Friday, May 24, 2024

 INDIA 

UP 8 Sanitation Workers Die in Past 10 Days Due to Hazardous Cleaning, Activists Call For FIR


Sabrang India 


Authorities failed to provides safety equipment to the workers, these deaths are testimony that manual scavenging is still prevalent in India even after a blanket ban under the MS Act, 2013


Sanitation workers die in UP. Image credit: Mooknayak

On May 15, a press conference held at the Press Club of India under the banner of Dalit Adivasi Shakti Adhikar Manch (DASAM) and Justice News while expressing their concern over the “8 deaths due to manual scavenging in 10 days in Uttar Pradesh”, activists and advocates demanded that FIR be immediately lodged under Manual Scavenging Act and relevant sections of the Indian Penal Code against the culprits.

The conference was held by the Colin Gonsalves (Sr. Advocate), Roma Malik (General Secretary, AIUFWP), Indira Unninayar (Sr. Advocate) and Sanjeev Kumar (Secretary, DASAM).

The panel of activist and advocates said that in UP, despite the law prohibiting manual scavenging and hazardous cleaning under the Prohibition of Employment as Manual Scavengers and their Rehabilitation Act, 2013 and Supreme Court’s guidelines, state authority failed to prevent the incident of manual scavenging and responsible for not providing protective gears to the workers.

Talking to reporters, members of DASAM alleged that on May 2, a 57-year-old man and his 30-year-old son died while they were preparing a sewer line in Lucknow’s Wazirgang area. No officials from Jal Nigam visited the site for two hours and by the time they were taken to hospital, they were declared dead, they alleged.

8 workers dies within 10 days in Uttar Pradesh:

Recently, Uttar Pradesh witnessed 8 deaths within a short period 10 days due to manual scavenging.

On May 2, Shroban Yadav, 57, and his son Sushil Yadav, 30, were died while testing a sewer line in Lucknow’s Wazirganj area without safety equipment gears.

On May 3, two daily wage workers, Kokan Mandal, 40, and Nooni Mandal, 36, were died while cleaning the septic tank of a private residence in Noida Sector 26.

On May 9, four people died from inhaling toxic gases while cleaning the septic tank of a house in Mughalsarai, Chandauli. Three of the victims, Vinod Rawat, 35 Kundan, 42 and Loha, 23, were informal sanitation workers while the fourth victim was the son of the house owner who died while trying to save the workers.

A senior advocate of the Supreme Court and founder of Human Rights Law Network Colin Gonsalves said, “It is horrifying that workers are forced to enter sewer line without any protocol, machines or oxygen gears to clean sewer line.

The Prohibition of Employment as Manual Scavengers and their Rehabilitation Act, 2013:

Under the.” MS Act of 2013” Manual scavenging is a prohibited activity in India. The provisions of the Act provides that no person or agency can engage or employ any person for manual scavenging. Any person or agency who engages any person for manual scavenging in violation of the provisions of the MS Act, 2013 is punishable under Section 8 of the above Act, with imprisonment up to 2 years or fine up to Rs. 1 Lakh or both.

Radhika Bordia, an independent journalist, said two daily wage workers died on May 3 after inhaling toxic gases while cleaning a septic tank of a private residence in Noida Sector 26.

“Another incident was reported from Mughalsarai where four people were killed while cleaning septic tank of a private residence,” she said.

Bordia said that even after such incidents police do not take strict action. She further stressed that “Under the Manual Scavenging Act, there is a law to rehabilitate the family members of any victim, providing government job to one of the family members and proper compensation,” another activist Roma said, adding that the process was not being carried out.

Compensations not provided to the victims:

Roma Malik, a senior activist from the All India Union of Forest Working People said that “in October 2023 the Supreme Court ordered a compensation of 30 lakhs to the families of victims of manual scavenging which has not reached any of the victims so far. Allegedly, the District Administration promised to provide only ₹4 lakh ex gratia to each deceased in the incident in Chandauli. In India the lives of workers are considered cheap and inexpensive and they can only safeguard their rights through unionization”.

Delhi Waste Pickers: Integrating Social Protection, Climate Justice, Labour Rights


Shalaka Chauhan , Haris Najib | 11 May 2024


It is critical to highlight the frequently overlooked impact of the climate crisis and insufficient social and legal protections for waste pickers in the country’s capital city.



As global discussions on climate change intensify, there is a growing emphasis on finding solutions to, adapt to and mitigate its impacts. Among the many variables causing climate change, the increasing waste crisis emerges as a significant threat. Nowhere is this more palpable than in countries such as India, where rising consumerism has caused an unchecked increase in waste generation that has resulted in the growth of landfills. On this Labour Day, as we reflect on the contributions and struggles of the global working class, it is critical to highlight the frequently overlooked impact of the climate crisis and the insufficient social and legal protections for waste pickers. Amidst these challenges, waste pickers in India and globally deserve more attention and support.



Waste pickers, also known as rag pickers, are individuals who collect, sort and recycle materials from the waste stream. Operating mainly in the informal economy across the globe, they navigate through landfills, dumps and city streets, recycling materials such as plastics, paper, glass and metals.

Despite the hazardous working and living conditions and social stigma they face, waste pickers persevere, driven by the necessity to earn a livelihood. It should be noted that waste pickers in India predominantly belong to marginalised communities such as Dalit, Bahujan, Pasmanda Muslim, Vimukta and Adivasi.

The role of informal waste pickers extends far beyond mere collection and sorting. They serve as the backbone of the recycling industry by diverting significant volumes of waste from landfills and incinerators. By recovering reusable materials, waste pickers mitigate the environmental impact of waste disposal, reducing greenhouse gas emissions and conserving natural resources.

This way, their efforts contribute to the circular economy, where materials are recycled, reused and reintegrated into the production process, minimising waste generation and maximising resource efficiency.
The interconnection of waste management, climate change and environmental sustainability

Among the top three methane-emitting sectors— after agriculture and oil and gas— the waste sector stands out, accounting for roughly 20 percent of human-driven methane emissions worldwide.

Improper disposal of waste, particularly organic waste, leads to the release of methane— a potent greenhouse gas— into the atmosphere. Landfills and dumps become breeding grounds for methane emissions that exacerbate global warming and contribute to climate instability.

Waste pickers in India predominantly belong to Dalit, Bahujan, Pasmanda Muslim, Vimukta, Adivasi and other marginalised communities.

The extraction and production of materials for manufacturing purposes consume vast amounts of energy and resources that deplete and degrade ecosystems. In contrast, recycling and reusing materials conserve energy, reduce greenhouse gas emissions and alleviate pressure on natural resources.

The manual waste management practices carried out by waste pickers play a significant role in mitigating climate change and advancing environmental sustainability.

The Women in Informal Employment: Globalizing and Organizing (WIEGO) devised a calculator and a methodology for quantifying the reduction in greenhouse gas emissions facilitated by waste pickers.

This tool has been widely embraced by waste picker collectives worldwide demonstrating their substantial contribution to greenhouse gas mitigation and bolstering the advocacy for recognition, support and fair compensation for their labour.

In 2020, waste pickers belonging to Colombia’s Association of Recyclers of Bogotá (ARB) prevented the emission of over 407 thousand tonnes of CO2 equivalent (eCO2), while India’s SWaCH cooperative mitigated emissions by more than 211 tons of CO2.
Climate change and waste pickers of Delhi

While climate change affects everyone globally, its impact varies across different communities. Climate change disproportionately affects marginalised and economically disadvantaged communities, with waste pickers standing among those most impacted.

Despite their critical role in mitigating climate change and improving health and hygiene practices, waste pickers face challenges stemming from the climate crisis, along with precarious socio-economic statuses and limited access to social protection and security.

By recovering reusable materials, waste pickers mitigate the environmental impact of waste disposal, reducing greenhouse gas emissions and conserving natural resources.

For waste pickers, climate change manifests in various ways, including disruptions to waste collection activities caused by extreme weather events such as floods, drought and heat waves.

Changes in waste composition and contamination levels due to climate-related factors further complicate waste sorting and recycling processes, heightening the occupational and health risks faced by waste pickers.

“Jab paani bhar jaata hain, toh saara maal kharab ho jaata hai, jiska matlab saari kamai.”
(When there is a flood, all the goods (collected waste) get spoiled, which means all the earnings.)
—Imran, waste picker, Seemapuri (Delhi)

During Delhi’s monsoon season, the city’s streets become waterlogged due to heavy rainfall. For waste pickers such as Imran, who is a father of three, this period brings a lot of uncertainty.

He has to navigate through knee-high waters while searching for recyclable materials amidst the dirt and debris. Despite the dangers of contamination and illness, Imran continues his work, motivated by the need to support his family.

However, the rain poses challenges for him. His collected materials often get spoiled, which means he loses out on his livelihood. On average, he segregates about 20 kilograms of waste per day, and when these materials get damaged, it directly impacts his daily income.

Additionally, the heavy rain makes transportation difficult for Imran. With his waste materials, he is not allowed on buses, making it even harder for him to transport his goods and continue his work.

Moreover, the waste that Imran stores also gets spoiled due to the rain, further exacerbating his challenges during this difficult period.
“Ab garam loo zyada lagti hai pichle saalo se, garmiyo ke mahine bhi badh gaye aur tapmaan bhi.”


(Now the heat waves are more severe than in previous years, the summer months have increased and so have the temperatures.)
—Maya, waste picker in Seemapuri (Delhi)

On the other hand, waste pickers such as Maya face tough challenges because of Delhi’s scorching heat waves that last nearly four-five months each year. Maya walks 20 kilometers every day through the city’s hot streets under the blazing sun.

Dehydration and heatstroke are constant dangers, making her already difficult job even tougher. Unfortunately, she often falls sick due to these extreme conditions.

With 10 hours of work every day, in addition to household responsibilities, Maya’s health deteriorates further during heatwaves. To combat the heat, she carries water with her when she goes out for waste collection. However, due to the lack of segregation space near the residential colony where she collects waste, similar to Imran, she has to come home to do the segregation. This adds extra strain to her already challenging routine.

Improper disposal of waste, particularly organic waste, leads to the release of methane— a potent greenhouse gas— into the atmosphere.

These challenges primarily stem from the poor working conditions characterised by extended work hours, low wages, lack of space and infrastructure for segregation and hazardous work environments.

Compounded by a lack of legal recognition and social protections, waste pickers find themselves at the margins of society, devoid of the rights and privileges accorded to formal workers.

Persistent exposure to toxins, pathogens and sharp objects poses significant threats to their physical well-being. This exposure manifests in the form of respiratory ailments, skin infections and musculoskeletal disorders. Such health concerns also tell us a lot about poor occupational safety protocols and the provision of accessible healthcare services to waste pickers.

The stories of Imran and Maya highlight the challenges faced by at least 200,000 waste pickers in Delhi, the majority of whom are women. Living in cramped colonies without basic amenities such as water and sanitation, they reside in makeshift dwellings that serve as both their homes and workplaces. These kuccha structures dedicate a significant portion of their space to waste segregation areas.

They regularly face displacement due to inadequate housing options and facilities in the city. During heavy rainfall, the streets flood and their few possessions become soaked, and the makeshift dwelling feels unstable.

Coping with floods is incredibly challenging for the waste pickers. Despite the difficult circumstances, they struggle to stay safe and continue their work.

Similarly, the rising temperatures caused by climate change worsen the risks of heat-related illnesses and dehydration for waste pickers. As heatwaves become more frequent and last longer, the harsh conditions waste pickers work under take a toll on their health and well-being.

This highlights the urgent need for actions to reduce the effects of climate change on vulnerable communities. The waste pickers’ community living near landfills faces especially challenging conditions, as they work in environments where temperatures are much higher, and their homes are frequently destroyed by debris during heavy rainfall.

The narratives of Imran and Maya expose the intersecting challenges faced by waste pickers in Delhi and the harsh realities of their daily lives. Their stories are evidence of the urgent need for collective action to address the vulnerabilities and injustices experienced by marginalised communities such as waste pickers, who bear the brunt of environmental degradation and socio-economic inequities.
The way forward

In Delhi, waste pickers need to be at the forefront of initiatives that integrate climate-resilient waste management practices into urban plans and policies. Through collaborative partnerships with local authorities and grassroots organisations, waste picker unions and associations such as Basti Suraksha Manch and Safai Sena are making a difference.

For waste pickers, climate change manifests in various ways, including disruptions to waste collection activities caused by extreme weather events such as floods, drought and heat waves.

Through capacity-building workshops and skill development programmes, they work with waste pickers to adapt to climate change and mitigate its impacts.

While the efforts of waste picker unions and advocacy groups are crucial, the systematisation and scaling-up of these efforts require the attention and support of policymakers and the government.

It is time for policymakers to stop paying lip service to sustainability and start taking concrete actions to support waste pickers. Systematisation involves institutionalising and formalising the integration of waste pickers into municipal waste management systems, ensuring sustainability and effectiveness in the long term.

Collaboration between government agencies, waste picker unions, grassroots organisations and other stakeholders is crucial for developing comprehensive and inclusive waste management policies and programmes. This collaborative approach allows for the sharing of knowledge, expertise and resources that leads to more effective and sustainable outcomes.

Proactive measures to mitigate the impacts of climate change are essential for building climate resilience in waste picker communities. This may involve implementing disaster preparedness and response plans, providing access to climate-resilient housing and supporting community-based adaptation initiatives.

Rising temperatures caused by climate change worsen the risks of heat-related illnesses and dehydration for waste pickers.

By integrating waste pickers into climate change mitigation and adaptation efforts, policymakers can leverage their local knowledge and expertise to enhance the resilience of both urban and rural communities.

Shalaka Chauhan is a researcher and a PhD scholar at Dr B.R. Ambedkar University.

Haris Najib is a policy researcher and former assistant national coordinator of the Alliance of Indian Waste Pickers (AIW).



Bihar: Unemployment, Price Rise Dominate, but Caste Factor Still Matters in Poll Campaigns


Mohd. Imran Khan 



At the local level, candidates of both NDA and the Opposition Mahagathbandhan seem to be banking heavily on caste equations.

Patna: Though on the surface, the dominant issues among people are rozgar, berozgari, mehagai, garibi and vikas (employment, unemployment, price rise, poverty and development) in Bihar during the ongoing Lok Sabha election campaign, but in reality, caste is turning out to be as important an issue, if not more, for the ruling Bharatiya Janata Party-led National Democratic Alliance as well as the opposition Mahagathbandhan. Both the alliances are banking on caste factor.

The caste factor and caste equations remain a key deciding element for support and vote among people in rural and urban areas.

According to political watchers here, caste has always played a vital role in Bihar politics, though there are exception like 2019 Lok Sabha polls when hyper Hindu nationalism and Hindutva overshadowed the caste factor.

"It is accepted fact that caste equations play a major role in deciding candidates and their winnability factor. This is true for all parties", S N Madan, an analyst tld NewsClick.

Madan said that caste is a deciding factor for political parties in Bihar is clear from the fact that they have taken care to field candidates to suit the caste equation on the ground.

For instance, for BJP, the upper castes matter more than others. This is evident as the saffron party has played a calculated caste card in selecting candidates for the 2024 Lok Sabha polls. It has fielded 10 upper castes out its total17 candidates in the fray.

"We are confident of overwhelming support of upper castes in favour of BJP, there are no ifs and buts, "a senior BJP leader said.

In BJP's list of candidates, five belong to the Rajput caste, followed by two for the Bhumihar caste, two Brahmins and one from the Kayastha community.

The party has renominated most of its upper caste MPs, except Ashwani Kumar Choubey, who is a Union Minister. Choubey is a sitting MP from Buxar Lok Sabha seat and has been replaced by Mithilesh Tiwari, a young party MLA.

What has surprised poll-watchers is that BJP has not changed its old faces, contrary to reports that new faces will replace them. It has renominated Union ministers R K Singh from Ara, Griraj Singh from Begusarai and former Union ministers Rajeev Pratap Rudy from Saran, Ravi Shankar Prasad from Patna Sahib and Radha Mohan Singh from East Champaran.

In the caste-ridden politics of the state, since the early 1990s, the BJP has been heavily relying on its upper caste vote bank and has emerged as a significant party in Bihar that claims to safeguard their interests.

Political watchers say that upper castes have been overwhelmingly backing BJP in post-Mandal politics.

Ironically, the population of upper castes has come down in the state after the 2011 census. As per last year’s Bihar caste survey, the population of upper castes, locally known as savarnas, has declined to 15.52%, including 2.86% Bhumihars, 3.66% Brahmins,3.45% Rajputs and 0.60% Kayasths. The remaining 4.8% are upper castes among Muslims, including Syeds, Sheikhs and Pathans.

As per the Bihar caste survey, there are 215 castes in Bihar and the total population of Bihar is 13.7 crore, which includes 36% Extreme Backward Classes (EBCs,) 27% Other Backward Classes (OBCs), (OBCs and EBCs together account for 63%), 19% SCs (Dalits) and 1.68% STs (Adivasis).

Chief Minister Nitish Kumar’s Janata Dal (United) has also fielded candidates in different parliamentary constituencies on the basis of caste. Eleven of the party’s 16 candidates are from OBCs and EBCs.

Similarly, while Congress leader Rahul Gandhi and Rashtriya Janata Dal (RJD) leader Tejashwi Yadav are raising issues of employment, price rise and development in their election campaign, their candidates are eyeing to strengthen caste equations in their favour.

The RJD has given more weightage to Yadavs, a powerful OBC caste. in selecting candidates. The party has fielded nine candidates belonging to Yadavs, followed by candidates from EBCs and OBCs, Dalits and Muslims.

Yadavs constitute more than14% of the state's population. They are considered not only loyal toRJDS chief Lalu Prasad, but also a strong force to counter upper caste dominance in state politics. The combination of Yadavs and Muslims, who constitute 17%  of the population, is a core support base of RJD.

After Lalu Prasad and his younger son Tejashwi Yadav, who is leading the campaign of the opposition Mahagathbandhan, raised the issue of threat to change of the Constitution that guarantees reservation to Dalits, OBCs and EBCs if the NDA government led by Prime Minister Narendra Modi returns to power for third time, top BJP leaders, including Modi, Amit Shah and even Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh or RSS, have repeatedly assured people that there was no plan to change Constitution and that reservation would continue. This is another example of how caste matters in elections in the state.

The star campaigners of both NDA and Mahagathbandhan might be urging people to rise above caste and community, cautioning people not to vote on the basis of caste, but their election strategies on the ground are still caste-centric.


LA REVUE GAUCHE - Left Comment: Search results for DALIT 


 INDIA

Ayodhya ‘Surya Tilak’: Crafty Misuse of Science by Hindutva Votaries


S. Krishnaswamy 



There are numerous other centuries-old temples in India that have achieved similar feats even without instruments and devices.

Usually in a sound and light show, the two occur in the same place. On April 17, 2024, at the still under-construction Ram Temple at Ayodhya, at exactly 12 noon on the occasion of Ram Navami, light from the sun was focused through a set of mirrors and lenses on the forehead of the idol of infant Ram or Ram Lalla.

The political sound, indeed noise, reverberated from different parts of the country,  including from Nalbari in Assam where, with a chant of Jai Siyawar Ram, the Prime Minister during an election campaign speech said, "After waiting for 500 years, Lord Ram has been seated in his grand temple. Now…, by applying Surya Tilak to Lord Ram, his birth anniversary will be celebrated in the holy city of Ayodhya." He also shared pictures of him watching the Surya Tilak on an electronic device. 

Soon the oohs and aahs rolled out on social media, even as pro-government print and electronic media saw saturation coverage for several days before and after on the “stupendous” achievements of Indian science in making this extraordinary achievement possible. A true marriage, they said, of modern science and ancient religiosity.

Misusing Science

On X (formerly Twitter), none other than  the secretary, Department of Science of Technology (DST), praised the Indian Institute of Astrophysics (IIA), Bengaluru, an autonomous research institute funded by DST, and the Central Building Research Institute (CBRI), Roorkee, under the Council of Scientific and Industrial Research (CSIR), for designing, making and installing the system which had succeeded in applying Surya Tilak precisely at 12 noon on Ram Navami and precisely on the forehead of Ram Lalla.

When the CSIR announced the project in November 2022, an open letter was released by over 300 scientists  criticising India’s premier research institution for its involvement with religious activity, and for forgetting its commitment to the constitutional duty of promoting a scientific temper. Unfortunately, this trend of the government railroading scientists and public-funded institutions into the ruling establishment’s pet projects and ideological positions has been happening continuously since 2014.

Equally importantly, many wondered why the secretary of DST would go out of his way and use his official position to praise “the accurate calculations and well-optimized design” of the apparatus  using mirrors and lenses that was used to redirect the sunlight from the second floor of the temple to the idol. This was in fact criticised in the scientists’ open letter as “bringing out a cannon to kill an ant.”

After all, the same IIA had designed the remote sensing payloads for the Aditya L1 spacecraft, the first Indian mission to observe and collect data from the sun, while ISRO had successfully carried out the detailed computations required to position Aditya L1 at the exact spot in space and in an orbit from where it would always face the sun and send back uninterrupted data back to Earth.,

This is the deep irony in the crafty misuse of science by the Hindutva proponents. On the one hand, they glorify an exaggerated, and sometimes imaginary, notion of knowledge in ancient India. On the other hand, they misuse science or at least the idea of science and often falsify “findings” of modern science, to bolster Hindutva ideologies in the reflected glory of science in order to give them legitimacy in the eyes of the people who hold science in high esteem.

So, during Covid one heard that NASA had observed the “radiation” of lamps lit in India and the vibrations of plates and vessels being beaten to ‘drive away” the virus. And in Ayodhya itself, it was said that Indian satellite technology had been used to pin-point the exact birthplace of Ram Lalla where his idol had been installed! Clearly, the installation spot had first been selected and its GPS coordinates “pinned down” to mark the spot!

Why not ancient Indian knowledge?

This notion of the misuse of modern science is reinforced by the question: is the idea of a “surya tilak” or the sun illuminating the idol or parts of the temple at specific times of the year unique to Ayodhya? Would ancient Indian knowledge not have achieved the same goal?

The “Surya Tilak” idea is not unique to the Ram temple in Ayodhya.  The idea itself, and ingenious means to achieve it, are part of centuries-old traditions based on ancient knowledge and technique. Temples across the country have used elements of temple design and architecture to light up its deities or sanctums on certain days or times. Most of these temples were constructed several centuries ago.   

Let us look at Ayodhya first. The Surya Tilak has to be applied on Ram Navami every year.  The festival falls on the ninth day of the bright half (Shukla Paksha) of the lunar cycle of Chaitra (March–April), the first month in a Hindu luni-solar calendar. A luni-solar calendar used in many cultures, incorporates both lunar and solar cycles. Dates in a luni-solar calendar, therefore, indicate both the Moon phase and the time of the solar year, which is the position of the Sun in the sky. Since the lunar cycle is 29.5 days, Shukla Paksha does not fall on the same date every year, so Ram Navami falls on April 17, 2024 but on April 6, 2025.

Calculating the dates for Ram Navami for each year involves calculations that are quite simple compared with those the modern astronomers at IIA are used to. Such computations were done in India many centuries ago. Today, there are even simple computer programmes, or even phone Apps, by which this can be done many years into the future. After that, it only requires simple calibrated adjustments to the system of lenses and mirrors to ensure that a focused sun’s ray falls on the forehead of the idol of Ram Lalla.

Surya Tilak in other temples

Numerous other centuries-old temples in India have achieved similar feats even without instruments and devices.

At Karnataka’s Gavi Gangadhareshwara Temple, every Makar Sankranti, sunlight passes into the cave temple to light up Nandi–the bull companion of Shiva–and then progressively completely illuminates the Shiva Linga and the inner sanctum.

The famous Konark Sun Temple in Odisha is also designed in a way that every morning, the first rays of the Sun directly hit the main entrance and then gradually filter into the temple area. It finally falls on the inner sanctum as the day progresses.

In the Trichy, Shankarapalayam Arulmiku Kashivisuvanathar Temple's Sivalingam on 7th, 8th, and 9th of Avani (August-September) around 06-6.30 a.m, light falls on the idol which is about two feet tall.

Nagalapuram Vedanarayanna temple near Tirupati has the sunlight falling on the idol from 6 p.m to 6.15 p.m on March 25, 26, and 27. At Katharmar Sun Temple, considered to be the second sun temple in Almora, Uttarakhand, sunlight falls on the idol on October 22 and February 22.

In Gujarat, even under a scorching sun, hundreds of Jain devotees gather every year at the Koba Mahavir Jain Aradhna Kendra to witness the ‘Surya Tilak’ on the forehead of Lord Mahavir Swami’s murti. The sun rays appear on the forehead of Mahavir Swami, exactly at 2.07 p.m on every May 22. As the temple administrator says, “There is no magic, but such Surya Tilak has been made possible thanks to skillful construction with perfect use of mathematics, astronomy and traditional knowledge of sculpture.”

In more recent years, Mahatma Gandhi’s ashes were kept in 12 different urns and transported to various parts of India for immersion. One of the urns was brought to Kanniyakumari. The Gandhi Memorial was completed in 1956 on the spot where that urn was kept.

The most striking feature of Gandhi Mandapam is the ceiling of the building. It has an opening that has been built in such a way that on every October 2, which is the birth anniversary of Mahatma Gandhi, rays of the Sun fall exactly on the spot where his ashes are kept.

An alternative was possible

The Ram Lalla temple could also well have been planned in 2020 in such a way that on Ram Navami each year, sunlight falls on the idol’s forehead.  

The earlier plan in Ayodhya was to adjust the Surya Tilak instrument electronically. But after resistance from scientists on grounds of unnecessary complexity and cost, it was decided to simply adjust the mirror placement manually every year. So, first the mirror on the third floor will be manually oriented to gather the sun’s rays and then relay it through lenses and mirrors inside tubes to the idol of Ram Lalla at the designated time and date.

A simple inexpensive and participatory Surya Tilak for Ram Lalla on Ram Navami would have been to have many people holding mirrors to reflect the Sun’s rays on that day onto the idol. However, for the Hindutva votaries, such use of human power, which was acceptable for destruction of the Babri Masjid, is not good enough for a political light and sound show, especially before the elections. For that they want the glamour of science and the misuse of scientific institutions to showcase their power.

The writer is a retired Professor, School of Biotechnology, Madurai Kamaraj University. He is in the All-India People’s Science Network. The views are personal.