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Sunday, February 09, 2025

LIBERAL MUSLIMS
Aga Khan, late leader of Ismailis, to be buried in Egypt today
DAWN
February 9, 2025 

Prince Rahim Al-Hussaini Aga Khan V (C), accompanied by his sons, Prince Irfan and Prince Sinan, looks at the coffin with the remains of his father Aga Khan IV, the spiritual leader of Shia Ismaili Muslims, during his funeral at the Ismaili community centre in central Lisbon on Feb 8, 2025. — AFP

A coffin of Prince Karim Al-Hussaini Aga Khan IV, the spiritual leader of Ismaili Muslims, is carried into the hearse from the Ismaili Centre during his funeral in Lisbon, Portugal on Feb 8, 2025. — Reuters/Pedro Nunes


GILGIT: Prince Karim Aga Khan Al Hussaini, the 49th imam of Ismaili Muslims, will be buried in the Egyptian city of Aswan on Sunday.

His funeral at the Ismaili Centre in Lisbon was attended by more than 300 guests, including Canadian Prime Minister Justin Trudeau, Portuguese President Marcelo Rebelo de Sousa and former Spanish king Juan Carlos I, leaders of the Ismaili community and other dignitaries on Saturday.

In Gilgit-Baltistan and other parts of Pakistan, thousands of followers of the late spiritual leader gathered at their community centres and Jamaat Khanas to view the funeral ceremony broadcast from Lisbon.

In Gilgit, Hunza and Nagar, shops and businesses remained closed to mourn the death of Prince Karim, who died on Tuesday in Lisbon after nearly seven decades as the spiritual leader of the Ismaili Muslims.



Finance minister, global dignitaries attend funeral in Lisbon

According to a statement by the Ismaili Imamat, the funeral was a closed event attended only by invited guests. The Ismaili community was represented by the 22 National Council presidents from around the world, including Pakistan.

Finance Minister Muhammad Aurangzeb also represented Pakistan.

The ceremony was televised live on Ismaili TV and arrangements were made at community centres and Jamaat Khanas for the late leader’s followers to witness the funeral.

In Gilgit-Baltistan, members of the Ismaili community congregated in Gilgit, Hunza, and Ghizer districts to witness the ceremony.

A large number of people witnessed the funeral across GB despite harsh weather.


ALIABAD Bazaar, in Hunza, is closed, on Saturday. Markets remained shut in several parts of Gilgit-Baltistan on the occasion of the funeral of Aga Khan.—Dawn

Condolences

Prince Karim was regarded as a direct descendent of the Holy Prophet Muhammad (Peace be upon him) and enjoyed near-divine status as the 49th hereditary imam of Ismaili Muslims. He held British and Portuguese nationalities, as well as honorary Canadian citizenship, a distinction rarely given.

Prince Karim’s burial on Sunday would be a private ceremony, to be followed by a special homage ceremony in Lisbon on Tuesday.

His son and successor, Prince Rahim Al-Hussaini, who was named the 50th hereditary Imam, or spiritual leader, according to his father’s will, would also attend Tuesday’s ceremony.

He will grant an audience to senior leaders of the community, who will pledge their allegiance to him on behalf of Ismailis all over the world.

It is expected that Prince Rahim will ordain an update to the Ismaili constitution and bless the community.

On Saturday, Finance Minister Aurangzeb met Prince Rahim and expressed condolences on behalf of the president, the prime minister and the people of Pakistan, according to a statement issued by the finance ministry.


Finance Minister Aurangzeb meets with Prince Rahim Al-Hussaini after attending the funeral of Prince Karim Aga Khan Al Hussaini in Lisbon, Portugal on February 8. — PID


The minister lauded the services of Prince Karim and the Aga Khan Development Network for the socio-economic well-being of people and honouring cultural heritage.

He called Prince Karim’s demise a “monumental loss” not only for his family, friends and followers but also for the underprivileged and destitute people of the world. He recalled the late leader’s special attachment to Pakistan and its people.

Special prayers were also held for the late leader at Ismaili community centres across Pakistan.

Delegations representing various sects, political parties, social organisations, civil society and officials have been visiting Ismaili Council Centres in Gilgit, Ghizer, and Hunza for condolences.

They paid tribute to the late leader for his contribution to the region’s socio-economic development.

day of mourning was observed across Pakistan on Saturday over the demise of Prince Karim.

National flags on important government buildings remained at half-mast across the country.

As Aga Khan, Al-Hussaini expanded the work of his grandfather, who created hospitals, housing and banking cooperatives in developing countries.

He invested part of the immense family fortune in the most deprived countries, combining philanthropy with business acumen.

To this end, he founded the Aga Khan Development Network, a gigantic foundation which is thought to have 96,000 employees worldwide and which funds development programmes, mainly in Asia and Africa.

A keen racehorse owner, he continued the family tradition of breeding thoroughbreds in his eight stables in France and Ireland. His horses won many of the most prestigious races.

With input from Agencies

Published in Dawn, February 9th, 2025



Understanding the Aga Khan, leader of Ismaili Muslims

(RNS) — The Aga Khan IV was often referred to as a philanthropist, but the description ignores the spiritual impetus for his work.


FILE - The Aga Khan, spiritual leader to millions of Ismaili Muslims, addresses an audience, Thursday, Nov. 12, 2015, at the Memorial Church on the campus of Harvard University in Cambridge, Mass. (AP Photo/Steven Senne, File)
RNS
February 7, 2025

(RNS) — On Tuesday (Feb. 4), Shah Karim al-Hussaini, Aga Khan IV, passed away in Lisbon, at age 88. For most Americans, this name has little meaning. People with a particular historical awareness may remember his grandfather, Sir Sultan Mahomed Shah, Aga Khan III, as one of the founders of the League of Nations and international statesman. But even those who know the lineage of the Aga Khans, a title that goes back to the British Raj in India, don’t understand who Shah Karim was.

Both men were Imams, or spiritual leaders, of a Muslim community known as the Ismailis. This community is a Shi’ah community that believes the Prophet Muhammad named his cousin and son-in-law Ali as the first Imam. This figure of the Imam is designated in the Quran, the revealed word of God, according to Muslims, and is guaranteed by God to guide the community of believers. The Aga Khans are descended from Prophet Muhammad through Imam Ali and his wife Fatima.

Shah Karim, the 49th Imam in the lineage, took his title as Aga Khan in 1954, when he was 20, after the death of his grandfather.

The Aga Khan IV, who headed the Aga Khan Development Network, was often referred to as a philanthropist, a label that he himself called deeply inaccurate. According to broader Shi’ah belief, three interrelated elements are believed to elevate one another: faith, knowledge, and action. To increase in any one area, you must increase in the other areas as well, and together each amplifies the other. Most importantly, faith and knowledge without action is selfish and a denial of God’s blessings.

RELATED: The Aga Khan, spiritual leader of Ismaili Muslims and a philanthropist, dies at 88

In May 2006, in accepting the Tolerance Award from the Evangelical Academy of Tutzing, in Germany, the Aga Khan said, “I am fascinated and somewhat frustrated when representatives of the Western world … try to describe the work of our Aga Khan Development Network … they often describe it either as philanthropy or entrepreneurship.” He attributed the misconception to a false dichotomy made between secular and religious and explained that his work is in fact an expression of this relationship among faith, knowledge and action.

In the speech, he emphasized that he aimed “to improve the quality of worldly life for the concerned communities,” offering two exemplar inspirations. The first is the first verse of the Quran’s fourth chapter, which says “O mankind! Be careful of your duty to your Lord, Who created you from a single soul and from it created its mate and from the twain hath spread abroad a multitude of men and women.” The verse, the Aga Khan said, says that we are all connected, coming from the same origin, and that we are also diverse, and this is a sign of God’s blessings.

The second piece of inspiration he gave was a teaching of Imam Ali, which speaks of ideal virtues, including faith, knowledge and action and the ability to have humility and seek consultation.

The Aga Khan was a historical figure, a man of the world who skied in the Olympics on the Iranian team, received numerous honorary degrees and worked as an international peacemaker. But it is important to understand what drove him to achieve these things. The Tutzing speech is a window into that impetus: He didn’t act out of a wish for worldly acclaim or the disbursement of worldly wealth. Rather, his course in life was an expression of faith and knowledge, an essential part of what it means to be a believer, to be human.

A person of integrity, the Aga Khan did everything as part of a comprehensive whole. There was not a part that was separate from another part. For his community, he was the living exemplar of what it meant to embody the ethics of religion in its most complete form. His passing is a loss to the community and a reminder that God has promised them continual guidance, in the line of Imams that continues with his son, Prince Rahim al-Hussaini, Aga Khan V.


(Hussein Rashid, Ph.D., is an independent scholar based in New York and an Ismaili Muslim. The views in this commentary do not necessarily reflect those of RNS.)



THE RUBIYAT OF OMAR KHAYYAM




PANNIER: Prince Karim Aga Khan IV obituary


A philanthropist, Aga Khan IV was devoted to his people, the Ismailis, many of whom live in remote areas of some of the world’s poorest countries. / AKDNFacebook
By Bruce Pannier February 7, 2025

Prince Karim Aga Khan IV, the spiritual leader of some 15 million Ismaili Muslims worldwide, died in Portugal on February 4 aged 88.

The Aga Khan Development Network (AKDN) announced the passing of the “49th hereditary Imam of the Shia Ismaili Muslims and direct descendant of the Prophet Muhammad” on their website.

The Aga Khan was born into a wealthy family. He lived what most people would call a lavish life, mingling with heads of state and royalty, and devoted much time to his passion of horse-breeding and horse racing.

His horses won the Derby Stakes five times. One of the horses, Shergar, won in 1981 by the widest margin in Derby history, only to be kidnapped two years later. The horse was never found, and no suspects were ever apprehended.

But the Aga Khan was also a philanthropist, and impact investor, who was always devoted to his people, the Ismailis, many of whom live in remote areas of some of the world’s poorest countries.

Aga Khan IV's grandfather, Sultan Mahomed Shah Aga Khan III, who died in 1957, chose his successor as a person of the world for the post-World War II times (Credit: AKDN).

For these people in particular, the Aga Khan was not only their spiritual leader, but also the source of better education, the builder of needed infrastructure, and in some cases, their saviour in desperate times.

Matt Reed, the global director of Institutional Partnerships for the Aga Khan Foundation, told bne IntelliNews that the Aga Khan was “a spiritual leader who felt an obligation to humanity to improve the quality of life for all people living in countries where he or his community were present.”

Prince Karim Al-Hussaini was born in Geneva, Switzerland on December 13, 1936. His father was Prince Aly Salomone Khan, while his mother was Joan Yarde-Buller, a British socialite. After the two divorced in 1949, Prince Aly Khan married movie star Rita Hayworth.

As a small child, Prince Karim lived in Kenya, but he moved to Switzerland to attend school. Afterwards, he majored in Islamic history at Harvard University. His grandfather, Sultan Mahomed Shah Aga Khan III, died in 1957 having directed that Prince Karim, rather than Karim’s father or uncle, should be the next Aga Khan.

Aga Khan III gave this instruction because he felt it was important that the new Aga Khan was a person of the world in atomic physics and other post-World War II technologies and inventions.

Prince Karim was 20 years-old when he became the Aga Khan. Despite his position, he returned to Harvard with an entourage and completed his studies, graduating in 1959.

Aga Khan IV established the Aga Khan Foundation in 1967 “to address the root causes of poverty and support community institutions to carry out sustainable, locally-driven initiatives that improve the quality of life.”

When Ismaili communities in several African countries were expelled or displaced, along with other South Asians, in the early 1970s, the Aga Khan helped to resettle them in Asia, Europe and North America.

Children in Osh, the Kyrgyz Republic, at an Aga Khan Foundation teacher training class on latest early childhood development pedagogies and techniques (Credit: AKDN).

The Aga Khan’s work expanded over the years. Hundreds of schools, two universities and dozens of hospitals and clinics were built.

He also sponsored thousands of agricultural projects, including research into hybrid crops that can grow at high altitudes, as well as the building of large-scale energy infrastructure. Moreover, he helped with the construction of small hydropower plants that serve remote communities, invested in telecommunications, organised microfinancing, and more.

In 2008, all of these projects were grouped under a common umbrella, and the Aga Khan Development Network was created.

The AKDN now works in more than 30 countries, but one of the most important areas the organisation works in is the Pamir Mountains, where Ismaili communities of Afghanistan, Pakistan and Tajikistan are found.

There are some 500,000 Ismailis living in Pakistan. The Aga Khans have kept close connections with the country and have been doing philanthropic work in its Ismaili region for more than a century. The father of Aga Khan IV served as Pakistan’s ambassador to the United Nations in the late 1950s.

The AKDN started work in Afghanistan and Tajikistan in the 1990s, a time when there was civil war in both countries.

The Aga Khan is credited by many with saving many of the more than 200,000 Ismailis in mountainous, remote Gorno-Badakhshan Autonomous Oblast (GBAO) of eastern Tajikistan from starvation during the Central Asian country’s 1992-1997 civil war.

In the years after the war, the cash-strapped Tajik government was unable to spend money on GBAO, a region that the government’s civil war opponents used for bases because of its nearly inaccessible terrain.

The AKDN stepped in to assist and helped the government develop educational facilities, businesses and infrastructure in GBAO. It also built several bridges to connect the region to Badakhshan Province in neighbouring Afghanistan, where Ismaili communities are present.

The organisation helped establish the University of Central Asia in the GBAO regional capital Khorog (and later another UCA in Naryn, Kyrgyzstan), providing opportunities for local young people to obtain higher education without leaving GBAO.

Over the course of some 30 years, the Aga Khan spent some $1bn on projects in GBAO.

Condolences over the death of Aga Khan IV were expressed by many world leaders, past and present. King Charles III said he was "deeply saddened" on the passing away of his "personal friend of many years" (Credit: AKDN).

Since it started work in Afghanistan during the mid-1990s, the AKDN has never left the country. Some 200,000 Ismailis live in Afghanistan.

The AKDN is currently working in 26 Afghan provinces, 11 directly and 15 in partnership with other organisations, benefitting some 12mn people. The AKDN has actually expanded its Afghanistan operations in the years since the Taliban returned to power in August 2021.

The network has proved more than a lifeline to the communities it has assisted. It has helped all of them to improve their living situations and prospects, not only in the Pamir Mountains, but in other parts of Asia, Africa and the Middle East.

Reed, of the Aga Khan Foundation, said Aga Khan IV had three principles for the AKDN’s work, namely “Absolute commitment” to working with all the people in the communities where it operates, regardless of faith or background; establishing institutions that would endure long after his death, whether the governments of these countries were weak or strong; and community ownership of all the projects so that everything the AKDN built or helped establish, either belonged to, or was managed by, the communities or local people.

Aga Khan IV has been described in the media as a “socialite” or “playboy,” and that was part of his life. But the work he did for not only his Ismaili communities, but also for the people living with or near these communities, was so often invaluable.

The schools and universities, hospitals, power plants, rural projects, hotels, parks and local financing institutions Aga Khan IV leaves behind will benefit the people of these regions for generations to come.

It is therefore not surprising that among those expressing their condolences on the Aga Khan’s death and praise for his work were Pakistani President Asif Ai Zardari, Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi, former Afghan president Hamid Karzai, Tajik President Emomali Rahmon, Canadian Prime Minister Justin Trudeau, French President Emmanuel Macron, UN Secretary General Antonio Guterres and King Charles III.

(Credit: AKDN).

It is a proud legacy, and it now falls to his son, Prince Rahim (pictured above), to carry on the work as Aga Khan V.

Monday, September 26, 2022

THE OLD MAN OF THE MOUNTAIN

Toronto gives spiritual leader, the Aga Khan, key to the city

Award celebrates contributions made to local Ismaili

Muslim heritage and culture

Toronto Mayor John Tory awarded Prince Karim Aga Khan IV, the spiritual leader of Ismaili Muslims around the world, a key to the city Sunday. It was accepted by the Aga Khan's brother, Prince Amyn Aga Khan. (Doug Husby/CBC)

The City of Toronto gave the head of the world's Ismaili Muslim community a key to the city Sunday, in light of years of "remarkable contributions" made to celebrate Ismaili culture and heritage.

In a ceremony at the Ismaili Centre attended by politicians from all levels of government, Toronto Mayor John Tory presented the family of Prince Karim Aga Khan IV the award, which is only given to individuals who "embody the spirit and potential of Toronto and who have contributed significantly to civic life."

"It is the least we can do for His Highness," Tory said at the ceremony.

In Toronto, the Aga Khan opened the Aga Khan Museum, the only museum in North America dedicated to Islamic arts, and the Ismaili Centre, a place of congregation, prayer and friendship for the Ismaili community, in 2014. He also established the cultural landmark Aga Khan Park, which officially opened in 2015. 

The city also renamed the portion of Wynford Drive, between Don Mills Road and the east side of the Don Valley Parkway overpass, to Aga Khan Boulevard, to commemorate the 65th anniversary of the Aga Khan's accession as the 49th hereditary Imam of Shia Ismaili Muslims and mark 50 years of the Ismaili Muslim community's establishment  in Canada.

The City of Toronto has renamed a portion of Wynford Drive to Aga Khan Boulevard in recognition of the Aga Khan's contributions to the city. (Doug Husby/CBC)

"The community presence here would not have been possible if not for Toronto and Canada's commitment to embracing and celebrating diversity," said Prince Amyn Aga Khan, the Aga Khan IV's brother, who accepted the award on his behalf.

"For many years now, His Highness has looked to Canada as a model of pluralism, one that is ever more critically, more urgently needed in our increasingly divisive and fragmented world."

According to a press release from the Ismaili Council of Canada, the Sunday award is one of a number of events taking place across the country this week to celebrate the Ismaili community's settlement in Canada. 

This includes another appearance in Toronto by Prince Amyn Aga Khan on Monday to the ground breaking of Generations, a not-for-profit community housing initiative to support vulnerable individuals, families, and seniors, the organization states.

Outside of Toronto, the Aga Khan, a billionaire and a believed descendant of the Prophet Mohammed, is known for his philanthropy.

The Aga Khan Developmental Network operates in more than 30 countries around the world, contributing to more than 1,000 programs and institutions and employing almost 100,000 people, who are primarily based in developing countries, the city says.

With files from Doug Husby

Thursday, February 06, 2025

The Aga Khan, spiritual leader of Ismaili Muslims and a philanthropist, dies at 88

SCION OF THE OLD MAN OF THE MOUNTAIN HASAN ibn SABAH

Issued on: 05/02/2025 -

The Aga Khan, who became the spiritual leader of the world’s millions of Ismaili Muslims at age 20 as a Harvard undergraduate and poured a material empire built on billions of dollars in tithes into building homes, hospitals and schools in developing countries, died Tuesday. He was 88.

ISMALI MUSLIMS ARE CONSIDERED  HERETICS!





LA REVUE GAUCHE - Left Comment


 

New Aga Khan takes helm of Ismaili Shi'ite Muslims

New Aga Khan takes helm of Ismaili Shi'ite Muslims
A new Aga Khan has taken the helm as the spiritual leader of the Ismaili Muslims following the death of his father aged 88.

Prince Rahim al-Hussaini has been named the new Aga Khan, becoming the spiritual leader of around 15mn Ismaili Muslims worldwide following the death of his father in Lisbon aged 88.

The 53-year-old was appointed in his father's will, unsealed on February 5, as the fifth Aga Khan and 50th imam of the Nizari Ismaili branch of Shia Islam, continuing a 1,300-year dynasty that claims direct descent from the Prophet Muhammad. Ismailism shares its beginnings with other early Shi’ite Muslim sects that emerged during the succession crisis that spread throughout the early years of Islam. Prior to the collapse of the Pahlavi monarchy in Iran in 1979, the Ismailis held a royal title second only to the Shah of Iran Mohammad Reza Pahlavi. 

Through the Aga Khan Development Network (AKDN), Prince Rahim has focused on climate issues and will now oversee a vast portfolio of humanitarian institutions and business interests estimated to be worth between $1bn-$13bn, spanning airlines, real estate and media.

"My expectation would be that there is a continuation of that legacy, because it is ingrained in Islam and it is substantiated in these institutions," said Eboo Patel, founder of Interfaith America, who studied Ismaili institutions at Oxford University.

The late Aga Khan, who was given the title "His Highness" by Queen Elizabeth II in 1957, built the AKDN into a global force for development. it was particularly active in Asia and Africa through hospitals, schools and universities.

"We have no notion of the accumulation of wealth being evil," he told Vanity Fair in 2012. "The Islamic ethic is that if God has given you the capacity or good fortune to be a privileged individual in society, you have a moral responsibility to society."

Prince Rahim, educated at Phillips Academy and Brown University, inherits the leadership of a community known for pluralism and humanitarian work.

The AKDN has invested more than $1bn in Tajikistan alone since 1995, though recent tensions have seen Tajik authorities nationalise some properties amid separatism accusations.

In November, Central Asia specialist Bruce Pannier reported for bne IntelliNews on how the former imam of the Ismaili community served as the chief beneficiary to the Pamiri—but in a grievous blow to the minority, was being cut off from further cooperation by Tajikistan’s Rahmon regime.

"They have really been at the forefront of relief efforts and humanitarianism on behalf not only of Ismailis, but of all the people affected in the communities where they work," said Jonah Steinberg, associate professor at the University of South Carolina.

The succession marks a return to tradition after the late Aga Khan's own unexpected appointment.

In 1957, his grandfather bypassed other heirs to name the then 20-year-old Harvard student as successor, citing the need for youthful leadership in a rapidly changing world.

The late Aga Khan is survived by three sons and a daughter.


Wednesday, November 13, 2024


Aga Khan emerald fetches record $9 mn in Geneva auction


By AFP
November 12, 2024


A Christie's employee poses with The Aga Khan Emerald - Copyright AFP Fabrice COFFRINI

A rare square 37-carat emerald owned by the Aga Khan fetched nearly nine million dollars at auction in Geneva on Tuesday, making it the world’s most expensive green stone.

Sold by Christie’s, the Cartier diamond and emerald brooch, which can also be worn as a pendant, dethrones a piece of jewellery made by the fashion house Bulgari, which Richard Burton gave as a wedding gift to fellow actor Elizabeth Taylor, as the most precious emerald.

In 1960, Prince Sadruddin Aga Khan commissioned Cartier to set the emerald in a brooch with 20 marquise-cut diamonds for British socialite Nina Dyer, to whom he was briefly married.

Dyer then auctioned off the emerald to raise money for animals in 1969.

By chance that was at Christie’s very first such sale in Switzerland on the shores of Lake Geneva, with the emerald finding its way back to the 110th edition this year.

It was bought by jeweller Van Cleef & Arpels before passing a few years later into the hands of the United States’ Harry Winston, nicknamed the “King of Diamonds”.

“Emeralds are hot right now, and this one ticks all the boxes,” said Christie’s EMEA Head of Jewellery Max Fawcett.

“We might see an emerald of this quality come up for sale once every five or six years.”

Also set with diamonds, the previous record-holder fetched $6.5 million at an auction of part of Hollywood legend Elizabeth Taylor’s renowned jewellery collection in New York.


Mysterious diamond-laden necklace fetches $4.8 mn in Geneva auction


By AFP
November 13, 2024


The mysterious necklace contained around 300 carats of diamonds
 - Copyright AFP SAUL LOEB

Elodie LE MAOU

A mysterious diamond-laden necklace with possible links to a scandal that contributed to the downfall of Marie Antoinette, sold for $4.8 million at an auction in Geneva Wednesday.

The 18th century jewel containing around 300 carats of diamonds had been estimated to sell at the Sotheby’s Royal and Noble Jewels sale for $1.8-2.8 million.

But after energetic bidding, the hammer price ticked in at 3.55 million Swiss francs ($4 million), and Sotheby’s listed the final price after taxes and commissions at 4.26 million francs ($4.81 million).

The unidentified buyer, who put in her bid over the phone, was “ecstatic”, Andres White Correal, chairman of the Sotheby’s jewellery department, told AFP.

“She was ready to fight and she did,” he said, adding that it had been “an electric night”.

“There is obviously a niche in the market for historical jewels with fabulous provenances… People are not only buying the object, but they’re buying all the history that is attached to it,” he said.



– ‘Survivor of history’ –



Some of the diamonds in the piece are believed to stem from the jewel at the centre of the “Diamond Necklace Affair” — a scandal in the 1780s that further tarnished the reputation of France’s last queen, Marie Antoinette, and boosted support for the coming French Revolution.

The auction house said the necklace, composed of three rows of diamonds finished with a diamond tassel at each end, had emerged “miraculously intact” from a private Asian collection to make its first public appearance in 50 years.

“This spectacular antique jewel is an incredible survivor of history,” it said in a statement prior to the sale.

Describing the massive Georgian-era piece as “rare and highly important”, Sotheby’s said it had likely been created in the decade preceding the French Revolution.

“The jewel has passed from families to families. We can start at the early 20th century when it was part of the collection of the Marquesses of Anglesey,” White Correal said.

Members of this aristocratic family are believed to have worn the necklace twice in public: once at the 1937 coronation of King George VI and once at his daughter Queen Elizabeth II’s coronation in 1953.

– ‘Spectacular’ –

Beyond that, little is known of the necklace, including who designed it and for whom it was commissioned, although the auction house believes that such an impressive antique jewel could only have been created for a royal family.

Sotheby’s said it was likely that some of the diamonds featured in the piece came from the famous necklace from the scandal that engulfed Marie Antoinette just a few years before she was guillotined.

That scandal involved a hard-up noblewoman named Jeanne de la Motte who pretended to be a confidante of the queen, and managed to acquire a lavish diamond-studded necklace in her name, against a promise of a later payment.

While the queen was later found to be blameless in the affair, the scandal still deepened the perception of her careless extravagance, adding to the anger that would unleash the revolution.

Sotheby’s said the diamonds in the necklace sold Wednesday were likely sourced from “the legendary Golconda mines in India” — considered to produce the purest and most dazzling diamonds.

“The fortunate buyer has walked away with a spectacular piece of history,” Tobias Kormind, head of Europe’s largest online diamond jeweller 77 Diamonds, said in a statement.

“With exceptional quality diamonds from the legendary, now extinct Indian Golconda mines, the history of a possible link to Marie Antoinette along with the fact that it was worn to two coronations, all make this 18th Century necklace truly special.”

Friday, July 15, 2022

Toronto filmmaker receives backlash, death threats over Hindu goddess poster

Lisa Xing - Yesterday 
This story contains an image of the film poster.



A Toronto-based filmmaker from India is facing death threats and police investigations after sharing a poster for her documentary on Twitter that depicts the Hindu goddess Kali holding a Pride flag and smoking a cigarette.

Earlier this month, filmmaker and York University international graduate student Leena Manimekalai shared the poster to promote a screening of her film Kaali at the Aga Khan Museum in Toronto.

She told CBC News she never expected the poster for the film — which uses an alternate spelling of the goddess's name — to garner this much attention.

"Any artist would expect a discussion, a discourse post her work being exhibited. But I never thought I would be attacked by this type of organized violence," she said.

The post sparked heated debate among politicians and religious leaders in India, including those who support Prime Minister Narendra Modi's governing Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) and Hindutva, a right-wing ideology that seeks to transform India from a secular democracy into an ethno-religious country.

Some researchers and groups, including Human Rights Watch, say the ideology has led to discrimination and violence against minority groups in India, like Muslims and Christians. They say it is also used to silence academic criticism of Indian politics in Canada.

In less than two weeks, Manimekalai said she and her family have received thousands of messages of hate through her social media pages, including rape and death threats.

She wrote on Twitter that she was thrilled to share the launch of her film, which was hosted by Toronto Metropolitan University and presented at the Aga Khan Museum as part of a larger screening of films on multiculturalism.

The tweet received immediate backlash, prompting the Indian High Commission in Ottawa to urge Canadian authorities to "take action" against what it called a "disrespectful depiction of Hindu gods" after it said it received complaints from leaders of the Hindu community in Canada.

The Aga Khan Museum apologized for screening the film, saying the presentation is "no longer being shown" and it "deeply regrets" that one of the short videos and "accompanying social media post have inadvertently caused offence."

Toronto Metropolitan University distanced itself from Manimekalai as well.

When asked whether it received any correspondence from the Indian High Commission about its concerns with the film and poster, Global Affairs Canada would only say in a statement that "diplomatic correspondences are confidential" and "Canada will always uphold freedom of expression."

Laura Scaffidi, press secretary for Heritage Minister Pablo Rodriguez, also responded in a statement: "Threatening to commits acts of violence or rape against someone online is unacceptable and should never happen. We know that what happens online doesn't stay online.… Canadians want social media companies to do more to fix this."

According to local reports in India, there are several police cases against Manimekalai in various states for her depiction of Kali and a lawyer in New Delhi filed a court case, asking the filmmaker and her company be stopped from promoting the poster or videos from the film. The New Delhi court issued a summons to the director and her company, which Manimekalai said she will respond to.

Chandra Arya, a Liberal MP representing the Ottawa-area riding of Nepean, also weighed in. He said it was "painful" to see the poster and welcomed the apology from the Aga Khan Museum. In the past few years, "traditional anti-Hindu and anti-India groups in Canada have joined forces," he wrote, "resulting in Hinduphobic articles" and "attacks on our Hindu temples."

Manimekalai disputes that characterization. "I have a right to claim my text, my cultures, my gods, my sexuality and my knowledge from the fundamentalists."

The filmmaker said the version of Kali in the film is based on the Kali in her southern state of Tamil Nadu — an Indigenous feminist spirit that renounces patriarchy and accepts meat, alcohol and smokes from villagers.

In the short film, Manimekalai embodies Kali herself, as she wanders the streets of Toronto at night searching for belonging. At one point, she accepts a cigarette from a man on a park bench.

It is her take on multiculturalism in Canada and a celebration of its diversity, she said.

"It is my ode to Kali," said Manimekalai.

"I also feel the gaze of brown skin being constantly exoticized, so [the film] is a parallel commentary on what I feel as a brown, queer person living in Toronto and what other people from various cultures feel seeing a person like this."
A sacred figure

While supporters say Manimekalai has every right to her artistic freedom, critics argue the director's portrayal of Kali is disrespecting a sacred figure.

For Arti Dhand, an associate professor at the University of Toronto's religious studies department, specializing in South Asian religions, including Hinduism, seeing the poster was "a little bit personally jarring, but not in a terribly offensive way," because she said she hasn't seen the goddess depicted smoking before.

But, she said, she also doesn't have a problem with the representation, because Kali is a "counter-normative figure" who drinks alcohol and dances naked in the streets.

Hinduism has historically allowed for a considerable amount of flexibility on the images of deities and has been inclusive of various representations, Dhand said. People taking offence is a recent trend.

"There are people more sensitive now about this kind of thing than they would be in the past," she said, adding there are different standards for what deities can do in mythology compared with real women.

"Things like [women] smoking are still shocking in some circles in Indian society."

According to some cultural experts, many of those critical voices are part of an organized political movement that's eroding people's freedom of expression, even beyond India's borders.

"The government in power … uses all kinds of mechanisms — whether it's law, whether it's censorship — to stop any kind of conversation," said Chandrima Chakraborty, an English and cultural studies professor at McMaster University in Hamilton.

Chakraborty said she understands some of the backlash to the film and adds "creative choices have consequences."

However, she said, the political pressure and the calls for violence are a concerning trend. "It is ironic that you are so concerned about protecting the sanctity of goddesses, but you are not protecting the sanctity of living, breathing women."

Chakraborty said the appropriation of Hindu gods to drive a political agenda has become the norm in recent years.

"A number of gods have been remade in order to meet the agenda … the manifest of this majoritarian Hinduism. It's a huge concern," she said. "There does not seem to be a space where you can be a nationalist, but you can also critique."
'Deeply troubling'

Since the controversy erupted, several Hindu groups have also come out in support of Manimekalai. including U.S.-based Hindus for Human Rights, which issued a statement Monday saying the filmmaker has "every right to explore these [Hindu] traditions through her art."

It called the apologies by Toronto Metropolitan University and the Aga Khan Museum "deeply troubling." The organization wrote a letter to the museum, urging it to consider the "broader social and political context" and explained how the apology feeds into the "Hindu far-right's disturbing and utterly false narrative of a homogenized, monolithic Hindu identity."

Despite the support, Manimekalai said she doesn't feel safe returning home to India until her legal battles are resolved.

However, she said this experience won't stop her from making art.

"I will die if I don't make films I believe in. I will die if I can't defend my films."









Sunday, May 21, 2023

CANADA-UGANDA
Naheed Nenshi: A moment that changed the fabric of this country forever

Naheed Nenshi
Contributor
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Updated Sept. 28, 2022

I turned 50 earlier this year. I always know how old I am because I coincide with two major events in Canada’s history: the Summit Series and Paul Henderson’s goal, and another moment that changed the fabric of this country forever. For arguably the first time, Canada extended its hand to refugees who looked different, who worshipped differently than most Canadians, but who needed help.

And nothing was ever the same again.

First some history. In the early part of the last century, as Europeans flocked to North America and particularly to the Canadian west in search of a better future for their families, a similar migration was happening on the other side of the world. British subjects in India, largely members of minority religious communities, were encouraged by the British to migrate to a land of opportunity and help the British settle the place. In this case it was Africa, and thousands of men flocked to work on the railroads, to start small businesses and to grow their families. They moved across the continent, with many (like Gandhi himself) in South Africa, some in places like Mozambique, where their families learned Portuguese, some in Congo, where they operated in French, and many in the nations of East Africa where they continued a very English life.

(An aside. In the 1930s, two sisters both boarded ships in Western India, bound for Africa, to marry men they didn't know. One was 12, one was 14. One ended up in Tanzania and learned a little English, the other in Mozambique where she learned a little Portuguese. They stayed in touch through letters as they both had many children and raised them through a lot of turmoil. And that's why my mother has cousins in Lisbon today.)

In the 1960s, as these African nations won their hard-earned independence, resentment towards the Asian communities grew. They were wealthier than the African communities, by and large, and were seen as coddled by the British, and life became a bit more difficult.

My parents, hotel staff in Tanzania, had met some Canadian aid workers and managed to immigrate to Canada in July 1971. Just before they left, my mother discovered she was pregnant but they made the journey anyway.

BUILDING A COMMUNITY IN CANADA

To this day, my sister believes I am the first Ismaili Muslim born in Canada. I don't know if that's true, but I do know my parents came to a country with very few Indians. No one knew what a mango was. But they found a few people with familiar-sounding names in the phone book (people under 40, ask your parents what that is) and built a tiny community that tried to figure out this new land together.

Just a few months later, the world shifted. A year to the day before I was born, an insane megalomaniac called Idi Amin had come to power in Uganda. On his way to killing anywhere from 100,000 to 500,000 of his own people, he received a message from God, or so he claimed, saying he needed all the Asians to get out. Suddenly, tens of thousands of people who had lived in Uganda for generations found themselves stateless, including a particular young woman studying in England.

The Canadian government of the time, having just declared Canada to be a multicultural nation, had a dilemma. Most of these asylum seekers spoke English, and they were largely professionals and entrepreneurs, but they were, well, different.

The Aga Khan, spiritual leader of the Ismaili Muslims, prevailed on Prime Minister Pierre Trudeau to accept these people, many of whom were Ismailis, and 6,000 of them came to Canada all at once.

My parents and their friends, just figuring out the Canadian system, suddenly found themselves looking after thousands of others, as they struggled to create new lives.

And struggle there was, combined with sacrifice, service, and ultimately success. Refugees from Uganda and their families have achieved success in business, in politics, in academia, in the arts and social services, and in media. They even read us the evening news.

This week, members of the Aga Khan’s family are travelling across Canada to commemorate this 50th anniversary and inaugurate a number of projects: a new Diwan, or pavilion, at the magnificent Aga Khan Gardens outside of Edmonton, and groundbreaking on multi-generational community hubs including seniors housing in Toronto and Vancouver, to match the incredible Generations facility that opened in Calgary three years ago. They are also signing a new agreement with the Province of British Columbia focused on combating climate change and receiving a great honour from the City of Toronto.

Oh, and that stateless young woman who was studying in England? She gets to officially greet the family in her role as Lieutenant Governor, the King’s representative in Alberta.

HOW CANADIANS THINK ABOUT PLURALISM

But for me, the greatest legacy of that decision to bring in the Asian Ugandans is how it has changed the way we Canadians think about pluralism. Just a few years later, we welcomed more than 100,000 refugees from Vietnam (Calgary’s civic dish is bánh mì, feel free to fight me on this!) and have been a place of safety and hope for people from every corner of this broken world.

We are far from perfect, and we have a long way to go to create a truly anti-racist society, but it's worth noting that even in our increasingly brittle public discourse, there is little to no anti-immigrant rhetoric.

In Québec, politicians are still defining the acceptable and flirting with xenophobia. Premier François Legault is the author of the disgusting Bill 21, and implied that immigration was linked with violence but then quickly called immigration “a source of wealth” while promising to cap the number of immigrants.

But in the rest of the country, mainstream politicians do not trade in that kind of language. Even the recent Conservative Party of Canada and United Conservative Party leadership race in Alberta, which have both seen the parties seemingly shift sharply to the right, candidates have avoided the kind of anti-immigrant language similar parties have used across Europe and in the United States, despite the electoral success of such policies in places such as Hungary, Sweden, and Italy.

I like to think that's because we have come to a consensus after these 50 years, that a pluralistic Canada is a stronger Canada, that a welcoming Canada is a better Canada. It's not easy, and we have to fight for it every day, but it's a fight worth having.

Former Calgary mayor Naheed Nenshi wrote this opinion column for CTV News


Prime Minister Justin Trudeau speaks with then-Calgary mayor Naheed Nenshi in his office on Parliament Hill in Ottawa on Thursday Nov. 21, 2019. 
THE CANADIAN PRESS/Adrian Wyld

   


Sunday, February 02, 2020

BOOK EXCERPT
How India’s British rulers prevented Muslims from joining the Congress to seek independence
An excerpt from ‘Republic Of Religion: The Rise And Fall Of Colonial Secularism In India’ by Abhinav Chandrachud.

Image credit: Wikimedia Commons

Jan 31, 2020 · Abhinav Chandrachud

In 1906, Viceroy Minto and Secretary of State John Morley were getting worried that the Congress, which they saw as a predominantly Hindu body, was becoming too powerful. They believed that the British Empire in India would weaken if Muslims joined the Congress movement. Against this backdrop, they possibly devised a scheme to exploit the schism between Hindus and Muslims to consolidate the British hold over India, all in the name of secularism.
On 28 May 1906, Minto wrote to Morley and said that though “we must recognise [the Congress] and be friends with the best of them, yet I am afraid there is much that is absolutely disloyal in the movement and that there is danger for the future”. “I have been thinking a good deal lately,” he continued, “of a possible counterpoise to Congress aims.”

At this time, Minto thought that the Indian princes and landholders could be organised as an opposition to the Congress. On 6 June, Morley wrote back and said that his advisors were worried that Muslims would soon join the Congress movement, which would spell doom for the British Empire. “Everybody warns us that a new spirit is growing and spreading over India”, he wrote. “Lawrence, Chirol, Sidney Low”, who were his advisors, “all sing the same song...Be sure that before long the Mahommedans will throw in their lot with the Congressmen against you,” they had said to Morley. On 27 June, Minto wrote to Morley about the “disloyal tone of the Native Press” with which Congressmen were “so largely connected”.

On 26 July 1906, Morley made a speech in the House of Commons in which he hinted at reforms in the Indian legislative councils. A few days later, on 4 August, the secretary of Aligarh College, Nawab Mehdi Ali Khan (better known as Mohsin-ul- Mulk), wrote a letter to Mr WA Archbold, the British principal of the college, who was at the time spending his summer vacation in Simla. In it, he asked whether it would be advisable for a delegation of Muslims to meet Viceroy Minto in order to speak to him about the rights of Muslims in India.
“You are aware,” he wrote, “that the...young educated Mohammedans seem to have a sympathy for the ‘Congress’, and [Morley’s] speech [in the House of Commons] will produce a great tendency in them to join the ‘Congress’.” He also wrote that if elections to the legislative councils were introduced under the new proposals, “the Mohammedans will hardly get a seat while the Hindus will carry off the palm by dint of their majority”.

A few days later, this letter reached Viceroy’s Minto’s desk. On 8 August, Minto forwarded the letter to Morley and told him that he was inclined to grant the “proposed deputation” an audience. This was unusual because very rarely, if ever, had a viceroy met a deputation consisting of only one religious community or group. In 1901, for instance, Viceroy Curzon had refused to meet a deputation consisting only of Muslims, and no viceroy had met a deputation consisting only of members of the Congress.

Between 9–10 August, Archbold and JR Dunlop Smith, the private secretary to Viceroy Minto, exchanged letters, in which Dunlop Smith informed Archbold that he had obtained permission for the Muslim delegation to visit Viceroy Minto. On 10 August, a member of the Viceroy’s Executive Council by the name of Denzil Ibbetson advised Minto to receive the deputation. It could be a “calamity”, said Ibbetson, if the younger generation of Muslims were driven into the “arms of the Congress party...for at present, the educated Mohammedan is the most conservative element in Indian society.”

On 10 August, Archbold wrote back to Mohsin-ul-Mulk, and advised him to prepare a memorial to ask Viceroy Minto for special privileges for Muslims in elections to legislative councils. He wrote that the memorial must begin “with a solemn expression of loyalty”, perhaps to address Minto’s unhappiness with the disloyal tone of the Congress. The memorial was to say that elections “would prove detrimental to the interest of the Muslim minority.

“It should respectfully be suggested”, he wrote, “that nomination or representation by religion be introduced to meet Muslim opinion”. However, he warned Mohsin-ul-Mulk that Archbold’s role in this process must not become publicly known. “[I]n all these views I must be in the background”, he wrote, “[t]hey must come from you”.

“I can prepare for you the draft of the address or revise it,” he wrote, since “I know how to phrase these things in proper language.” A formal letter requesting an appointment with the viceroy should be prepared, he wrote, which “should be sent with the signatures of some representative Mussalmans”. The deputation which goes to meet the viceroy, he added, must “consist of the representatives of all the Provinces”.

On 1 October 1906, thirty-five Muslim representatives from different provinces and princely states met Minto at his Viceregal Lodge in Simla. The memorial, which had probably been edited by Archbold, was read out to the viceroy by the Aga Khan. Among other things, the memorial asked the viceroy for special privileges in elections.

Muslim seats in the legislative councils, said the Aga Khan, “should be commensurate, not merely with [the] political strength [of Muslims in India], but also, with their political importance and the value of the contribution which they make to the defence of the Empire.” “[D]ue consideration” must also be given, he said, “to the position which [Muslims] occupied in India, a little more than a hundred years ago, and of which the traditions have naturally not faded from their minds”.

In other words, the Muslim delegation requested Viceroy Minto to give Muslims weightage in legislative councils because the Muslim community was politically important, because it contributed to the defence of the British Empire, and because Muslims were, before the British arrived, the ruling race in India.

Minto had been advised by Dunlop Smith and Archbold to give the deputation a “reassuring reply”. He responded by agreeing with the deputation’s demands on the subject of elections and said that “any electoral representation in India would be doomed to mischievous failure” if this were not so. Later that day, Minto’s wife received a letter from an official (probably Dunlop Smith) which said that Minto’s decision was a “work of statesmanship” which prevented “sixty-two millions of people from joining the ranks of the seditious opposition”, ie it prevented Muslims (there were 62 million Muslims in India at this time, according to the 1901 census) from joining hands with the Congress.

Dunlop Smith wrote a letter to another British official the following day in which he said that “the [Muslims] declared to the [viceroy] that they would not join the Congress, [and] that they preferred appealing to their Ma Bap.” The Muslim League itself was founded ninety days after this deputation met Minto (though Muslim opposition to the Congress was decades old, spearheaded by Sir Syed Ahmed Khan).

Tellingly, on 15 September 1909, Chief Justice Lawrence Jenkins wrote a letter to Morley, in which he said, “[F]rom all I hear...I incline to the view that the Muhammedan demand was prompted in the first instance from other sources, and has been skilfully engineered.”
There is, therefore, some evidence that the Muslim demand for special protection in elections was devised by colonial officials as part of a divide and rule policy. This was certainly the view taken by nationalist leaders and observers. On 4 October 1906, the Amrita Bazar Patrika wrote that this entire episode appeared “to be a got-up affair and fully engineered by interested officials”.

In 1923, a Khilafat leader and president of the Congress, Maulana Muhammad Ali, called the Muslim deputation’s visit to the viceroy a “command performance”, akin to a play being put up at the request of the royal family. These words were repeated by Vallabhbhai Patel in the Constituent Assembly in May 1949.

Another member of the Constituent Assembly, KM Munshi, called this an “unholy alliance” between “British rulers” and “the leaders of a section of the Muslims in North India”, and a “command performance” planned by Archbold and Dunlop Smith, “among others”.

Of course, it cannot be said that the colonial British administration manufactured Mohsin-ul-Mulk’s fears that Muslims would be left behind in the reformed legislative councils. However, colonial officials like the viceroy bent over backwards to accommodate the demands of the Simla deputation. In the words of historian BR Nanda, ‘[W]hat is surprising is not that the Muslim leaders should have wanted to lead a deputation and submit a memorial to the Viceroy, but that they should have been so warmly welcomed and given such wide-ranging assurances so hastily on constitutional issues of which the full implications were yet to be worked out by the Viceroy and his advisers.” 



Excerpted with permission from Republic Of Religion: The Rise And Fall Of Colonial Secularism In India, Abhinav Chandrachud, Penguin Viking.Support our journalism by subscribing to Scroll+