Wednesday, March 23, 2022

The Russian War In Ukraine And Its Impact On Africa – Analysis

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When Vladimir Putin, the president of Russia, started sending thousands of soldiers and tanks to the border of Ukraine, many thought he just wanted to make a show of force. The two countries are very similar and were once very close. But this was no joke, in the least, Putin meant business. His hidden agenda is to absorb peaceful Ukraine into the Russian Federation on the ground that it is an act of self-defense in reaction to the West’s territorial encroachment that aims at surrounding Russia to weaken it.

Russian violation of national sovereignty and territorial integrity of a peaceful Ukraine

However, on February 24, 2022, the Russian army started to enter and bomb Ukraine. In truth, we have to go back in time a bit: things have been going badly between the two countries for at least eight years. In 2014, people in Kyiv, the capital, began to demand more freedom and closer ties with the European Union and the West. The Ukrainian president at the time, who was a friend of Russia, was even forced to flee.

Shortly thereafter, in response, Russia had already invaded a part of Ukraine, Crimea, which it considered its own. In another part of the east of the country, the Donbas, a first war broke out between those who wanted to move closer to Russia and those who feared that Ukraine would be cut into pieces. For eight years, several countries (including Switzerland) tried to bring peace between the Ukrainian brothers. But they did not succeed.

Vladimir Putin now explains that he wants to defend the Ukrainians who feel more Russian. According to him, they were “threatened” and they needed his help. However, he has also given a whole series of other justifications that blur his real objectives. For example, it seems that the Russian president does not really recognize Ukraine’s right to be an independent country from Russia. He also believes that if Ukraine moves closer to Western Europe, and especially if it becomes part of the military alliance that includes these countries as well as the United States and Canada (NATO), Russia will find itself surrounded by enemies.

In the past, Russia was a vast empire that extended far beyond its current borders. From his statements, Vladimir Putin seems to consider that he must forever maintain special ties with the other countries that made up this empire. But the vast majority of Ukrainians do not share this opinion at all, and they are ready today to defend their country.

The intensity and scale of the invasion of Ukraine by the Russian army is causing a humanitarian catastrophe of a severity not seen in Europe since the Second World War. This attack is led by one of the most powerful armies in the world against a country of 44 million inhabitants before the invasion. As proof of the violence of the fighting, over 3 million Ukrainians have already fled to neighboring countries, mainly to Poland.

Refugees are crossing to neighboring countries to the west, such as Poland, Romania, Slovakia, Hungary, Moldova, Belarus, and even Russia.

The UN says that as of March 14, 2022:

  • Poland had taken in 1,808,436 refugees
  • Hungary 263,888
  • Slovakia 213,000
  • Moldova 337,215
  • Romania 453,432
  • Russia 142,994
  • Belarus 1,475

The speed of this exodus is unprecedented. There are already more Ukrainian refugees in European countries than the number of Syrians who fled the war in their country in 2015. At the time, there was talk of a refugee “crisis.” Europe, with the exception of Germany, had closed its borders. Today, the attitude towards the Ukrainians is quite different. But how long will the countries bordering Ukraine be able to cope with this influx?

Ukrainians trapped in bombed-out cities

The situation is even more dramatic inside Ukraine. After failing to quickly take the capital, Kyiv, to replace the Ukrainian government, the Russian army has stepped up its bombing in an attempt to break the Ukrainians’ resistance. The strikes on densely populated cities are causing many casualties among the inhabitants.

According to the UN, hundreds of civilians have been killed since the beginning of the invasion on February 24,2022. But these are only the deaths that could be confirmed. The human toll is likely to be much higher. And the death and injury toll will continue to rise as long as the war continues.

As of Sunday, March 13, 2022, at least 636 civilians have died in Ukraine since the Russian invasion began, the UN Human Rights office (OHCHR) said Monday in a statement.

According to the agency, at least 1,125 civilians have been injured so far: 

“Most of the civilian casualties recorded were caused by the use of explosive weapons with a wide impact area, including shelling from heavy artillery and multi-launch rocket systems, and missile and air strikes,”

the agency said.

“OHCHR believes that the actual figures are considerably higher, especially in Government-controlled territory and especially in recent days, as the receipt of information from some locations where intense hostilities have been going on has been delayed and many reports are still pending corroboration,”

it added.

Besides, hundreds of thousands of Ukrainians are trapped in bombed-out cities. Some of them are surrounded by the Russian army. In the besieged cities, the population is finding it increasingly difficult to find drinking water or food. Negotiations between Ukraine and Russia continue, despite the fighting, to evacuate the population of several cities. But, for this, ceasefires are needed so that the inhabitants can be evacuated.

This is the first time that war has occurred in a country with so many nuclear reactors. Moreover, the worst accident in the history of civil nuclear power occurred in Ukraine in 1986, when a reactor exploded in Chernobyl and caused the death of many people. Today, nearly 2600 km² remain off-limits around the site because of radioactivity. However, this area has been invaded by the Russian army, as well as the nuclear power plant of Zaporijjia (six reactors), in the south of Ukraine.

Africa cannot remain indifferent to the Russian aggression

As the war in Ukraine continues, the African Union has clarified its position by condemning the Russian invasion. In such political crises, Africa has often refrained from revealing its position, a move often interpreted as the reason for its inaudible position on the international scene.

But this time, the continent could hardly remain indifferent to the Russian invasion, especially since Moscow also has close relations with several African countries.

The current chairman of the African Union (AU), Macky Sall, and the chairman of the AU Commission, Moussa Faki Mahamat, expressed their extreme concern about the very serious and dangerous situation created in Ukraine.

In their statement, they called on the Russian Federation and any other regional or international actor to imperatively respect international law, territorial integrity, and national sovereignty of Ukraine.

The current Chairman of the African Union and the Chairman of the African Union Commission urged both parties to the immediate establishment of a ceasefire and the opening without delay of political negotiations under the auspices of the United Nations, in order to save the world from the consequences of a global conflict, for peace and stability in international relations for the benefit of all peoples of the world.

On another level, African countries are concerned about the fate of their nationals who try to leave the country. They also remember the aid that used to come from Russia and Ukraine.

The current Chairman of the African Union and President of the Republic of Senegal, H.E. Macky Sall, and the Chairperson of the African Union Commission, Moussa Faki Mahamat, are following closely the developments in Ukraine and are particularly concerned about reports that African citizens on the Ukrainian side of the border are being denied the right to cross the border to safety.

Both Presidents reiterate that all persons have the right to cross international borders during conflict and, as such, should have the same rights to cross the border to safety from the conflict in Ukraine, regardless of their nationality or racial identity.

Reports that Africans are subject to unacceptable differential treatment are offensive and racist and violate international law. In this regard, the Presidents urge all countries to respect international law and to show equal empathy and support to all people fleeing war, regardless of their racial identity.

The Chairpersons commend the extraordinary mobilization of the AU Member States and their Embassies in neighboring countries to receive and guide African citizens and their families who are trying to cross the border of Ukraine to safety.

African states’ reaction to the war in Ukraine

Africa represents more than 25% of the seats in the UN General Assembly. In a vote on a resolution condemning Russian military aggression, only Eritrea voted against the resolution, while 28 African countries condemned the Russian action. But 17 African countries abstained and 8 other countries did not take part in the vote. How to explain the different positions within the African continent?

We should rather speak of “the” Africas, insofar as Africa is not a monolithic block and the contingency of international relations means that many reactions are due to national issues. Kenya’s reaction at the UN Security Council is enlightening in this respect: the Kenyan representative calmly recalled that the African continent had been colonized by the great European powers and that the populations had been separated by the borders drawn, but that this did not mean that there were incessant wars because the African states had learned to live with this division. This is a good lesson for Russia. It should be noted that the representative recalled from the outset the sacrosanct principle of the intangibility of borders, a principle affirmed by the Organization of African Unity (OAU) in 1963.

This explains the cautious reactions: the African Union does not condemn, but calls for respect of international law and the sovereignty of Ukraine. This does not mean that African states support Russia: on the contrary, none, not even Mali or the Democratic Republic of Congo where Russia is present with the Wagner company, have given their support to the invasion. What might appear to be diplomatic prudence is not so insignificant when a nuclear power flouts international law.

However, this prudence can be explained by two main factors:

  • The risks of separatism faced by certain African states, and;
  • Their dependence on Russia, particularly in terms of grain. Tunisia and Egypt import wheat, notably from Russia and Ukraine.

We can see that the current situation is also summed up by the power games between the West and Russia. There is no distinction made between NATO and the West. It is interesting to follow the distinction that could be made between the cautious diplomatic positioning of the diplomats and the more assertive and clearly pro-Russian public opinions. They have nothing to do with a form of the third way. On the contrary, they share with Russia a rejection of Western values and denounce a form of Western hypocrisy, which condemns the invasion of Ukraine but has not hesitated to intervene in Syria, Libya, or Afghanistan. The double standard is denounced. From the Afro Barometers, we see that the share of positive popular perceptions of Russia and China has increased significantly over the past five years. This reflects Russia’s economic, political and military commitment, but also the role of its propaganda media.

There is also some African ambiguity about Russia, with the public seeing Putin as a strongman who would therefore have the right to decide on a country’s future security alliances while being very concerned about their sovereignty. It seems to him that there is a great deal of Russian political mythology, disseminated and maintained by Putin, that is shared by African populations: moral equivalence between Russian and NATO interventions, strong anti-imperialism, anti-Americanism, the politics of humiliation, the feeling that history is written by the victors. All this will be interesting to follow. 

The international order, a few years ago, was still unipolar. We are now moving towards a bipolarization. It is an unstable, interdependent system. However, it is not in the interest of any state to declare itself at odds with international law, especially small states, for whom international institutions are power relays.

Grains at the center of geopolitics

Wheat and other grains are once again at the center of geopolitics after Russia’s invasion of Ukraine. With both countries playing a major role in the global agricultural market, African leaders need to pay attention.

Agricultural trade between the continent’s countries and Russia and Ukraine is significant. African countries imported $4 billion worth of agricultural products from Russia in 2020. About 90% of these products were wheat, and 6% were sunflower oil. The main importing countries were Egypt, which accounted for almost half of the imports, followed by Sudan, Nigeria, Tanzania, Algeria, Kenya, and South Africa.

Similarly, Ukraine exported $2.9 billion worth of agricultural products to the African continent in 2020. About 48% of these products were wheat, 31% corn, and the rest was sunflower oil, barley, and soybeans.

Russia and Ukraine are major players in the global commodity market. Russia supplies about 10% of the world’s wheat, while Ukraine produces 4%. Collectively, this represents almost the entire wheat production of the European Union. This grain is intended for domestic consumption and export markets. Together, these two countries account for a quarter of global wheat exports; in 2020, they amounted to 18% for Russia and 8% for Ukraine.

These two countries are also key players in the corn sector, with a combined production of 4%. However, when it comes to exports, Ukraine and Russia’s contribution is much larger, with 14% of global corn exports in 2020. They are also among the leading producers and exporters of sunflower oil. In 2020, Ukraine’s sunflower oil exports accounted for 40% of global exports, compared to 18% for Russia.

Russia’s military action has caused panic among some analysts, who fear that the intensification of the conflict could disrupt trade, with serious implications for global food stability.

I share these concerns, particularly with regard to the consequences of a spike in global grain and oilseed prices. These are among the driving forces behind the rise in global food prices since 2020. This is mainly due to droughts in South America and Indonesia, which have led to crop failures, and increased demand in China and India.

The disruption of trade, due to the invasion, in this important Black Sea grain-producing region would contribute to higher international agricultural commodity prices, with potential negative impacts on global food prices. An increase in commodity prices was visible only days after the conflict began.

This is a concern for the African continent, which is a net importer of wheat and sunflower oil. In addition, there are concerns about drought in some parts of the continent. The disruption of shipments of essential commodities would only add to the general concern about food price inflation in a region that imports wheat.

War in Ukraine: what consequences for the African economy? 

The war in Ukraine has, undoubtedly, terrible consequences on the African economy: an increase in the price of gas, oil, agricultural raw materials. The invasion of Ukraine by Russia risks destabilizing the African economy still in remission of the COVID 19 pandemic.

In an interconnected world, any conflict can have repercussions beyond the battlefield. Africa will not be spared the economic and political consequences of Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, observes the continent’s press.

The lasting relationship that Russia has built with Africa will be put to the test by the current crisis in Ukraine, analysts tell the Pan-African website Africanews.

Thus, on the Pan-African level, through the voice of its current chairman Macky Sall, the African Union (AU) was quick to express extreme concern about the very serious and dangerous situation created in Ukraine, while calling on Russia to imperative respect for international law, territorial integrity and national sovereignty of Ukraine.

Officially, South Africa is on the side of peace. In a letter to the nation published Monday, March 7, 2022, President Cyril Ramaphosa called for a resolution of the conflict between Russia and Ukraine through dialogue. This position is in keeping with the restraint that characterizes South African diplomatic practices, even if the Russian influence within the ruling African National Congress (ANC) raises questions.

On the first day of the Russian invasion, February 24, 2022, South Africa surprised everyone by calling on Russia, through its Department of International Relations (the Ministry of Foreign Affairs), to immediately withdraw its forces from Ukraine. The stance came as a surprise, since South Africa, which is also a member of the BRICS group (along with Brazil, Russia, India, and China) and is close to Moscow, is usually more measured in its diplomacy. It was quickly followed by unease within the executive.

Another reaction came from Morocco, which indicated through its Foreign Ministry that it was following with concern the evolution of the situation between the Russian Federation and Ukraine, reports the Moroccan website Le 360.

As for Algeria, a historical ally of Russia, it simply called on its citizens in Ukraine to respect the security instructions, reports Dzair Daily.

In the African press, the most glaring concern is about grain imports from Ukraine and Russia and the fear of disruptions in supply and prices, says Africanews. The Continent has the same analysis, recalling the importance of Russian wheat.

The Tunisian Central Bank decided to maintain its key rate at 6.25%, during a meeting of its board of directors held on Monday, March 14, 2022. The announcement comes in a context marked by global inflation which has affected commodity prices. Internationally, the Tunisian Central Bank is following with great attention the fallout from the Russian-Ukrainian war on global business, on supply chains, and on the international prices of raw materials and basic foodstuffs, which are likely to have a strong impact on inflation, the institution said.

UN Secretary-General Antonio Guterres warned on Monday, March 14 2022 that the repercussions of Russia’s war in Ukraine could result in a hurricane of famine in many countries. Highly dependent on imports of wheat and other essential foodstuffs, most countries around the Mediterranean and the rest of the continent are preparing to suffer a major shock.

The outlook for African countries is bleak in the wake of the war in Ukraine. The cessation of exports of cereals, including wheat, and other agricultural inputs, will hit most of them hard, as they are already facing a structural food crisis (climatic disturbances, conflicts) or have been considerably weakened by price increases and stock market speculation on essential products.

Moscow and Kyiv account for 34% of trade in wheat, a commodity that has increased by 70% since the beginning of the year. The countries around the Mediterranean are suffering greatly. For Egypt, this represents 80% of imports. It is the largest importer of wheat in the world (12 million tons). The country has three or four months of stock, estimates Jean-François Loiseau, president of the French cereal interprofession Intercéréales. The price of bread has jumped by 50% since the beginning of the Russian invasion of Ukraine. Cairo is considering an increase in the price of the subsidized wafer intended for low-income earners. A risk not taken since the bread riots of 1977.

This is a source of concern for other countries in the region, such as those in the Sahel and West Africa, historically net importers of food. Algerians, for example, remember the riots of 2011 following a sudden surge in oil and sugar prices that spilled over into other consumer goods. In some areas of Algiers, stores were stormed by groups of young people. Demonstrations broke out 250 km away in the city of Béjaïa, in Kabylia, and as far away as Constantine, the capital of the east of the country. However, Algiers is hoping to cushion this shock with additional earnings from gas exports, just like Morocco for phosphates, whose price is rising.

On the other hand, the food insecurity from which the poor populations in Lebanon, Yemen, Syria and Sudan, torn by internal conflicts, are already suffering, is going to increase. According to the UN Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO), world food prices reached a record high in February, up 3.9% from January.

Europe and Africa will be very deeply destabilized in terms of food in the next 12 to 18 months, warned Emmanuel Macron on Friday, March 11, 2022, at the end of a European summit in Versailles (Informal meeting of heads of state or government, Versailles, 10-11 March 2022.) Beyond this observation, African countries need a real safeguard plan to avoid the explosion of famine feared by the World Food Program (WFP).




Dr. Mohamed Chtatou

Dr. Mohamed Chtatou is a Professor of education science at the university in Rabat. He is currently a political analyst with Moroccan, Gulf, French, Italian and British media on politics and culture in the Middle East, Islam and Islamism as well as terrorism. He is, also, a specialist on political Islam in the MENA region with interest in the roots of terrorism and religious extremism.
Ukraine war ripples to Yemen where no funds mean no food
by Maya Gebeily | @GebeilyM | Thomson Reuters Foundation



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Russia’s war on Ukraine has sent wheat prices soaring. U.N. agencies have cut food aid. As famine looms, Yemeni parents face the worst choice: save one sick child or feed another


Rising food and fuel costs squeeze Yemen's poorest


Hungry children at highest risk


Funding gaps could cut lifelines, NGOs fear

By Maya Gebeily

ADEN, March 17 (Thomson Reuters Foundation) - Ali's brittle legs stuck out awkwardly from a gray onesie that hung off him, although it was meant for his age. At three months old, the Yemeni infant has already spent a third of his life fighting to keep it.

Ali was treated for acute malnutrition free of charge at the run-down Sadaqah public hospital in the southern port city of Aden. But the fragile lifeline extended to him and millions of hungry Yemeni children may snap soon.

"You have a perfect storm gathering on the horizon," warned Philippe Duamelle, spokesman for the United Nations agency for children (UNICEF).

Russia's invasion of Ukraine in February has sent global wheat and fuel prices skyrocketing just months after cash-strapped United Nations agencies cut food aid to 8 million Yemenis.

Further cuts are expected, as donor countries on Wednesday pledged only $1.3 billion of the $4.2 billion requested in humanitarian assistance to Yemenis over the next year.

That could threaten the international aid that helps Yemeni hospitals keep their lights on, stock their medicine cabinets, and subsidize transport for patients from far-flung provinces – like Ali's family, who traveled more than 480 km to reach Aden.

"We need more, not less. But we have reached a level where we need to start scaling down," Duamelle told the Thomson Reuters Foundation.

"This is insane. This is just insane."

UNICEF predicts that 19 million Yemenis will need food assistance by the end of 2022 - an increase of 2 million from the beginning of the year.

Hannan, who is four months old and suffering from jaundice, sleeps at the neonatal intensive care nursery at Al-Sadaqa hospital in Aden, Yemen, on February 26, 2022. Photo by Sam Tarling/Sana'a Center for Strategic Studies

Among them: 2.2 million children who are projected to suffer from acute malnutrition this year.

"As usual in these environments, those who suffer the most are children – and especially children of poor families," said Duamelle.
'THE ONES WHO CAN'T PAY'

Yemen was already the region's most impoverished country when war broke out in 2015, and a severe devaluation of the local currency has further crushed family budgets.

More than half of health facilities are now dysfunctional, so UNICEF began subsidizing transport for families who must travel by bus for hours to reach a working hospital.

"With a lot of pain and embarrassment, parents would say, 'we had to choose whether to spend money to get this child treated or save it to feed the other children.' How can parents make this choice?" Duamelle said.

Private clinics remain too expensive for most, so public institutions are the only recourse.

"The families who come here are the ones who can't pay for private care," said Maram Youssef, a doctor in the neonatal unit at Sadaqah hospital.

Mothers sit with their children as they are treated for kidney problems at Al-Sadaqa hospital in Aden, Yemen, on February 26, 2022. Photo by Sam Tarling/Sana'a Center for Strategic Studies

She spoke quietly as she checked on newborns lined up in incubators against a pink wall, their tiny chests heaving as they drew from thin tubes needled into their nostrils.

Her unit receives U.N. funding, which she said paid for 16 of the machines plus oxygen, as well as a staff stipend that effectively doubled salaries to about $100 per month.
'ABSOLUTE DISASTER'

Other segments of the Sadaqah hospital that do not receive external funding were noticeably more worn down.

Hallways were lined with rotting food and smelled of urine, and young kidney patients lay on grimy cots.

At the public Al-Jumhuriyah hospital, funding from the International Committee of the Red Cross has kept the generator running at a hemodialysis unit.

Patients including children came from as far as 600 km away – and some had died because they could not secure transport to the center, said the unit's administrative head Nabiha Bamagid.

"If we lose international aid, it would be an absolute disaster," Bamagid said.

Fuel is also crucial to operate local water pumping stations, allowing families in one of the most water-stressed countries to wash, cook, and drink safely.

That, too, is at risk: UNICEF said its fuel stocks for these stations would dry up at the end of May.

Replenishing them would be even more costly given the rise in prices - meaning families could be stuck without water at the peak of summer.

Ali Saeed, who weighs just 3.5 kilos at the age of three months (around 1 kilo under a healthy weight for his age) is looked after by his grandmother Fatima Ahmed, 80, and father Saddam Saeed (out of shot) at Al-Sadaqa hospital in Aden, Yemen, on February 26, 2022. Photo by Sam Tarling/Sana'a Center for Strategic Studies

The disparity in access to health care is stark.

Flights to and from Aden are regularly packed with medical tourists who can afford to travel to Cairo and beyond for care.

The Saudi Development and Reconstruction Program for Yemen is building a state-of-the-art hospital for $56 million, according to the program director in Aden, Ahmed Madkhali.

The hospital is well stocked, with shipments of plastic-wrapped Western medical equipment filling its pristine rooms.

The hospital, though, has yet to open.

And with funding falling even shorter and the U.N. focused on Ukraine, it's even less likely that gaps can be filled.

"Don't make us make decisions between taking food from the children in Ukraine to the children in Yemen," the head of the U.N.'s World Food Programme David Beaseley told Wednesday's pledging conference.

Jan Egeland, head of the Norwegian Refugee Council, said he was "deeply disappointed" by the summit.

"More lives will be lost. More children will starve. More families will sleep outside. More communities will be without access to clean water. Yet somehow, we will have less money to support them," he said.

Related stories:

Ukraine war threatens to make bread a luxury in the Middle East

Climate change, COVID-19 and conflict drive 'alarming' rise in aid need

Lebanese banks swallow at least $250m in U.N. aid

Reporting by Maya Gebeily @gebeilym, Editing by Lyndsay Griffiths. Please credit the Thomson Reuters Foundation, the charitable arm of Thomson Reuters, that covers the lives of people around the world who struggle to live freely or fairly. Visit http://news.trust.org

A chorus of warnings about Russian meddling in Bosnia

EU foreign affairs chief Josep Borrell at a previous trip to Sarajevo in 2020
BRUSSELS, 16. MAR, 2022

The EU's foreign policy chief issued a thinly veiled warning to Russia on Wednesday (16 March) to cease meddling in Bosnia, amid growing concerns about instability to Europe's south with a war already raging to the east, in Ukraine.

Speaking in Sarajevo, Josep Borrell, told EU peacekeeping troops that their presence "at this critical moment [...] is more important than ever" and, without naming Russia, he appeared to warn Moscow not to upset the delicate politics of Bosnia.

Borrell said a recent decision to beef up the peacekeeper force called EUFOR in Bosnia from 600 to 1,100 personnel had shown the EU's commitment to "unity, to the territorial integrity and sovereignty of Bosnia and Herzegovina."

Borrell pledged to "continue deterring those who would feel emboldened to undertake destabilisation actions."

Bosnia, like Ukraine, has long said it wants to join Nato and the EU.

That's irked Moscow, which wants to maintain control over former Soviet satellites and bulk up its influence in the Balkans in efforts to redraw the post-war security architecture in Europe.

Much of the concern focuses on Bosnian Serbs and their pro-Russian leader Milorad Dodik. They have been challenging state institutions as part of a longtime bid to secede, and that has led the country into its worst political crisis since the end of the Balkan wars of the 1990s.

Dodik was in the European Parliament on Tuesday, along with the other Bosnian leaders, where he insisted he was not seeking to reignite conflict.

Dodik denied he was "under Russian influence" and said he supported the integrity and sovereignty of Ukraine. He said there were "no plans" to secede.

Even so, Dodik called Bosnia "incomplete, unfinished, and impossible" and he blamed "Muslim nationalism" for instability in Bosnia.

Bosnia is made up of two highly autonomous regions, the Serb-dominated Serb Republic, led by Dodik, and a Federation shared by Catholic Croats and Muslim Bosniaks. The two rivalrous regions are linked together by a weak central government, consisting of the three-person presidency, parliament and cabinet.

Šefik Džaferović, Bosniak member of the presidency, also speaking on Tuesday at the parliament, accused Dodik of wanting to break up the country and undermining the Dayton agreement that ended the war in 1995.

Džaferović said Dodik also was fear-mongering to achieve his political goals.

Also in the European Parliament on Tuesday was Željko Komšić, the Croat member of the presidency, who warned that Russia has a long-standing policy of keeping Bosnia locked in a frozen conflict.

"This has to be understood as a security challenge," Komšić told European lawmakers. Keeping ethnic tensions alive, blocking institutions from working, and crony politics were part of Moscow's strategy, he said.

"Russia realised that a frozen conflict represents a security risk for Nato and the EU, and Russia is the biggest advocate for keeping things as they are," said Komšić, in an apparent reference to the way Russia-supporting Bosnian Serbs are keeping the threat of secession alive.

Bosnian Croats also want to see the electoral law amended to bolster their representation, and they have threatened to boycott the general election in October unless the current rules are changed.

A website for targeted humanitarian aid in Ukraine has been created - President

23 March 2022 - 

A website for targeted humanitarian aid in Ukraine has been created - President

President of Ukraine Volodymyr Zelenskyy announced the creation of help.gov.ua website, through which anyone can provide or receive humanitarian aid. The Head of State spoke about this in his address.

According to the President, in the last two weeks alone, Ukraine has received more than 100,000 tons of humanitarian aid. These cargoes are quickly distributed through special hubs for the regions. But there are even more appeals for help.

"Therefore, to simplify the process as much as possible, help.gov.ua website was created. On the website you can learn how to buy, how to send and whom to address humanitarian aid. This is for everyone who wants to join. For anyone who can help. In Ukraine and in the world. So that the aid is sent constantly, 24/7,” Volodymyr Zelenskyy noted.

What would increasing Saudi Arabian oil production mean for the climate?

Explainer: Boris Johnson has asked Saudi Arabia to pump more oil; what implications would this have?

Storage tanks and fuel trucks at an Aramco oil facility in Jeddah, Saudi Arabia. Photograph: Amr Nabil/AP

Bibi van der Zee
THE GUARDIAN


Why are Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates being asked to pump more oil?

Western powers are looking for ways to keep the pressure on Russia during its invasion of Ukraine. Some countries have committed to phasing out Russian oil and gas, while others are still investigating ways of doing this. Saudi Arabia is one of a number of countries, along with Venezuela and Iran, that might be able to plug the gap in oil production.

How important is Saudi Arabia as an oil producer?

Saudi Arabia has an estimated 17% of the world’s proven petroleum reserves. Saudi Aramco, the state-owned company which handles Saudi oil, is the world’s largest oil exporter, and one of the world’s most profitable companies. In 2019, in an unexpected move, a tiny part of the company went public. It raised less than Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman, the country’s ruler, had reportedly hoped for, but still brought in about $25bn. The UAE, meanwhile, holds the estimated seventh largest reserves in the world.


Boris Johnson upbeat on Saudi oil supply as kingdom executes three more


Are Saudi Arabia and the UAE going to open the taps to oblige the west?

Boris Johnson went to Riyadh to ask if the Saudis would consider increasing their output, but so far the answer appears to be no. He also approached the UAE. However, the relationship between Saudi Arabia and western countries has been fairly frosty in the aftermath of the killing of Saudi journalist Jamal Khashoggi in 2018. Relations with the UAE are not at their best either.

Meanwhile Riyadh has been coordinating oil supply levels with Moscow over the last few years, although that has also not been smooth. Saudi Arabia was reported on Thursday to be considering accepting the Chinese yuan in exchange for oil, rather than the traditional dollar.

Does Saudi Arabia have any plans to decarbonise? How realistic are they?

Prince Mohammed has said Saudi Arabia aims to achieve carbon neutrality by 2060, with initial investments of more than 700bn riyals ($187bn). They are investing heavily in renewables.

The Saudis often cite the circular carbon economy, in which CO2 is captured and then re-used, recycled or removed. Its deployment depends heavily on technologies that are still not commercially proven. In an interview with Time magazine, Saudi Arabia’s energy minister, Prince Abdulaziz bin Salman, said that although it would pump more oil, “we can become more efficient, by installing insulation for buildings, by having more efficient standards for industry, and so on. And we can take the CO2 that was committed to the atmosphere and use it in a valuable application, say for a food or beverage company, as a valuable product, so it becomes a material, instead of discarding it.”

Both countries are also members of the Middle East Green Initiative, a regional pact on climate change agreed last autumn.

If Saudi Arabia does decide to pump more oil, what will be the implications for the climate?

Dr Simon Evans of Carbon Brief says: “Ordinarily you’d say higher production means higher emissions, but the current situation is unusual. It’s at least possible that higher production from Saudi and others could allow Europe to cut purchases from Russia. And if Russia’s exports are geographically constrained (eg pipeline or lack of refinery capacity able to take Russian-grade crude elsewhere) or otherwise struggling to find buyers, then it could have to cut production. Quite a few big ifs there but it seems plausible/possible.”

Evans added that Saudi oil has lower upstream emissions than Russian oil.
UK
Why now? Trump, Biden and the real reason for Nazanin Zaghari-Ratcliffe's release


Anushka Asthana
Deputy Political Editor



The UK has long known that Nazanin Zaghari-Ratcliffe’s detention was wrapped together with a decades-old debt.

I remember speaking to her husband, Richard, in 2021, about his decision to first use the word “hostage”.

“Yes. She always has been a hostage. It took us a bit of time to realise it. It took us a bit of time to say it. It felt a very heavy word, and a brave word,” he told me on the Guardian’s Today in Focus Podcast.

“It took me a while to realise I would have to use the word first.”

By then it had dawned on Ratcliffe that his wife wasn’t a mistaken prisoner, but a pawn in a geopolitical struggle dating back to the 1970s, when Iran paid the UK £400 million for tanks that were then never delivered.

British wildlife conservationist released from Iran jail after Nazanin freed

Zaghari-Ratcliffe’s detention almost half a century later – like that of Anousheh Ashouri – was effectively state-sponsored hostage taking, but also, the debt was a genuine one. And one that it is now clear, we were always willing to pay.

So, given that we have found a way to bypass American sanctions and hand over the money, why didn’t we do it much earlier?

Some speak of oil, others about a change of administration in Iran.

But the experts I speak to point in another direction. Not east to Iran, but west to America and the even more significant change in leadership there.

Nazanin Zaghari-Ratcliffe and Anousheh Ashoori have been reunited with their families after years of detention in Iran.

“The Trump administration insisted on maximum pressure on Iran – the Biden administration has turned that to maximum diplomacy,” said Dr Tobias Borck, research fellow at the Royal United Services Institute, who specialises in Middle East security.

After all, Biden was the vice-president in the Obama administration that first took the US, along with the UK and others, into the nuclear deal with Iran (or the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action). Under the accord, Iran would limit its sensitive nuclear activities in return for the lifting of crippling economic sanctions.

Trump pulled America out of that deal and reimposed sanctions, and other signatories – including the UK, France, and Germany – were unable to find a way to maintain a deal without America. Since his inauguration, Biden has wanted to put it back in place.
'The Biden administration sees engagement with Iran as largely positive and desirable'
Credit: Jabin Botsford/Pool/AP

So, what has this got to do with Nazanin? Well, the shift in administration in the US reopened negotiations, and in doing so, thawed relations between Iran and the West. Diplomacy around hostages wasn’t directly linked to that, but it was another increasingly positive discussion that was taking place alongside it.

Now, progress on the nuclear deal stalled because one key signatory is Russia – and its decision to invade Ukraine significantly complicated the situation. Borck said there are now fears in the US that completing the nuclear deal will give Russia a backdoor, via Iran, to avoid its sanctions. That leaves the US in a difficult position with Iran, but it doesn’t, and didn’t, stop the UK pushing ahead with its progress over hostages.

And the foreign secretary, Liz Truss, could complete the jigsaw, in part, because of the muted reaction she knew it would get from a United States under a different leader.

“It is very clear that under a Trump administration, making a deal like this would have been significantly harder for the UK – simply because – you can imagine Trump’s response to us giving this money to Iran.

"While the Biden administration sees engagement with Iran as largely positive and desirable,” added Borck.

That is not to say that other factors are not important. Truss pointed to the change in administration in Iran in 2021, from the more reformist figure of Hassan Rouhani, to the more conservative Ebrahim Raisi. Why would that help?

Some say that he was more able to complete a deal like this because there was no pressure to prove his conservative credentials.

Then there is the question of Truss herself. I’m told by civil servants that she has a laser-like determination to get things done. They say that can make her challenging to work for – but it can also mean results.

Civil servants say Foreign Secretary Liz Truss 'has a laser-like determination to get things done'

But what about oil? Some have pointed out that Iran could be an option in selling far more oil in the face of so much of the world trying to pivot away from Russia. It is true that this could happen, but ultimately that relies not on the UK, but on the US, and its return to the nuclear deal. Only that would limit the sanctions that currently prevent Iran from taking action here.

Shadow Foreign Secretary David Lammy said the return of Zaghari-Ratcliffe and Ashouri was "wonderful" but did not ease concerns over Iran's actions.

“[Iran] continues to unjustly detain other British and foreign nationals, support extremist groups across the region, its hard-line government pays little regard for the human rights of Iranians, and it retains an active nuclear and ballistic missile programme," he said.

He warned against "short-termist shifts to other authoritarian states" and said the UK needs to move away from fossil fuels and "onto clean, cheap, homegrown renewables instead".

For Zaghari-Ratcliffe and others, this huge geopolitical wrangle has meant years of their lives lost to a tragedy that everyone hopes they can slowly rebuild from.
Deaf Ukrainian refugees find shelter in Romania 

By Clemence Waller & Claudiu Popa  
 Updated: 17/03/2022


As the war in Ukraine rages on, these Ukrainian refugees have found safety in a shelter in Romania. While they may not hear the war, they are living it.

Euronews Romania discovered entire communities of hearing-impaired Ukrainians that fled the war and entered Romania via the Siret border point. For them, the danger came unannounced, without sirens, without the sound of explosions.

At the border, Romanian volunteers, some deaf themselves, are working tirelessly to help them.

At first, communication is difficult, as both Romanian and Ukrainian sign language are based on two different alphabets, one Cyrillic and one Latin. All parties rely on gesturing until they can communicate more easily.

Volunteers hosted 13 deaf refugees, including children. They registered their information in a file, as they do with all who come to them for help, and worked endlessly to find them shelters either in hotels or apartments.

For the refugees, the goal is to get as far away as possible from the border, Daniel Hliban, President of the National Association of the Deaf in Botoșani told Euronews.

“Most of them do not want to stay near the borders, they feel too close to the conflict area and they are afraid. We don’t know how to feel about it ourselves. But we're not leaving, we're staying here," Hliban said.

Tamara left Ukraine after the first explosions.

She met volunteers at customs in Siret and took shelter in Botoșani. She dreams of reaching Prague in the Czech Republic.

Nearly 1000 hearing-impaired Ukrainians have been supported by the Romanian National Association of the Deaf.

The war has displaced over three million Ukrainians in just three weeks