore copies of the agenda, which were seen flying all around.

Published in Dawn, January 23rd, 2025





Why the latest proposal to amend Peca is an attempt to further strangle free speech

Pakistan’s digital rights remain hostage to the same political charades that allowed Peca to flourish in the first place.





Farieha Aziz 
Published January 23, 2025
PRISM/DAWN


Ten years ago, in 2015, the first draft of the Prevention of Electronic Crimes Act (Peca) 2016, surfaced. But not because the government — then too the PML-N — felt the need to be transparent, share and consult. It was a leaked draft that was analysed and shared.

The draft sparked immediate alarm among digital rights activists, prompting a press conference in Islamabad to warn of the bill’s troubling implications. Yet, the mood in the room was sceptical. Reporters questioned the organisers: “How do you know this is the bill? Shouldn’t social media be regulated?”

Incidentally, the very next day, the National Assembly’s standing committee on IT approved a version of the bill similar to the one that had been circulated and spoken about at the press conference.

Over the next year and a half, the bill was vociferously debated both inside and outside the assemblies — not because the government encouraged such discourse, but because an alliance of civil society and industry, supported by allies in the opposition and media, ensured it happened. Despite the resistance, Peca eventually saw the light of day. The Pakistan Peoples Party (PPP) stood as a vocal opponent of the bill, making sure their stance was heard loud and clear. However, the bottom line is that this issue goes beyond mere posturing.

Empty resistance


While several legislators within the party deserve credit for keeping Peca under scrutiny, resisting it in the assembly, and proposing amendments, the momentum faltered when it truly mattered — in the Senate, where the opposition enjoyed a majority. When push came to shove, the resolve wavered.

The bill could have been stalled further, but when it reached the Senate’s standing committee, there was a rush to conclude discussions, with claims that “enough time” had been spent debating and that the bill “needed” to be passed. Despite substantial input and alternative legal formulations provided over the preceding year and a half, claims were made that civil society had failed to contribute anything meaningful or in a timely manner.

PPP legislators patted themselves on the back for a job well done — for proposing over 50 amendments to Peca in the Senate — all of which ultimately amounted to nothing more than cosmetic tweaks of full stops and commas. None of the substantive changes proposed by civil society were ever incorporated.

From the PML-N government, such disregard was expected. However, as the bill approached the finishing line, the PPP and its allies played their optics game, projecting an image of resistance while enabling the ushering in of a law they could have done far more to water down — if not stop altogether.

Now, the very same PPP and its members are delivering fiery speeches in Parliament about the state of the internet, and floating ideas for a digital rights bill. But what good can any bill or affirmative legislation do when the Constitution itself has been reduced to a redundant piece of paper? When protections enshrined in the Constitution hold no weight during investigations, prosecutions and trials, how can a special statute negate the draconian impact of the way a criminal law plays out on the ground — in an FIA office or at the trial court? Especially when the procedural safeguards that exist in the law itself are flouted with impunity.

Illusion of digital rights

Lawmakers often think that passing a law marks the end of their responsibility. They love presenting legislation as a feather in their cap. But proof of the pudding lies in its implementation which they do not care to monitor. This is despite the ample provisions under the legislative scheme, which include standing and special committees, to extend oversight and conduct law reform based on substantive analysis, not knee-jerk reactions and imagined problems.

What amendments since the time Peca was enacted in 2016 have been fielded to roll back its draconian nature? Other than the few times standing committees have taken up one-off issues raised about its implementation, what oversight, scrutiny or accountability has been conducted?

Even now, there are plenty of speeches about slow internet speeds, and standing committees have been addressing related matters such as the Web Management System (WMS) or firewalls. But what has this scrutiny yielded substantively? Has the government or PTA fessed up to the technology that has been deployed? Its capability? Procurement and operation details? Has any legislator so much as inquired about the specifics and followed up?

Parliament’s failure is compounded by that of courts where numerous petitions are pending, challenging the actions of the government and PTA for transgressing their bounds and seeking the protection of fundamental rights, but to no avail.

In this environment, what value, then, does a ‘digital rights’ bill have? The very executive trampling on all things digital has been empowered by this same legislature, including the PPP, through the 26th amendment, which has further weakened the courts. How, then, with a straight face, can the claim of a digital rights bill be made?
Another impending doom

Now, the Prevention of Electronic Crimes Amendment Bill 2025 is staring us in the face.

It creates more offences, limits more categories of speech, enables regulatory capture through a new authority, and adds more red tape with onerous procedures via the creation of tribunals. The bill empowers the hand of the very authorities that continue to hold the internet, services, platforms and citizens hostage.

Only time will tell if these speeches will translate into tangible and substantive resistance — or if they will be opposed and stopped meaningfully, instead of being rubber-stamped as has become the norm in parliament.

As they say, fool me once, shame on you. Fool me twice, shame on me.

There’s no ‘but’ anything this time around. These amendments are not needed and are certainly not being introduced to protect citizens. That fig leaf is long gone. They serve only to maintain the status quo, tightening the stranglehold over speech and information while further subjugating citizens.

Header image generated by DALL-E 3.




Women in prisons


Rida Tahir 
February 9, 2025 
DAWN

The writer is a barrister of Lincoln’s Inn and an advocate of the high courts of Pakistan.


THE global female prison population is growing at a faster rate than that of men. While women still represent a smaller percentage of the total prison population in most countries, at the global level, the number of incarcerated females has increased by 33 per cent, compared to a 25pc rise in the number of male prisoners.

Narcotics-related crimes are the primary reason for women’s imprisonment worldwide. Globally, 35pc of incarcerated women are imprisoned for narcotics-related offences, compared to 19pc m
en.

In Pakistan, there has been a 2.8pc increase in the female prison population, with 1,550 female inmates making up 1.5pc of the total prison population in 2024. Of the total, 73.41pc are under trial. Across Pakistan, 375 female prisoners have been detained under narcotics-related charges, according to the Narcotics Offences Factsheet 2025, released by Justice Project Pakistan.

Men are more likely to use drugs than women, making up over three-quarters of drug users worldwide, according to a 2024 UNODC report. However, women are increasingly being imprisoned for drug-related offences.

Women here remain unaware of their legal rights.

This is due to gender-based discrimination within the criminal justice system, which prevents women from achieving equal access to justice. Women are rarely involved in the main narcotics trade, and are often unsuspecting couriers. The arrest of women has a negligible effect on organised crime. Yet, they are easy targets for police.

Usually drug-related offences are considered ‘heinous’ offences, which are non-bailable. However, special provisions have been stipulated in the Code of Criminal Procedure regarding bail for women. Section 497(1) makes it easier for female offenders to obtain bail.

Women here remain unaware of their legal rights and are often economically disadvantaged and unable to afford legal representation. The state’s response has been ineffective in addressing the right to a fair trial and due process provided under Article 10A of the Constitution. For example, the Committee for the Welfare of Prisons established under Section 55 of the Sindh Prisons and Corrections Services Act, 2019, does not provide legal representation in ‘heinous offences’, which include narcotics-related offences. This leaves a significant gap in the protection of wrongfully accused individuals.

Missing gender diversity among criminal justice professionals plays a role in gender bias, stereotyping, stigma, and impunity. Women in the country hold fewer positions as police officers, prosecutors and judges in the justice system. Resultantly, the needs of the mostly male prisoners are given priority, even though the number of incarcerated women is increasing at a faster rate.

Moreover, women in prison have their own distinct challenges; for instance, separation from children, discrimination, violence, and limited access to drug treatment and rehab services. Gender roles lead to a strong stigma being attached to women in prisons. While wives usually support their husbands during and after imprisonment, women are more likely to be abandoned by their partners, families and community if they have spent time in jail.

The 2022 amendment to the Control of Narcotic Substances Act, 1997, removed the death penalty but still imposes harsh penalties that disproportionately affect women.


To counter gender-based discrimination against women in conflict with the law, a comprehensive range of targeted interventions is required to tackle the challenges they face at every stage of criminal justice in Pakistan. These efforts should align with the 2010 UN Bangkok Rules on the Treatment of Women Prisoners and Non-Custodial Sanctions for Wo­­men Offenders.

Further, those in the justice system should follow the national laws that provide special provisions to women and children, in line with Article 25(3) of the Constitution.

The state should promote gender-responsive and non-custodial measures to reduce the unnecessary imprisonment of women through legal reform, and capacity building training of the justice system actors. Bail, probation, and parole should be used as alternatives to imprisonment when appropriate.

In terms of legal aid, the Women in Distress and Detention Fund Act, 1996, was repealed by the Legal Aid and Justice Authority Act, 2020. However, LAJA has been ineffective in protecting the rights of women in detention. The provincial and federal governments must strengthen women’s access to free legal aid while focusing on social reintegration programmes.

Ultimately, the state should focus on preventing crime, tackle its underlying causes, and create effective rehab programmes that offer second chances, instead of depending on harsh prison sentences.

Published in Dawn, February 9th, 2025
Rest in peace, USAID


February 8, 2025 
DAWN



The writer is an attorney teaching constitutional law and political philosophy

IT was a showdown for the ages. This past week, the Trump administration issued an order placing all workers of the United States Agency for International Development (USAID) on leave.

The direct-hire workers have been given 30 days to return to the United States. At the same time, employees of the now dreaded Department of Government Efficiency (DOGE) went into the agency’s DC headquarters and prevented even its top administrators from entering the building. Employee access to their emails was also cut off. The branding of the agency on the building’s façade was removed.

In a seeming instant, and on questionable legal authority, an agency whose stated purpose was to help people around the world avoid famine and death had been wiped out. USAID represented less than one per cent of the total US federal budget.

There is a lot to say about this remarkable turnaround in American foreign policy. In terms of its effect on Pakistan, the Trump administration has also cut aid to crucial projects that were taking place under the auspices of USAID. This includes a programme that helped protect historical buildings, archaeological sites and museum collections. Five energy programmes have also been affected. It is unclear both how much aid in total the US was actually providing to Pakistan through the agency, and whether explicit disbursements (if any) by Congress would be affected.

In Pakistan, government employees are usually accustomed to the winds of change blowing every time the government changes. This is because most of them, especially in high posts, are political appointees. In the US, while there is a fair amount of political appointees, the government is largely run by career diplomats who keep things going in more or less the same way, regardless of which party is in power.

With every executive order directed at restructuring the government, from doing away with USAID to also possibly shuttering the Department of Education to mass firings at the Department of Justice, President Trump appears adamant on changing the bureaucratic landscape.

It seems every executive order from Trump is intended to change the landscape of the bureaucracy.

The vast review powers that have been given to DOGE or to Secretary of State Marco Rubio to check every programme and see if it fulfils the Trumpian agenda means that hundreds of thousands of the two million federal employees will be affected. Those who received an ominous letter titled ‘Fork in the Road’ had until this past Thursday to accept a resignation deal where they would be paid until September if they quit their job immediately. Uncertain of what lay ahead, nearly 40,000 employees had taken up the offer.

Beyond the immediate uncertainty that surrounds the American political scene lie crucial structural changes that are going to transform Washington’s foreign policy for the near future. The way in which USAID was scrapped is remarkably similar to how the DOGE chairman and the world’s richest man Elon Musk scrapped Twitter when he took over the social media platform and rebranded it as X.

His influence over the future of America cannot be underestimated at this point. Efforts by anyone, including the flailing Democrat senators and House members, to stop him in his tracks have so far yielded nothing and appear unlikely to have any effect. In a stand-off in which DOGE officials were demanding access to the Treasury, DOGE won and now has access to the most secret data and payment information of the US federal government.

USAID was established under the late president John F. Kennedy in 1961. While it undoubtedly had many programmes that helped deliver HIV drugs and food in disease-ridden and famine-hit areas across the world, the agency had also developed a chequered reputation after America’s failed nation-building efforts in Afghanistan and Iraq following its invasions.

Inspectors general who were responsible for oversight (and who have also all been fired) revealed that the agency was unable to account for hundreds of millions of dollars or was delivering them to autocratic leaders and dictators in corrupt, failing states rather than to the people they purported to help. For Trump, USAID had “been run by a bunch of radical lunatics”.

But at the same time, the aid agency was the primary instrument of America’s soft power, and its scrapping represents a harder turn where quid pro quo-type calculations will be the future face of the US. Beyond good or bad, it is true that the withdrawal of soft power does not yield immediate consequences, but rather exposes its deficits when the US actually needs assistance from a country that was abandoned after aid was cut.

It also allows other global players such as China to occupy the vacuum that is created by the exit of a powerful country, although Beijing, despite its foreign initiatives, is itself focused more on a domestic economic uplift agenda for the time being.

Every day seems to bring a new order of disruption in Washington. If the last Trump administration came in uncertain and bumbling, this one seems far more intent on doing what it promised — drastically cut down government institutions that have stood strong for decades, sometimes being commended and at other times drawing flak. For now, everything, including the world’s future, seems to depend on the whims of a single man.

rafia.zakaria@gmail.com
Published in Dawn, February 8th, 2025


Sudden freeze
February 8, 2025 
DAWN

DONALD Trump’s recent decision to freeze US foreign aid for 90 days has sent shockwaves across South Asia, which has long depended on American assistance for economic development, healthcare, and humanitarian aid. While framed as a cost-cutting measure, this abrupt action could have grave consequences, not just for those directly dependent on aid but also for the geopolitical balance in one of the most strategically significant regions. In the aftermath of the announcement, US Secretary of State Marco Rubio did clarify that some categories of humanitarian assistance would continue.


South Asia, home to nearly two billion people, has historically been one of the largest recipients of US foreign assistance. From infrastructure projects in Bangladesh and Sri Lanka to counterterrorism aid in Pakistan and healthcare initiatives across the region, American investments have played a crucial role in economic stability and public health. By halting these programmes without warning, the Trump administration risks undoing years of progress and pushing vulnerable communities into deeper crisis.

Economic development is one of the most immediate casualties of Trump’s decision. The US has been instrumental in funding key infrastructure projects in the region. It has supported everything from roads and ports to clean energy initiatives. Without this funding, ongoing projects may be abandoned, leading to job losses and stalled economic growth. Trade relations, too, are at risk. Many South Asian economies, particularly India and Bangladesh, depend on exports to the US. The aid freeze comes at a time when Trump also wants to increase tariffs on imports like pharmaceuticals and textiles, which provide millions of jobs in the region.

Beyond economic setbacks, the impact on public health could be catastrophic. The US President’s Emergency Plan for AIDS Relief, which funds HIV treatment and prevention programmes, has already begun scaling back services due to Trump’s action. Clinics in Bangladesh and Nepal are struggling to provide lifesaving medications, and testing programmes have been forced to shut down. This immediate disruption will lead to higher infection rates and an increase in preventable deaths. Additionally, food aid programmes supporting millions of malnourished children in Pakistan and Sri Lanka are now uncertain, leaving families with fewer resources to combat hunger and disease.

Foreign aid is an investment in stability and growth.

Perhaps most alarming is the potential humanitarian disaster in Bangladesh, where over a million Rohingya refugees rely heavily on international aid. The sudden freeze has put essential services, such as healthcare and sanitation in refugee camps, at risk. Without immediate alternative funding, overcrowded camps in Cox’s Bazar could become breeding grounds for disease and violence. This would further destabilise the situation.

The consequences extend beyond humanitarian concerns; they also have geopolitical implications. For years, the US has used foreign aid as a tool to maintain influence in South Asia and counter China’s growing presence. Now, with this assistance in question, regional countries may increasingly turn to Beijing, which has already invested billions in infrastructure projects through its Belt and Road Initiative. This shift could alter strategic alliances, giving China greater leverage over trade, security, and political decisions in South Asia. In Pakistan, where US aid has historical-

ly supported counterterrorism efforts, the freeze could weaken security co­­operation at a time when regional stability is fragile.

Trump’s decision may have been driven by internal considerations, but its global impact cannot be ignored. Foreign aid is not just a charitable endeavour; it is an investment in stability, security, and economic growth for both the recipient and donor. By abruptly cutting off funding, the US risks creating long-term instability in a region that is already grappling with economic challenges, public health crises, and shifting geopolitical dynamics.

For South Asia, the situation is uncertain. Governments and aid organisations will now have to scramble for alternative funding sources, whether from private donors, multilateral institutions, or regional allies. However, the damage may not be easily reversed.

In a world where influence is measured by investment and partnership, the US may find that its retreat from South Asia has left a vacuum that others — most notably China — are all too willing to fill.

The writer is chairperson, National Vocational and Technical Training Commission.

chairperson@navttc.gov.pk

Published in Dawn, February 8th, 2025