Thursday, April 25, 2024

 Columbia, NYU, The New School…MIT, Tufts, Emerson… Berkeley, Chicago, Chapel Hill… Everywhere…


 

 APRIL 25, 2024
Facebook

I went to MIT, class of 1969, so I was a Senior in 1968. It is now 2024 not the late sixties, but rebellion for change is again in the air. I think it is just getting revved up. I can feel it. I’ll bet you can feel it too. And maybe, hopefully, it will not crescendo any time soon but will instead persist. And perhaps, hopefully, it will seek more than immediate changes. And maybe, and I think I can feel this too, it will be much smarter than we were back then, back in 1968.

The rebellious events at Columbia last week have spurred rebellions of students and sometimes others at a rapidly enlarging community of campuses, including at my personally much-despised alma mater, MIT. [Note, I am not unbiased about campus rebellion or about MIT. The former undergirds mass change, over and over. Have at it. The latter is an instance of elite, academic, grossly rotten business as usual. When I was president of MIT’s student body, during steadily growing and intensifying rebellion, among the epithets I used for MIT was “Dachau on the Charles” because of its war research. Some on campus were too literal or too dense to see why I named it thus. For them, I would acknowledge the main difference, which was that MIT’s victims were not local, like Dachau’s—no, MIT’s victims way back then were half a torn-up world away in Vietnam enduring American carpet bombing. And regarding Dachau, MIT’s victims were not hanging like burned out lightbulbs in MIT’s corridors nor lying breathless like fish out of water gassed in MIT’s labs. And now, 56 years later, MIT’s current victims are way off in Gaza enduring Israeli carpet bombing (but with American bombs). They are not being forcefully exiled from MIT’s classes, dorms, playing fields, and clinic—not yet, anyway. My point: history sometimes repeats, sometimes with ironic differences, sometimes with healthy differences.

One 1968 over-used, more hippie than political, and pretty stupid if catchy slogan was “don’t trust anyone over thirty” (except maybe Chomsky). I doubt that this time that slogan will reemerge much less change to “don’t trust anyone under seventy” so I hesitate to even write this reaction. Okay, hesitation finished. Being old may not bring wisdom but it doesn’t have to stifle solidarity. Decades have passed. Wrinkles have proliferated. But I actually remember MIT better than anywhere I ever lived before or since. So I can’t stop my elderly self from commenting.

Context 1: This past October, in response to decades of Israeli occupation, denigration, usurpation, and plentiful murder, Hamas orchestrated an escape from their open-air prison, and then raged and ravaged, including against civilians, and took hostages too.

The perpetrators’ anger was understandable, I think, and even warranted. Those colonized should not celebrate their colonizers. The perpetrators’ actions were also understandable, depending on your perspective and your capacity for objectivity. But the perpetrators’ actions were certainly not ethically justified or strategically wise. Hamas’s actions were instead stupidity and terroristic. But that was not because the jail breakers were militantly combative. Occupied peoples have a right to be—indeed ought to be—militantly combative. The colonized have a right to invade the colonizer. Not vice versa.

Context 2: Israel’s IDF has responded ever since. It claims its actions are justified by Hamas’ actions: Hamas struck first. Hamas killed innocent Israelis. We Israelis have to defend ourselves. We have to make them reap what they sowed. We have to assault the entirety of Gaza with some of the most intensive bombing per acre ever unleashed on anyone, anywhere—at least by other than the U.S. We must incinerate infrastructure. We must demolish homes, hospitals, schools, and basically anything that’s there to be hit. The U.S. in Vietnam said “anything that flies against everything that moves.” We Israelis learned from and adapted our benefactor’s ways. Thank you home of the brave. Thank you land of the free. But your Kissinger was too tame. We say, “anything that flies against everything.” Yes, you heard us right, everything. More, we intentionally, overtly, proclaim it out loud, as our stated policy, that we have to starve them all. We welcome the ensuing deaths. Deaths and destruction are our point. Die or leave is our message. And like our benefactor, we are good at what we do, which is why much of Gaza is already uninhabitable. It is why kids have their limbs amputated in bombed out hospitals—without anesthesia, their parents already permanently dead. It is why preventable, curable diseases spread with our blessing. Kill the vermin or at least to make them leave. And so we block medicine, food, and water to defend ourselves. Of course we do. We aren’t half-hearted about this. “Anything that destroys and kills against everything that exists wherever Hamas hides.” So what would happen if Hamas rented a safe house in Berlin or, more likely, New York? Even if he was a little too tame, Kissinger is our hero. If he couldn’t do it, we can.

Context 3: The U.S. government provides virtually endless supplies of bombs and any sought surveillance, and arguably just as important, the U.S. protects Israel from the UN and any other opposition. Those in Washington and on Wall Street literally cheerlead and celebrate Israel’s actions, even as some serious cracks spread.

Context 4: Many people who watch Israel’s horrifying actions unfold wring their hands, but stay silent. Some who watch root for the IDF, mostly that’s Israeli citizens, but also some in the U.S., Germany, and various other places. At worst some who root for the IDF say, “okay, bomb the hospitals and everyone in them. Get to it. Kids too. Extinguish the Vermin, babies and all. Nuke them if you have to.” Others sincerely bemoan the excess but keep quiet about it. No unseemly public pronouncements or displays for them. Then there are also others, a whole lot of others, increasingly many others, who will answer, if asked, “this is barbaric. This is terrorism. This should stop now.” And then, of those, some even express their disgust really loudly. Some chant it, some march and demonstrate it. Some pitch tents for it. And some may soon move inside from the campus courtyards to occupy offices and then buildings, too—all for Palestine. And, yes, it is true that some—but I bet very few—genocide protestors occasionally scream nasty, ill-chosen things not just wrong but also counter productive to their efforts. I suspect the few who do that, with their passion boiling over while they fear they may be risking their academic lives do it not least because Israeli and U.S. media and school administrators tell them that if you protest Zionism, if you protest genocide, you are anti-Semitic. What crap. So, they wonder, okay how are we supposed to demonstrate that we are not anti-Semitic but instead anti-anti-Semitic? “Say that, just that way” the authorities intone. “We do, but you refuse to hear us.” “Okay, then chant ‘we are Zionist. We support genocide,’” the authorities reply. “We’ll hear that.” Yes, that would work, administrators would hear that. But the students won’t say that. And neither should anyone else say that. And the students will be heard.

Back in 1965, in my Freshman year of college, I was a member of Alpha Epsilon Pi one of the campus’s Jewish fraternities, or I was up until when I demonstratively quit during the first week of my Sophomore year. But here’s the odd current thing. Somehow, lately, my name got onto a mailing list of AEPi alumni so I have, very recently, received a flurry of emails from ex-brothers sent to other ex-brothers. The precipitant for the flurry was an invitation to get together in Cambridge during the fifty-fifth anniversary of the class of 1969. After the first invitation, there came a round of discussion by various AEPi alumni, spurred by one brother who wrote he would love to come to break bread with his fraternity brothers, but in protest over what in his view was MIT President Kornbluth’s horrible hesitance to protect Jewish students from what this brother saw as grotesque anti-semitism, he would not come to the reunion. This is a very well educated and presumably humane and caring guy. His sentiment and his outrage at students supporting Palestine was then seconded and thirded, a few times over, with escalating whining about the plight of Jews at MIT but with barely a sincere, intelligent word about Palestinians at MIT or Palestinians anywhere else like, oh, say, in Gaza. Are there courses on head-in-the-sand hypocrisy at MIT? I found some of the contents of some of my ex- brothers’ inter-communications blindingly nauseating. And I take for granted you who are admirably and courageously protesting at MIT (and elsewhere) have already encountered similar and worse head-in-the-sand hypocritical castigation. Certainly those at Columbia have. Certainly you all will again, repeatedly.

Meanwhile, by way of offering something that may possibly prove useful, I think some of those who criticize you or who call for your expulsion (like some of my one-time fraternity brothers) will argue that decades of Israel’s terror did not justify Hamas’s few days of anti-civilian actions, yet somehow Hamas’s few days of anti-civilian actions do justify Israel’s now six month genocidal bombardment of everything and starvation of everyone in Gaza. They will tell you, utterly blind to their own illogic, that you are supporting terror. They may even say you are committing terror. Call them illogical, hypocritical, incredibly ignorant, or whatever you wish, but please say all that to yourself, in your own mind, if you must utter it at all. Please don’t rail that at them. Don’t curse them. Don’t ridicule them. That was our biggest mistake in 1968. My point is, please work to make them your allies, maybe not all of them, but most. Hit them with evidence. Hit them with logic. Hit them with reasoning. And hells bells, hit them with morality (but not holier than thou moralism). And also listen to them. Also address their words. Even sympathize with them. Don’t compromise, but sympathize. You have likely already seen all the dysfunctional, dismissive, and self-corrupting behavior they manifest and in all likelihood there is more to come. But please don’t mimic it. I am ashamed to say—but actually happy to report—that too often I and my movement allies did mimic their hostility. We did get tribal against our critics. Provoked, we did leave our reasoning behind. We did get holier than thou at them. And for all that we did accomplish, those choices were not only not helpful they were largely responsible for us not accomplishing much more than we did. The good news, the happy side, is that you can do better. Be militant for sure. Get to the heart of things, by all means. We did that much too. And fifty-six years later you have to deal with fascist fanaticism. For bequeathing you that, I/we apologize. So do better than us. Don’t repulse who should become and who can become allied with you. We repulsed too many, you don’t have to. Don’t only rebel, organize!

A lot of people are comparing now to 1968. That year was tumultuous. We were inspired. We were hot. But here comes this year and it is moving faster, no less. That year the left that I and so many others lived and breathed was mighty. We were courageous, but we also had too little understanding of how to win. Don’t emulate us. Transcend us.

That year’s election was Nixon versus Humphrey. Trump is way worse than Nixon. Biden is like Humphrey, and I even think somewhat better. That year’s Democratic Convention was in Chicago. So is this year’s. That year, in Chicago, the Sixties went wild in the streets. And Nixon won. And that event was part of why fifty-six years later you face fascist fundamentalism. This year, in Chicago, what? If there is a lesson from 1968 to apply, the movement must persist, but simultaneously Trump must lose. That means Biden—or someone else?—must win. And, of course, the emerging mass uprisings must persist and diversify and broaden in focus and reach. And hey, on your campuses, again do better than us. Fight to divest but also fight to structurally change them so their decision makers—which should be you—never again invest in genocide, war, and indeed suppression and oppression of any kind. Tomorrow is the first day of a long, long potentially incredibly liberating future. But one day is but one day. Persist.

This piece first appeared on ZNet.

Michael Albert is the co-founder of ZNet and Z Magazine.


Columbia Protests Now and in ‘68

 APRIL 25, 2024Facebook

Protests in and around Columbia University in support of Palestine and against Israeli occupation. Photograph Source: SWinxy – CC BY-SA 4.0

The student protests on the campus of Columbia University this April have reminded me of the protests that took place there 56 years ago. Along with about  700 or so other men and women, I was arrested and jailed at the Tombs in Manhattan. Those arrests didn’t curtail student protests. Indeed, there were demonstrations later that year and again in 1969, 1970, 1971 and 1972. When push comes to shove, Columbia has called on the police again and again and the police have arrived in force and have made arrests.

The current president of Columbia, Minouche Shafik, an Egyptian-born American economist and a baroness, has surely not acted on her own impulses to establish what she might call “Law and Order.” Rather, she has surely followed the orders, the prayers and wishes of trustees, deep pockets and alumni who have wanted to see demonstrators punished for exercising freedom of speech and for practicing old-fashioned American civil disobedience.

Robert Kraft, the New England Patriots CEO, and a major financial contributor to Columbia —and my classmate— recently said, “I am no longer confident that Columbia can protect its students and staff and I am not comfortable supporting the university until corrective action is taken.” He also said,  “I believe in free speech, say whatever you want, but pay the consequences.”  That doesn’t sound like free speech, not if it comes with a price tag. Back then, the protests were largely about Vietnam. Now, they’re largely about Gaza and Israel. The names have changed, but the underlying story is much the same. Shouldn’t students today have a significant role to play when and where it comes to university investment?

Columbia University president Shafik was deputy governor of the Bank of England, and a vice president at the World Bank. She surely knows who has buttered her side of the crumpet and who has poured her cup of tea. Over many decades, Columbia has known very well how to make cosmetic changes and alter its image. It is now, as it was in the 1960s, about making money, expanding and occupying more and more of the island of Manhattan, and about mass-producing students to become consumers and citizens loyal to the social institutions that have made the US a global superpower.

In the late 1960s and early 1970s, we raised awareness about the university’s collaboration with the war machine and with institutions of racism and patriarchy. Columbia began to hire women and Black and brown intellectuals and to revise the curriculum in response to student demands to make education relevant to their own lives and their times.

In 1968, I was not a student at Columbia. I was already a professor at the State University of New York who had graduated from the college in 1963 when it was still locked in the mindset of the Cold War, and McCarthyism and could not  be accurately described as an “Ivory Tower.” In 1968, my beef with Columbia had its roots in my undergraduate years when I was rebuked for using Marxist sources for essays I wrote for teachers and slammed for thinking critically and questioning academic dogma. In 1969 when I was arrested again for my role during a campus protest, one of my former professors said that since I was a “Columbia scholar and a Columbia gentleman” I should apologize to the university. When I declined to knuckle under, the powers that be had me arrested and jailed. Who then was the scholar and the gentleman?

My freshman year at Columbia, my classmates and I were required to read Jacques Barzun’s tome The House of Intellect. It didn’t take long for me to see that the house of intellect was a house of cards. In 1968, we didn’t blow it down or blow it up, but we rocked it for a time and then watched as it put its house back in order and restored its foundations.

I don’t believe it’s possible to dismantle Columbia now, much as it wasn’t possible to dismantle it in 1968. It’s too big, too powerful, too wealthy and too rapacious. But protesters today can certainly raise awareness about the political and economic ties between the US “power elite,” as Columbia professor, C. Wright Mills called it, and the power elite in Israel. Things may not improve in the Middle East any time soon, but they won’t stay the same way they have been for the past half-century, either. The student protesters with their tents on campus are a sure sign that the times have changing and will go on “a-changin'” as Dylan suggested.

Too bad Columbia is locked in the past. Too bad it has given up on meaningful dialogue with student protesters today. Too bad it doesn’t see the handwriting on the wall. Over the past few weeks, I’ve wondered what Columbia professor Edward Said, the author of Orientalism—and for a time an independent member of the Palestinian National Council—would think and say. Indeed, he seemed to occupy a kind of middle ground when he observed in 2003, the year he died, that with regard to Palestine, “nobody has a claim that overrides all the others and entitles that person with that so-called claim to drive people out!”

That middle ground seems to have evaporated. Indeed, the ground under our own feet has shifted dramatically.  There is less room for dissenting opinions today than there was in ’68, near the height of the war in Vietnam. There are also more virulent anti-Arab and more virulent anti-Jewish voices today than there were then. Better prepare for the rocky road ahead.

Jonah Raskin is the author of Beat Blues, San Francisco, 1955.



Fifty Years Ago This Spring, Millions of Students Struck to End the War in Vietnam

April 24, 2024
Source: Jacobin


Image by Steven Clevenger / Corbis


“Tin soldiers and Nixon’s coming,

We’re finally on our own.

This summer, I hear the drummin’

Four dead in O-hi-o . . .”

—“Ohio,” Crosby, Stills, Nash & Young (1970)

President Richard Nixon prided himself on the accuracy of his political prognostication. He was never more prescient than in a remark made fifty years ago this month to his secretary, just before delivering a White House address that announced a US military invasion of Cambodia. “It’s possible,” Nixon told her, “that the campuses are really going to blow up after this speech.”

Blow up they did, as Nixon’s unexpected escalation of an already unpopular war in Vietnam triggered a chain of events culminating in the largest student strike in US history.

In May 1970, an estimated 4 million young people joined protests that shut down classes at seven hundred colleges, universities, and high schools around the country. Dozens were forced to remain closed for the rest of the spring semester.

Over the course of this unprecedented campus uprising, about two thousand students were arrested. After thirty buildings used by the Reserve Officers’ Training Corps (ROTC) were bombed or set on fire, heavily armed National Guards were deployed on twenty-one campuses in sixteen states.

On May 4, at Kent State University in Ohio, Guard members fresh from policing a Teamster wildcat strike shot and killed four students and wounded nine. Ten days later, Mississippi State Police opened fire on a women’s dormitory at Jackson State University, killing two more students.

America’s costly war in Southeast Asia had finally come home with stunning impact, creating what a later President’s Commission on Campus Unrest organized by Nixon (known as the Scranton Commission) called “an unparalleled crisis” in higher education.

The strike across campuses revealed the power of collective action. Born out of the shutdown, there was an explosion of activity by hundreds of thousands of students not previously engaged in anti-war activity, creating major political tremors across the country, including helping to curtail military intervention in Southeast Asia.

As Neil Sheehan notes in A Bright Shining Lie, his prize-winning Vietnam War history, the “bonfire of protest” ignited by Nixon’s “incursion” into Cambodia was so great that the White House “had no choice but to accelerate the withdrawal” of US troops from the region. Unfortunately, the halting pace of American disengagement continued for another five years, amid much further bloodshed among the Vietnamese (who suffered an estimated 3 million civilian and military deaths overall).
The Path to Protest

Some campus radicals started objecting to US policy in Vietnam during the first term of Nixon’s predecessor, Lyndon B. Johnson. Johnson campaigned in 1964 as the “peace candidate” in a presidential race against Senator Barry Goldwater, a rabidly right-wing Republican. But over the next two years, President Johnson began a massive military buildup to prevent his ally, the Republic of Vietnam, from being toppled in the southern part of the country by a communist-led nationalist insurgency.

Criticism of Johnson found its earliest and most polite expressions in “teach-ins” — on-campus debates and tutorials about Vietnam. But lots of talk soon turned to action. Hundreds and eventually thousands of local protests were organized — against military conscription and on-campus officer training, Pentagon-funded university research, and visiting corporate recruiters from arms makers like Dow Chemical Company.

An insurgent offensive in February 1968 and mounting US casualties (which eventually totaled sixty thousand) shattered any hope that Johnson had for military victory. Even after the president declined to run for reelection, anti-war protestors still descended on Washington, DC, in increasing numbers. In 1967, fifty thousand people marched on the Pentagon. Two years later, three hundred thousand gathered in protest near the White House.

Nixon replaced Johnson in January of 1969, after Democratic candidate Hubert Humphrey, Johnson’s vice president and loyal supporter of the war, was defeated in a three-day race. Nixon claimed to have a “secret plan” to bring peace to Vietnam and withdraw the five hundred thousand US troops still deployed there.

Once unveiled, Nixon’s plan turned out to be “Vietnamization” — shifting the combat burden to troops loyal to the US-backed government in Saigon, while conducting massive bombing of targets throughout Vietnam, Laos, and Cambodia. By April 30, 1970, the United States was sending ground troops into Cambodia as well.

Students at elite private institutions long associated with anti-war agitation were among the first to react. Protest strikes were quickly declared at Columbia, Princeton, Brandeis, and Yale, where many students had already voted to boycott class in support of the Black Panther Party, then on trial in New Haven.

Meanwhile, a Friday night riot outside student bars in downtown Kent, Ohio, was followed by the burning of a Kent State ROTC building over the weekend. Ohio governor James Rhodes ordered a thousand National Guard troops to occupy the campus and prevent rallies of any kind.

The Guard came geared with bayonets, tear gas grenades, shotguns, and M1s, a military rifle with long range and high velocity. Chasing a hostile but unarmed crowd of students across campus on May 4, one unit of weekend warriors suddenly wheeled and fired, killing four students.
Bringing the War Home

As historians Nancy Zaroulis and Gerald Sullivan described the scene in Who Spoke Up?:


It was a moment when the nation had been driven to use the weapons of war upon its youth, a moment when all the violence, hatred, and generational conflict of the previous decade was compressed into 13 seconds when the frightened, exhausted National Guardsmen, acting perhaps in panic or simple frustration, had turned on their taunters and taken their revenge.

In the aftermath of this fusillade, Guard officials orchestrated a cover-up exposed in The Killings at Kent State: How Murder Went Unpunished, by investigative reporter I. F. Stone. Even the FBI later found that the mass shooting was “unnecessary.”

The deaths of Jeffrey Miller, Allison Krause, Sandy Scheuer, and Bill Schroeder had a powerful impact on hundreds of thousands of students at Kent State and beyond. This time, the casualties of war were neither draftees from poor communities in the United States nor Vietnamese peasants — all of whom had been dying in much larger numbers for years. Nor were they African Americans, like the three student protestors fatally shot at South Carolina State University two years earlier, or the two murdered by state troopers at Jackson State University later that May.

The students in the kill zone at Kent State were mainly white and middle income, with draft deferments. Some had aggressively challenged the Guard’s presence, but many were simply bystanders, hanging around on the grass between classes. One target was an ROTC cadet who had just left a military science class before getting a bullet in the back. Another student, who survived, was paralyzed for life. (For first-person detail, see Kent State: Death and Dissent in the Long Sixties by Thomas M. Grace, a history major who was also wounded that day.)

In newspaper photos and TV coverage, the dazed Kent State survivors looked like college students everywhere. As one strike organizer at Middlebury College in Vermont recalls, those images “created a sense of vulnerability and crisis that many people had never experienced before.”

The resulting calls for campus shutdowns came from every direction. Students at MIT tracked which schools were on strike for a National Strike Information Center operating at Brandeis nearby. Soon the list was ten feet long. Despite its initial association with militant protest, most strike activity was peaceful and legal. It consisted of student assemblies taking strike votes, and then further mass meetings, speeches and lectures, vigils and memorial services, plus endless informal “rapping” about politics and the war.
A Radical Victory

The strike brought together a wide range of undergraduates, faculty members, and administrators — despite their past disagreements about on-campus protest activity. Thirty-four college and university presidents sent an open letter to Nixon calling for a speedy end to the war. The strike also united students from private and public colleges and local public high schools in working-class communities. On May 8, in Philadelphia, students from many different backgrounds and neighborhoods marched from five different directions to Independence Hall, where a crowd of one hundred thousand gathered outside. City high school attendance that day dropped to 10 percent, according to the Philadelphia Inquirer.

Hamilton College professor Maurice Isserman, coauthor of America Divided: The Civil War of the 1960s, believes that it was the more moderate students, those “who were anti-war but turned off by the rhetoric of the late ‘60s New Left” who “emerged as the leading force” in the aftermath of the upsurge. Indeed, many new recruits did gravitate toward anti-war lobbying, petitioning, and electoral campaigning rather than further direct action.

Yet the Scranton Commission viewed the politicization of higher education as a victory for student radicals. According to its later report, “students did not strike against their universities; they succeeded in making their universities strike against national policy.” To prevent that from happening again and get campus life back to normal, the commissioners agreed that “nothing is more important than an end to the war.”

In a Boston Globe interview on the thirtieth anniversary of this upsurge, Isserman argued that it was “the product of unique circumstances that, not surprisingly, provoked outrage from a generation of students already accustomed to protest and demonstration. It’s unlikely that we’ll ever see a movement quite like this again.”

That was certainly true for the next few years, as the Vietnam War wound down and Nixon, after winning reelection, conspired his way to impeachment, public disgrace, and forced resignation in 1974 over the Watergate scandal.

Yet over the past two decades, college and high-school students have walked out again, across the country, in highly visible and coordinated fashion. In March 2003, they poured out of 350 schools to protest the impending US invasion of Iraq. Fifteen years later, about 1 million students at 3,000 schools walked out to join a seventeen-minute vigil organized in response to the mass shooting at Parkland High School in Florida. And just last September, hundreds of thousands of students left school to join rallies and marches organized as part of a Global Climate Strike.

Universities and high schools are now experiencing a shutdown of their campuses, albeit of a very different kind. But when these institutions open back up, conditions will require a new set of political demands. A return to normal will not be good enough. When school is back in session, the history of a strike occurring after the shadow of death fell on campuses fifty years ago, thanks to Richard Nixon, may become more relevant to challenging “national policy” under the equally toxic Donald Trump.



Steve Early
Steve Early has worked as a journalist, lawyer, labor organizer, or union representative since 1972. For nearly three decades, Early was a Boston-based national staff member of the Communications Workers of America who assisted organizing, bargaining and strikes in both the private and public sector. Early's free-lance writing about labor relations and workplace issues has appeared in The Boston Globe, Los Angeles Times, USA Today, Wall Street Journal, New York Times, Washington Post, Philadelphia Inquirer, The Nation, The Progressive, and many other publications. Early's latest book is called Our Veterans: Winners, Losers, Friends and Enemies on the New Terrain of Veterans Affairs (Duke University Press, 2022). He is also the author of Refinery Town: Big Oil, Big Money, and the Remaking of An American City (Beacon Press, 2018); Save Our Unions: Dispatches from a Movement in Distress (Monthly Review Press, 2013); The Civil Wars in U.S. Labor: Birth of a New Workers’ Movement or Death Throes of the Old? (Haymarket Books, 2011); and Embedded With Organized Labor: Journalistic Reflections on the Class War at Home (Monthly Review Press, 2009). Early is a member of the NewsGuild/CWA, the Richmond Progressive Alliance (in his new home town, Richmond, CA.) East Bay DSA, Solidarity, and the Committees of Correspondence for Democracy and Socialism. He is a current or past editorial advisory board member of New Labor Forum, Working USA, Labor Notes, and Social Policy. He can be reached at Lsupport@aol.com and via steveearly.org or ourvetsbook.com.

How to Not Get Along With Apocalypses in Other Countries


 
 APRIL 24, 2024
Facebook

Image by Christine Roy.

Gaza is a US-backed apocalypse and all of the Global South has been living through various grades and shades of apocalypse for decades and centuries. Ignored starvation, colonization, massacres and coups, torture, media belittlement, and erasure of identity, culture and history. No or limited water and health care, and someone else controlling (robbing) resources and the future and the stories. The war in Sudan, oil spills in Nigeria, refugees drowning in the Mediterranean, the kidnapping and disappearances. Mexico’s 110,000 disappeared. People just gone, never found, and the world barely moved, certainly not shattered at such a loss.

Sometimes, at home in Mexico, I watch Global North shows in some sort of spread out shock. A whole local police force investigating one person disappeared for 24 hours? I know it is fairy tale fiction designed to glorify the police, but they get away with it because it’s vaguely conceivable. Here, the disappeared only get a social media post that relatives frantically share and we are so numbed to it we scroll past hurriedly. It barely ranks above annoying advertising. Impotence is what numbs us, not indifference. Murders happen daily in my city alone and nothing happens. No search, no trial. The 40 migrants burned to death by the Mexican authorities a year ago, with video evidence available from various angles and the only reason those murderers are facing judicial processes is the media attention that got. But they still have not been punished, and the cruel violation of migrant rights (torture, kidnapping, extortion, murder) continues, at the insistence of the US.

Yet the Global South is a world of determined resistance ignored by discourses that don’t consider the region intelligent or relevant. It is gaslit and patronized as part of the marginalization and super-exploitation dynamics perpetuated against it by the Global North. Layered onto the material hardships are centuries of stolen agency, dehumanization and displacement. The stats are unbearable. Nine million displaced in Sudan in this past year, at least 12.5 million people kidnapped and enslaved from Africa, eight million people died (killed, worked to death) in the silver mines of Potosí, Bolivia so Spain could decorate its churches, British colonialism killed 100 million people in 40 years in India, 9 million people die each year from starvation and hunger-related diseases in countries like Somalia, Mali, Bangladesh, and Angola, in a world that overproduces food. And it goes on and on.

How anyone can go about their lives on this planet while such heaviness reigns is beyond me. I guess, the impotency and powerlessness of good beings is so pervasive that there is no choice. We could stand in the middle of a road and scream, but that is unlikely to make the fossil fuel corporations, the arms industry, the exploitative and polluting clothing brands, and the lying politicians finally fall into line and behave in some sort of vaguely non-psychopathic way.

And yet complacency, in both the Global North and South, in this context of inequality, violence, and environmental destruction, is symptomatic of submission. It is mass produced and encouraged as a deliberate impediment to change. Complacency factories in the media and education systems deliberately neglecting to mention imperialism, neglecting to mention over half the world, normalizing inequality as some sort of natural, acceptable phenomenon. Complacency engraved as law into the strange prohibition on having a political opinion and on caring about causes anywhere except in private. Definitely never at work.

All we can do is what we can do, and sometimes all we can do is have uncomfortable conversations, including at work, and get a bit more informed and go to a meeting or a march. But we should identify our All We Can Do Right Nows and do them. A friend in the UK who has dedicated much of her life to union struggles and solidarity with Latin America, said she cried on a bus for half an hour over Gaza. A stranger asked her why she was upset, and after she told him and with her permission, he hugged her during the whole trip. On a general level—for we are all living in different places and dealing with different individual limits, which makes specifics difficult—we must understand that there is so much wisdom in sadness, rage, and empathy. That those who are upset about Gaza are in fact the strongest and wisest humans fulfilling what should really be a basic human responsibility; caring.

With Gaza, many people in many cities are shifting the threshold for glossed-over injustice. It doesn’t feel like it is enough, because it isn’t, and because the attacks and forced starvation are still happening. But, you can sense a little movement. Realizations. Urgency. Breaking points. Land tremors. The developing of new ways of being where kindness and empathy for overseas strangers is practiced a little more, where media like the Australian ABC is finely being called out for its anti-Global South bias. That is, the racism that undermines its analysis and language. There’s significant rejection of Biden and with that a reluctant realization about the US’s authoritarian and violent global behavior.

Many in the Global North (not so much in the Global South where it is more well known) are experiencing a shock that economic-political powers would do this. Such uncomfortable shocks are generously disrupting though. They can be very good at de-normalizing what should not have become acceptable. At prompting questions. At starting new things, prompting more understanding. I hope that understanding extends soon, beyond Gaza, to other invaded regions and other types of invasion. To conquer is to harm and torture, and to deny agency. Latin America and Africa and much of Asia and the Middle East, have been oppressed in this way by the Global North for too long. Working classes, women, people with disabilities or different ways of thinking or interacting or doing romance, have been denied agency for too long.

And so how do we live with our own and/or others’ apocalypse? How do we keep going, while being painfully aware of tragedies? We do hard things. We start out by doing our citizen-of-this-planet duty, and keep informed about what is happening here (one option, my Global South newsletter, free). We share that information with others. We work with others. We boycott mainstream media that spouts Eurocentrism, we redefine success as not a ladder of money and power but about being people of integrity, where actions match thoughts, and we work out what that means in our own locations and communities.

And we embrace boldness. We go beyond the couch and the memes, to marching, striking, closing roads or companies or banks or ports, demanding “third world” debt cancellation, demanding reparations for the environmental and human harm caused by the governments and corporations of the Global North, modeling new ways of being in the way we organize and relate to each other, promoting and insisting on listening to Global South activists, journalists, and experts, and enacting, with others, genuine change. How do we cope with the horror? We collectively plan global justice.

Tamara Pearson is a long time journalist based in Latin America, and author of The Butterfly Prison. Her writings can be found at her blog.