Sunday, May 19, 2024

George Washington U grads storm out of graduation ceremony in anti-Israel protest

Protesters heard chanting ‘there is only one solution, intifada revolution’ after leaving; students at Drexel University in Pennsylvania set up new encampment on campus

By AP and TOI STAFF
19 May 2024

George Washington University students carry a sign during an anti-Israel protest as George Washington University President Ellen Granberg speaks at a commencement ceremony in Washington, May 19, 2024. (AP Photo/Jose Luis Magana)

Dozens of George Washington University graduates walked out of commencement ceremonies on Sunday, disrupting university President Ellen Granberg’s speech, in protest over the ongoing war in Gaza and last week’s clearing of an on-campus protest encampment that involved police use of pepper spray and dozens of arrests.

The ceremony, at the base of the Washington Monument, started peacefully with fewer than 100 protesters demonstrating across the street in front of the Museum of African American History and Culture.

But as Granberg began speaking, at least 70 students among the graduates started chanting and raising signs and Palestinian flags.


The students then noisily walked out as Granberg spoke, crossing the street to a rapturous response from the protesters.

In video shared on social media, some protesters could be heard chanting in Arabic: “From the water to the water, Palestine is Arab.” Some also chanted “there is only one solution, intifada revolution.”

The protesters could be seen holding signs reading “your tuition funds genocide,” “divest now,” and waving Palestinian flags, with many of them sporting keffiyehs. They were also joined by a small group of Neturei Karta, the fringe anti-Zionist Hassidic sect.

Meanwhile pro-Palestinian protesters set up a new encampment at Drexel University in Philadelphia over the weekend, prompting a lockdown of school buildings, a day after authorities thwarted an attempted occupation of a school building at the neighboring University of Pennsylvania campus.

After several hundred demonstrators marched from Philadelphia’s City Hall to west Philadelphia on Saturday afternoon, Drexel said in a statement that about 75 protesters began to set up an encampment on the Korman Quad on the campus. About a dozen tents remained Sunday, blocked off by barricades and monitored by police officers. No arrests were reported.

Drexel President John Fry said in a message Saturday night that the encampment “raises understandable concerns about ensuring everyone’s safety,” citing what he called “many well-documented instances of hateful speech and intimidating behavior at other campus demonstrations.” University buildings were “open only to those with clearance from Drexel’s Public Safety,” he said.

Authorities at Drexel, which has about 22,000 students, were monitoring the demonstration to ensure it was peaceful and didn’t disrupt normal operations, and that “participants and passersby will behave respectfully toward one another,” Fry said.

“We will be prepared to respond quickly to any disruptive or threatening behavior by anyone,” Fry said, vowing not to tolerate property destruction, “harassment or intimidation” of students or staff or threatening behavior of any kind, including “explicitly racist, antisemitic, or Islamophobic” speech. Anyone not part of the Drexel community would not be allowed “to trespass into our buildings and student residences,” he said.


Anti-Israel protesters march from Philadelphia City Hall to University of Drexel Campus where they set up an encampment in Philadelphia, Pennsylvania on May 18, 2024. (Matthew Hatcher / AFP)

On Friday night, members of Penn Students Against the Occupation of Palestine had announced an action at the University of Pennsylvania’s Fisher-Bennett Hall, urging supporters to bring “flags, pots, pans, noise-makers, megaphones” and other items.

The university said campus police, supported by city police, removed the demonstrators Friday night, arresting 19 people, including six University of Pennsylvania students. The university’s division of public safety said officials found “lock-picking tools and homemade metal shields,” and exit doors secured with zip ties and barbed wire, windows covered with newspaper and cardboard and entrances blocked.

Authorities said seven people arrested would face felony charges, including one accused of having assaulted an officer, while a dozen were issued citations for failing to disperse and follow police commands.

US President Joe Biden told the graduating class at Morehouse College on Sunday, which included some students wearing keffiyeh scarves around their shoulders on top of their black graduation robes, that he heard their voices of protest and that scenes from the conflict in Gaza have been heartbreaking. He said given what he called a “humanitarian crisis” there, he had called for “an immediate ceasefire” and return of hostages taken by Hamas.

On the Campuses and Around the World, a Revolution of Empathy


 
MAY 17, 2024Facebook


In a world of so much bad news, when so many trends seem to be rolling down the wrong track, it can be hard for people who care about the future to keep our heads above water. We’re drowning in it.

In the midst of all this, a light shines through, a moral awakening of the kind we are going to need to overcome all our onrushing crises. It is the revolution of empathy now taking place on college campuses, in encampments springing up across the U.S. and other countries. Students who mostly have no direct interests, no relatives in Gaza, are rising to witness the genocide in our faces, the dead, maimed, starved and brutalized people of Palestine, and to say that in any sense of human understanding, this is unacceptable and they want no part in it. They are calling on their institutions to divest from Israel and corporations that are arming Israel.

The crackdown by university administrators and police, ranging from suspensions and campus exclusions to attacks and arrests, some involving tear gas and rubber bullets, reflects how deeply the students’ actions are challenging the dominant narrative, as I wrote in my last post. For there is a war on right now. It is a war for the mind.

A couple of items to that point have been circulating on social media lately. They have drawn a lot of attention. One is comments by Palantir CEO Alex Karp, speaking recently at the Ash Carter Exchange on Innovation and National Security, a gathering of military officials and high-tech military-intelligence complex contractors such as himself.

“We kind of think these things that are happening across college campuses, like, are a sideshow. No, they are the show. If we lose the intellectual debate, you will not be able to deploy any army in the West, ever.” Palantir thought it was important enough to put the video clip up on its Twitter/X account.

The TikTok threat

Another is an exchange between Senator Mitt Romney and Secretary of State Antony Blinken at a McCain Institute event.

Romney bemoans, “Why has the PR been so awful? . . . Typically the Israelis are good at PR. What’s happened here, how have they and we been so ineffective at communicating the realities and our POV?”

Blinken responds, “We’re on an intravenous feed of information, with new inputs, new impulses, every millisecond. And, of course, the way this has played out on social media has dominated the narrative. And you have a social media ecosystem environment in which context, history, facts get lost, and the emotion, the impact of images dominates. And we can’t,  we can’t discount that, but I think it also has a very, very, very challenging effect on the narrative.”

Romney comes back with “a small parenthetical point, which is why some wonder why there was such overwhelming support for us to shut down potentially TikTok or other entities of that nature. You look at the postings on TikTok and the number of mentions of Palestinians relative to other social media sites. It’s overwhelmingly so among TikTok broadcasts.”

The point doesn’t seem so “small” and “parenthetical” though, but central to the issue. Underscored by another comment by Rep. Mike Lawler (R-NY), on a No Labels Zoom call raising the cry for further crackdowns on student protesters, reported by The Intercept. “I don’t think there’s any question that there has been a coordinated effort off these college campuses, and that you have outside paid agitators and activists. It also highlights exactly why we included the TikTok bill in the foreign supplemental aid package because you’re seeing how these kids are being manipulated by certain groups or entities or countries to foment hate on their behalf and really create a hostile environment here in the U.S.”

This worst kind of McCarthyite blather evades the reality which corporate and political leaders are frantically trying to deny, that the students are expressing a real empathy for the other, in this case the Palestinians. One wonders if the likes of Karp, Romney, Blinken and Lawler even understand the concept of empathy, having clawed their way up through business and political power structures that reward the most sociopathic of instincts. It is the narrative they seem almost incapable of comprehending.

“Yes, it is genocide.”

To understand the revolution of empathy the students are expressing, one has to look at what they are saying, and what they are suffering, as this excellent piece by Chris Hedges illustrates, aptly describing them as “The Nation’s Conscience.” (Hedges himself has suffered the cancellation of his show on The Real News Network, no doubt because of the critical stance he has been taking on the Biden Administration’s response to the Gaza genocide.)

Hedges recounts sitting on a fire escape across from Columbia University with three student organizers of the protests. One was Sara Wexler, a Jewish doctoral student of philosophy. Understanding the Jewish desire for a safe place after all the horrors Jews have suffered, she reflects the way many Jewish people are seeing beyond a narrow “Israelism” to the interests of all people.

Hedges quotes her, “I’m a German-Polish Jew. My last name is Wexler. It’s Yiddish for money-maker, money-exchanger. No matter how many times I tell people I’m Jewish, I’m still labeled antisemitic. It’s infuriating. We are told that we need a state that is based on ethnicity in the 21st century and that’s the only way Jewish people can be safe. But it is really for Britain and America and other imperialist states to have a presence in the Middle East. I’ve no idea why people still believe this narrative. It makes no sense to have a place for Jewish people that requires other people to suffer and die.”

Another powerful Jewish voice raised in protest is Amos Goldberg. As Professor of Holocaust Studies at The Hebrew University of Jerusalem, the context and history to which Antony Blinken refers are not lost on him. He knows what he is seeing.

“Yes, it is genocide,” Goldberg writes. “Although it is so difficult and painful to admit this and despite all efforts to think otherwise, at the end of six months of a brutal war it is no longer possible to escape this conclusion. Jewish history will henceforth be stained with the mark of Cain of the ‘crime of crimes,’ which cannot be erased from its forehead. As such, it will stand trial for generations.

“What is happening in Gaza is genocide because the level and pace of the indiscriminate killing, the destruction, the mass deportations, the displacement, the starvation, the executions, the elimination of cultural and religious institutions, the crushing of the elites (including the killing of journalists), and the sweeping dehumanization of the Palestinians – create an overall picture of genocide, of intentional and conscious crushing of the Palestinian existence in Gaza.

“In many ways, Palestinian Gaza as a geographical-political-cultural-human complex no longer exists. Genocide is the deliberate destruction of a collective or part of it – not all of its individuals. And this is what is happening in Gaza. The result is undoubtedly genocidal.”

Between window dressing and winning

Will the voices raised by students and others taking to the streets around the world have an effect? Biden recently announced he is suspending shipments of the largest bombs, 2,000- and 2,500-pound monsters capable of taking out a whole city block, if Israel conducts a major attack on Rafah, to which the Gazan population has been driven. It is almost impossible to see Biden having made such an announcement if the protests had not placed him under severe pressure. But it seems to be mostly window dressing, a game of narrative management, of image control, while Israel continues its genocidal assault unabated.

The day after Biden’s announcement, Israeli Defense Forces spokesman Daniel Hagari responded “The IDF has armaments for the missions it is planning, including missions in Rafah. We have what we need.” U.S. officials confirmed this, as does the pummeling now taking place. Reports of an intensification of bombing in Rafah are coming in. This last so-called refuge is being brutally pounded by the Israeli military.

What can people do against this beyond standing in witness to oppose what we see unfolding? There is a point to stand up for what you know is right whether or not you have a hope of victory. Abolitionists long stood up for ending slavery, and were a minority even at the beginning of the U.S. Civil War. Opponents of the Vietnam War were a minority until very late in the conflict. Neither could abide with blatant evil, so they did what was necessary to keep their own integrity as human beings. Though with people being murdered and maimed every day, it is hard to see this as anything close to enough.

But the students and other people rising against this genocide are doing the difficult and painful work that makes a way for broad social awakening. They are rebelling against the contradictions in which we live, drawing attention to the evils in which we are collectively enmeshed, engaging in a struggle both inner and outer, to say we must live in empathy and peaceful coexistence with the other. It is the task needed to grapple with the many injustices of our world. To make a revolution of empathy, the only way we will ever win the world we want, and need.

This first appeared in The Raven.

Tens of thousands join Palestine solidarity march in Pakistan's Peshawar

Participants in 'Gaza Million March' denounce 'silence' of international community on 'genocide'

 19/05/2024 Sunday
AA



Tens of thousands of Pakistani citizens, including women and children, rallied Sunday in the northwestern city of Peshawar to voice their support for the Palestinians.

Billed as "Gaza Million March," the rally was organized by the country's mainstream religiopolitical party Jamaat-e-Islami (JI).

It was one of the largest Palestinian solidarity marches since Israel launched its latest war on Gaza in October last year, according to organizers.

The protesters held Palestine's flags as well as banners carrying pro-Palestine and anti-Israel slogans. Led by JI's newly-elected chief Hafiz Naeem-ur-Rehman, the march gathered at Peshawar's Ring Road area.

Rehman, who was sporting a keffiyeh or a traditional Palestinian scarf, in a speech lambasted the international community, including Arab rulers for being "silent on the genocide in Gaza."

"The Zionist state, which has the support of the US and Western governments, in the form of money and weapons, has miserably failed to suppress the wind of freedom. A small resistance group like Hamas has defeated all its technology and strategy," Rehman said.

He added that the people of Pakistan will continue to back Palestinians in their "just" struggle.

Brazil's Cavalhadas festival celebrates victory of Iberian Christian knights over the Moors

People in the heartland Brazilian city of Pirenopolis are taking to the streets in a procession of the Cavalhadas festival


ByERALDO PERES 
Associated Press
May 19, 2024

PIRENOPOLIS, Brazil -- People in the heartland Brazilian city of Pirenopolis took to the streets on Sunday in a procession of the traditional Cavalhadas festival.

The tradition began in the 1800s with a Portuguese priest who wanted to celebrate the Holy Spirit — one of the entities of the Roman Catholic Church's trinity — and also commemorate the victory of Iberian Christian knights over the Moors.

The Emperor of the Divine Holy Spirit procession started in the early hours in Pirenopolis, a city of 25,000 residents 150 kilometers (93 miles) west of the Brazilian capital Brasilia. Other countryside cities across the South American nation also celebrate the Cavalhadas festival.

The festivities include an open air reenactment of a battle between Christian warriors and Muslims. At the end, the defeated Moors are converted to Catholicism.

UN warns of further ‘atrocities’ in Myanmar

The UN human rights chief said Sunday he is “deeply alarmed” by a resurgence of violence in Myanmar’s Rakhine state and warned of further “atrocities”.

Clashes have rocked Rakhine since the Arakan Army (AA) attacked security forces in November, ending a ceasefire that had largely held since the 2021 military coup.

“I am deeply alarmed by reports of renewed violence and property destruction in Buthidaung township in Myanmar’s northern Rakhine state, resulting in the displacement of potentially tens of thousands of civilians, mainly Rohingya,” Volker Turk said in a statement.

The UN High Commissioner for Human Rights indicated that the United Nations was seeking to “corroborate information indicating serious violations”.

He added: “With inter-communal tensions between ethnic Rakhine and Rohingya high — and being actively stoked by the military — this is a critical period when the risk of yet further atrocity crimes is particularly acute.”

The AA is one of several armed ethnic-minority groups in Myanmar’s border regions, many of which have battled the military since independence from Britain in 1948 over autonomy and control of lucrative resources.

The AA claims to be fighting for more autonomy for the state’s ethnic Rakhine population.

Fighting had spread to 15 of Rakhine state’s 17 townships since November, Turk said last month.

Hundreds of people have been killed or wounded and more than 300,000 displaced.

Turk made a direct appeal to the Myanmar military and the AA to “pause fighting, protect civilians, allow immediate and unhindered humanitarian access” and to comply “unconditionally” with international law.

He also appealed to neighbouring Bangladesh to extend protection to “vulnerable people seeking safety”.

Clashes between the AA and the military in 2019 roiled the region and displaced around 200,000 people.

The military launched a crackdown on the Rohingya minority there in 2017 which is now the subject of a United Nations genocide court case.


 Rohingya Muslims ride in the back of a junta military vehicle, March 9, 2024. Photo Credit: Image from citizen journalist video, RFA Myanmar

Divide And Conquer: Myanmar Military’s Rohingya Gambit In Rakhine – OpEd


By 

The Rohingya crisis in Myanmar stands as a grim testament to the military’s longstanding divide-and-rule strategy, a tactic that has proven tragically effective. Throughout Myanmar’s history, the military has exploited ethnic and religious divisions to consolidate power. Myanmar’s diverse ethnic makeup has been a prime target for the military’s divide and rule strategy. By leveraging resource competition and historical resentments, the military perpetuates a cycle of animosity among different groups, weakening the potential for united opposition. 

The military in Myanmar has effectively weaponized religion, targeting the majority Buddhist population with propaganda that stokes nationalist sentiments and unites them against perceived external threats. This includes the military’s support for ultra-nationalist monks who propagate hate speech, exacerbating inter-religious tensions and diverting attention from military oppression.

The Rohingya crisis illustrates the military’s skillful manipulation of religious divisions. In 2017, the military launched a severe crackdown on the Rohingya, a Muslim ethnic minority in Rakhine State, causing hundreds of thousands to flee to Bangladesh where they continue to live in dire refugee camps. This brutal action drew international condemnation but simultaneously advanced the military’s objectives by undermining the civilian government of Aung San Suu Kyi, sidelining democratic reforms, and reinforcing the military’s hold on power.

Historically, the persecution of the Rohingyas can be traced back to the regime of Ne Win in the late 1970s, marked by the initial exodus of refugees from Arakan/Rakhine State to Bangladesh. Subsequent large-scale refugee influxes occurred in the 1990s and early 2010s, documented extensively at the UN level and in other authoritative records.

Furthermore, the military’s divisive tactics extend to other ethnic and religious groups. A notable example is the split within the Karen resistance between the Christian Karen National Union (KNU) and the Buddhist Democratic Karen Buddhist Army (DKBA), showcasing the military’s adeptness at exploiting religious differences to foster internal divisions.

The Rohingya Card: A Divide-and-Rule Tactic Against the AA

Currently, as the Arakan Army (AA) threatens its hold, the junta is once again cynically exploiting the Rohingya crisis to undermine its adversaries. Disturbingly, there are reports of the military coercing Rohingya into pro-junta rallies and arming groups like the Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army (ARSA) to incite conflicts with the AA. This tactic aims to internationally discredit the AA and block any potential alliance with the Rohingya. Moreover, it’s reported that hundreds from ARSA and the Rohingya Solidarity Organization (RSO), including some from across the border in Bangladesh, are enlisting with the junta forces. These actions are a deliberate attempt by the military to fracture regional ethnic alliances and maintain control by fueling discord. The international community must recognize these maneuvers for what they are: dangerous games that risk further estranging the Arakanese from the Rohingya and place the already vulnerable Rohingya in even greater danger.

Swedish journalist, author, and Myanmar expert Bertil Lintner expressed to The Irrawaddy that the international community is “obsessed” with the Rohingya issue. He warned that if the AA were to harm any Rohingya, even those armed by the military, it could tarnish the global perception of the AA. Lintner noted that the general public is largely unaware of the military’s arming of the Rohingya and highlighted the junta’s use of divide-and-rule tactics in Rakhine to provoke communal clashes, thereby justifying its intervention to “restore order” and “communal harmony.”

An analyst speaking with The Irrawaddy suggested that the military junta’s strategy might be ineffective, as the majority of the Rohingya across the state place their trust in the Arakan Army (AA). However, the junta is strategically deploying Rohingya recruits from Maungdaw and Buthidaung townships—areas where the AA has yet to secure the trust of the local Muslim community. The recent takeover of Buthidaung by the AA on May 18 has intensified allegations of mistreatment of the Rohingya by the AA, which the group has promptly denied. It is clear that the Rohingya community is enduring significant hardship due to the ongoing conflict, trapped in a war zone where the military junta is likely to implement its scorched earth policy. This strategy involves the destruction of population centers that fall out of their control, aimed at preventing the resistance from setting up civil administrations, thereby exacerbating the suffering of the local population.

Prominent Rohingya rights activist Ro Nay San Lwin stated that the regime is deploying Rohingya conscripts on the front lines to fuel communal hatred. Additionally, U Aung Kyaw Moe, deputy human rights minister of the civilian National Unity Government (NUG), condemned the arson attacks by junta aligned Rohingya militias. He emphasized the need to differentiate between regime collaborators and ordinary civilians within the Rohingya community, cautioning that indiscriminate blame would only escalate the conflict. U Aung Kyaw Moe stressed that the junta’s goal is to incite conflict between two nationalities.

Countering Misinformation and Promoting Reconciliation

The international community must be wary of falling prey to the military’s manipulation. A recent United Nations briefing highlighted the spread of misinformation and hate speech in Rakhine State.  It’s crucial to recognize the broader political machinations at play and not view the crisis solely through a humanitarian lens.

Furthermore, portraying the Buddhist Bama majority as solely religious extremists, as some international activists have done, inadvertently deepens divisions and aids the military’s strategy. A more constructive approach would emphasize education about democracy, federalism, and tolerance for all ethnic groups in Myanmar. Most international news reports don’t even bother to clarify that the Rohingya live in Rakhine state which is separated from central Burma by a near impassable mountain range where the majority is ethnic Rakhine or also known as Arakanese. In some areas of Northern Rakhine such as Buthidaung and Maungdaw, the majority is Rohingya by about 85%.

It is essential for all stakeholders—including the Rohingya, the Rohingya advocates, the Arakan Army (AA), the Burmese majority, and other ethnic minorities—to engage in civil, considerate, and truthful communication, particularly on social media platforms. Additionally, it would be beneficial for the AA to officially articulate their policy positions of citizenship and equal rights for the Rohingya to foster transparency and trust among all parties involved.

Since 2021, I have encountered several articles advocating for reconciliation and unity against the common adversary, the military junta. Unfortunately, it’s disheartening that such constructive content receives less circulation internationally compared to negative narratives. Below are two exemplary articles:

People of Myanmar, Including Rohingya, Unite Against Common Enemy” by Dr. Azeem Ibrahim, published on April 13, 2021, by Arab News. 

Press Release: ARNO requests coordinated efforts to stop hate speech and disinformation”; Jan 5, 2024

Credible sources and institutions have published objective reports and analyses, but they also do not seem to reach the public. 

IISS; Competing armed groups pose new threat to Rohingya in Bangladesh;  11 December 2023. 

USIP; Rohingya Face Fresh Uncertainty in Myanmar; BY: Jessica Olney; Ali Ahmed; May 8, 2024; 

Links to the above articles are included under the references section.

The International Response: Beyond Aid

The passage of the BURMA Act within the 2023 National Defense Authorization Act by the US Congress represents a significant step toward supporting the pro-democracy forces in Myanmar. This legislation aims to bolster democracy, human rights, and federalism by allocating funds for the administrative functions and programs of various entities within Myanmar, including political entities and affiliates associated with Ethnic Armed Organizations and pro-democracy movements. These groups are crucial in the efforts to foster an inclusive and representative democracy in the country. For the BURMA Act to have a meaningful impact, timely and effective implementation is essential.

Calls to simply reduce or withhold aid in response to the crisis are misguided.  Such measures punish ordinary citizens caught in the crossfire. Instead, international aid should be strategically used to support initiatives that promote inclusive governance and empower all ethnic groups, including the Rohingya.

Addressing Internal Divisions Within the Rohingya Community

A critical, yet under-discussed challenge lies within the Rohingya community itself. The existence of multiple factions with varying agendas hinders the development of a unified voice. Reconciliation among these factions is essential for presenting a cohesive front in negotiations and ensuring effective implementation of long-term solutions.

The Path Forward: A Focus on Reconciliation and Constructive Engagement

The current environment of misinformation and manipulation does little to foster a viable solution. All parties involved, including the NUG, the AA, and the Rohingya community, must commit to good-faith dialogue and uphold democratic principles.

The recent appointment of a Rohingya human rights minister by the National Unity Government (NUG) is a positive step towards inclusivity. This action should be further supported to create a platform for the Rohingya to participate meaningfully in Myanmar’s political dialogue.

The international community also has a crucial role to play.  This can include supporting the NUG’s efforts to establish a more inclusive government and hold the SAC accountable for human rights violations. International aid organizations can prioritize projects that promote inter-communal dialogue and rebuild trust between the Rakhine and Rohingya communities. Additionally, regional organizations like the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) can play a role in facilitating peaceful dialogue and pressuring the Myanmar military to adopt democratic reforms instead of just supporting the status quo.

In conclusion, overcoming the Rohingya crisis requires dismantling the military’s divide-and-rule tactics.  A multifaceted approach that includes constructive international support and emphasizes education regarding inclusive governance, and internal reconciliation of the multiple ethnic factions in Burma and within the Rohingya community itself is essential. Only by addressing the root causes of division can Myanmar achieve a stable and democratic future where the rights of all ethnic groups, including the Rohingya, are respected.

References

  1. Thit, N. (2024, May 14). As It Loses Control of Rakhine, Myanmar Junta Resorts to Stoking Religious Hatred. The Irrawaddy. Retrieved from https://www.irrawaddy.com/opinion/analysis/as-it-loses-control-of-rakhine-myanmar-junta-resorts-to-stoking-religious-hatred.html
  2. Ni, R. (2024, May 2). Myanmar military using old tactics to ‘incite conflict’ between Rohingya and Rakhine communities, locals warn. Myanmar Now. Retrieved from https://myanmar-now.org/en/news/myanmar-military-using-old-tactics-to-incite-conflict-between-rohingya-and-rakhine-communities-locals-warn/
  3. (2024, April 25). Real victory in Rakhine State means defeating the Myanmar junta’s divide-and-rule tactics. Myanmar Now. Retrieved from https://myanmar-now.org/en/news/real-victory-in-rakhine-state-means-defeating-the-myanmar-juntas-divide-and-rule-tactics/
  4. (2024, May 1). Daily Press Briefing by the Office of the Spokesperson for the Secretary-General. United Nations. Retrieved from https://press.un.org/en/2024/db240501.doc.htm
  5. (2023, October 13). Unraveling the military’s divide and rule strategy. Democratic Voice of Burma. Retrieved from https://english.dvb.no/unraveling-the-militarys-divide-and-rule-strategy/
  6. Ware, A., & Laoutides, C. (2024, April 24). The Rohingya repatriation myth: why repatriation from Bangladesh to Myanmar is (nigh) impossible. Taylor & Francis Online. Retrieved from https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/09614524.2024.2338213
  7. Naing, I. (2024, April 23). Myanmar junta slams US aid plan. VOA. Retrieved from https://www.voanews.com/a/myanmar-junta-slams-us-aid-plan/7581977.html
  8. Naing, I. (2022, December 16). US Senate Passes Defense Authorization Bill, Including Myanmar Language. VOA. Retrieved from https://www.voanews.com/a/us-senate-passes-defense-authorization-bill-including-myanmar-language/6879009.html
  9. Ibrahim, A. (2021, April 13). PEOPLE OF MYANMAR, INCLUDING ROHINGYA, UNITE AGAINST COMMON ENEMY. Arab News. Retrieved from https://www.rohingyapost.com/people-of-myanmar-including-rohingya-unite-against-common-enemy
  10. 10.Satt, M. (2024, May 2). The Arakan Army and Bengali Muslim Community in Arakan. Global Arakan Network. Retrieved from https://www.globalarakannetwork.com/post/the-arakan-army-and-bengali-muslim-community-in-arakan
  11. 11.(2024, January 5). Press Release: ARNO requests coordinated efforts to stop hate speech and disinformation. ARAKAN ROHINGYA NATIONAL ORGANISATION. Retrieved from https://www.rohingya.org/press-release-arno-requests-coordinated-efforts-to-stop-hate-speech-and-disinformation/
  12. 12.(2023, December 11). Competing armed groups pose new threat to Rohingya in Bangladesh. IISS. Retrieved from https://myanmar.iiss.org/analysis/rohingya
  13. 13.Olney, J., & Ahmed, A. (2024, May 8). Rohingya Face Fresh Uncertainty in Myanmar. USIP. Retrieved from https://www.usip.org/publications/2024/05/rohingya-face-fresh-uncertainty-myanmar
  14. 14.Ratcliffe, R. (2024, May 17). Who are the Rohingya and what is happening in Myanmar? The Guardian. Retrieved from https://www.yahoo.com/news/who-are-the-rohingya-and-what-is-happening-in-myanmar-123456789.html
  15. 15.As Canada renews strategy for Rohingya crisis, advocates urge rethink | CFJC Today Kamloops
Rohingya Muslims ride in the back of a junta military vehicle, March 9, 2024. Photo Credit: Image from citizen journalist video, RFA



James Shwe is a Burmese American Engineer residing in Los Angeles, California, USA. He was born in Yangon, Myanmar in 1954 and has been residing in the US since 1984. He is a Registered Professional Mechanical Engineer in California. He owns and operates a consulting engineering firm in Los Angeles.

Myanmar: If sanctions aren’t the solution, what is?

The local population invariably pays the price for financial punishment of the regime. 

So better for the world to directly support communities instead.


Whatever the generals lose in one area, they can take somewhere else: Commander-in-Chief of Defence Services Senior General Min Aung Hlaing at a military parade in Naypyidaw last year (Myo Kyaw Soe/Xinhua via Getty Images)


MORTEN B. PEDERSEN
Published 20 May 2024 Myanmar

The decision by Australia in February last year to impose sanctions on 16 members of Myanmar’s ruling junta, as well as two military holding companies, received rare praise from a wide range of Myanmar resistance groups, international activists, and trade unions who had long been dissatisfied with Australia’s Myanmar policy.

A year later, in February this year, when two Myanmar government banks and three private companies supplying jet fuel to the military were added to the sanctions list, there were almost standing applause.

This is symptomatic of a world where many activists see sanctions on the military regime as the primary measure of “good policy”. Unfortunately, the obsession with sanctions draws attention away from other important issues, notably the nature and quality of international aid to the Myanmar people.

Don’t get me wrong. There are strong normative reasons for imposing sanctions on Myanmar’s military rulers. Sanctions signal support for international law and lend weight to the broader policy of ostracising the military regime, which is deeply illegitimate and guilty of mass atrocities. They also provide a measure of symbolic support for the resistance, which has called for sanctions to support their cause.

No Myanmar general is going to be shamed by Western criticism into changing their behaviour or induced by a travel ban to surrender their power and privileges.

With so many people believing that sanctions are simply the right thing to do, not imposing them also have significant reputational costs for Australia.

But as a strategic tool, sanctions are overrated. No Myanmar general is going to be shamed by Western criticism into changing their behaviour or induced by a travel ban to surrender their power and privileges as the resistance demands.

In theory, by targeting the flows of arms and finance to the regime, sanctions may weaken the junta’s military capabilities and help tip the balance of power on the battlefield. But the main sources of military revenue are simply out of reach.

As the de facto government of the rump state of Myanmar, the junta has inherited the state’s money printing press, as well as its sovereign borrowing rights, and the ability to set foreign exchange rates. Moreover, it is skimming hundreds of millions of dollars annually off the drugs trade and other illicit economic activity through a combination of protection payments and official “whitewashing” of private profits of unknown origin.

Sure, sanctions bite. But any pain the military regime feels will invariably be transferred to other groups. Indeed, given the military’s control of key levers of the economy, the term “targeted sanctions” employed by governments such as Australia’s is really a misnomer. Whatever the generals lose in one area, they can take somewhere else.

Anyone who thinks sanctions are the solution should take a closer look at daily life in Myanmar. While the population is suffering from run-amok inflation and shortages of vital goods such as medicine, there are no indications that the junta has had to reduce its arms spending. On the contrary, the number of air strikes on resistance forces and local communities continues to rise month by month.
A woman attends her new born baby in February this year after delivering at a secret hospital opened in May 2022 and hidden in the jungle of Kayah State (Thierry Falise via Getty Images)

But if sanctions aren’t the solution, what is?

To answer that question, we need to take step back and look at what is happening on the ground in Myanmar. With the military suffering defeat after defeat on the battlefield and gradually retreating from large parts of the country, resistance groups have started building parallel state structures and providing public services in “liberated areas” outside of central state control.

Across Myanmar, new political authorities are claiming jurisdiction to govern significant territories and populations. They are establishing new government institutions; pronouncing better laws and policies; and providing security, health, and education for millions of people. While much of this is still rudimentary, they are effectively building mini states.

At the grassroots level, thousands of community-based organisations are delivering humanitarian assistance to conflict-affected populations, while local communities are building their own roads and schools, and hiring their own teachers and nurses.

This fragmentation of authority may seem confusing – and even threatening – to many outsiders who see it as a symptom of state failure. But it can also be viewed as the basis for a new kind of state, better suited to unifying and serving Myanmar’s diverse ethnic communities who have suffered greatly from decades of overcentralisation and continuous civil war.

When asked, senior Australian government officials invariably say their primary goal in Myanmar is to help its long-suffering population. And many of their critics presumably would agree.

By supporting, these emerging local governance structures, Australia could help the resistance by increasing its relevance to the daily struggles of local people. It could also help vulnerable communities by expanding humanitarian assistance and basic social services. And it could help the country by supporting longer-term institution-building and establishing the basis for a new federal democratic union.

All of this would help the Myanmar people in ways that sanctions never will.


The Lowy Institute will be launching Morten Pedersen’s Analysis, Outrage is not a policy: Coming to terms with Myanmar’s fragmented state, at the National Press Club in Canberra tonight. You can register to attend the free event or watch it live online from 6:30pm.