Monday, March 24, 2025

Part III: Indian Education as a Constitutional Right


Navajo students at Crystal Boarding School in New Mexico sing traditional songs in class. (Photo/NPR)


By Aaron Payment 
 March 22, 2025]

Of the 183 BIE schools, 31 operate as Native charter schools (17%) with 22 (12%) as Native Language Medium Schools. While educational choice already exists in Indian Country through Tribal Grant Schools, only a very small proportion of the 644,000+ AIAN students are afforded this choice. This underscores the importance of hearing from tribal nations through formal consultation on any reformed impacting AIAN students.

In order to improve Indian education, the President should establish an American Indian Education specific executive order to make clear the recognition and respect of Indian Education as a distinct Federal right unique to American Indians as a treaty and trust obligation matter distinct from Diversity, Equity, and Inclusion (DEI). Whatever changes may occur to the U.S. Department of Education, there must be no adverse impacts on Indian education across any federal agency. In eliminating the U.S. Department of Education, transfer all federal funding for Indian Education to the Bureau of Indian Education. Evaluate and fully fund an Indian Education New Deal and Educational Choice for the 93% of Native students to attend Self Governance Tribally Controlled Grant Schools.

READ Part I: Indian Education as a Constitutional Right

READ Part II Indian Education as a Constitutional Right

Dr. Aaron Payment

Assess the capacity for creation of Tribal Grant Schools including assessment of economies of scale with local inter-tribal coalitions to determine viability for staffing, operations and facilities. Evaluate BIE operated schools to transition to Tribally Controlled Grant Schools or Tribal District Controlled Consortiums to continue to operate under Tribal Self-Governance funding. Fully fund Tribally Controlled Higher Education and articulate Advanced Placement opportunities to enter a TCU with earned college credit upon high school graduation. Fund individual educational planning (IEPs) and allow for Tribal Grant Schools to contract with adjacent and intermediate school districts to supply special education services. Fully fund education training and teacher certification and collaborate with tribally controlled colleges to provide this education.

Another round of formal government-to-government Tribal Consultation must be scheduled to invite Tribal Nations to weigh in on Sections 3, 4, and 5 of Trump’s Executive Order on Education. Fully fund Self-Governance Tribal Grant Schools for the 93% of American Indian Alaska Native students who currently attend public schools. Transfer Title VI, Impact Aid, and all Federal Title funding for which each American Indian Alaska Native student is eligible in the form of vouchers from public schools to newly created Self-Governance Tribal Grant Schools. Situate all Indian education under the U.S. Department of Interior and BIE.

Transfer all early child education opportunities for American Indian Alaska Natives to the Bureau of Indian Education. As the treaty and trust obligation was paid in full, it is recommended to eliminate any means test for eligibility to attend tribal Early Head Start and Tribal Head Start. Fully fund the cost of providing early education for American Indian Alaska Natives though tribally controlled and operated Early Head Start and Head Start as well as provide vouchers to attend non-Tribal preschool or head start for AIAN students who do not reside on or near a reservation. Fully fund early childhood education training and certification to staff Tribal Early Child Care Education and collaborate with tribally controlled colleges to provide this education.

Consultation as a formal government to government exercise should be done respectfully to fully engage the input, direction, and consent of tribal nations. Consultation must NOT be a one and done paternalistic exercise of collecting input from special interests or even constituents. The inclusion of Article I, Section 8, Paragraph 3 in the US Constitution flowed from the Northwest Ordinance which was drafted by George Washington, General Henry Knox, and Thomas Jefferson (our Nation’s first Secretary of State) and subsequent treaties, providing for a perpetual Indian education not based on who is president.

Dr. Payment currently serves on his Tribal Council. He previously served 22 years in office including four terms as Tribal Chairperson. He also served for nearly a decade on the National Congress of American Indians Executive Committee including at 1 st VP twice. A high school dropout, Dr. Payment earned five college degrees including doctorate in Education (EdD). He served as a university faculty teaching Native Studies/Political Science; as School Board President of a Tribal Grant and State Charter School; and as a Tribal College Board Regent Vice-President. Dr. Payment can be reached at AAPayment@saulttribe.net


She’s on a scholarship at a tribal college in Wisconsin. The Trump administration suspended the USDA grant that funded it.

Tribal colleges and universities, which ProPublica last year found are perpetually underfunded by Congress, say it’s illegal to withhold financial support from them. Their funding is protected by treaties and other legal obligations on the federal government




Blackfeet Community College President Brad Hall (center) and Institutional Development Director Melissa Weatherwax (right) walk through a half-finished building meant to host a college program training workers for the tribe’s slaughterhouse. Without federal grants, the Montana college might pause the building project. 
(Rebecca Stumpf for ProPublica)

PROPUBLICA
MAR 18, 2025
This story was originally published by ProPublica.
Matt Krupnick
ProPublica

Alexandria Ehlert has pursued a college education hoping to become a park ranger or climate scientist. Now she’s wondering whether she’ll ever finish her studies at College of Menominee Nation.

The scholarship that kept her afloat at the tribal college in Wisconsin vanished in recent weeks, and with it her optimism about completing her degrees there and continuing her studies at a four-year institution.

Ehlert is one of about 20 College of Menominee Nation students who rely on scholarships funded through a U.S. Department of Agriculture grant. The Trump administration suspended the grant amid widespread cost-cutting efforts. Unless other money can be found, Ehlert and the other scholarship students are in their final weeks on campus.

“It’s leaving me without a lot of hope,” said Ehlert, a member of the Oneida nation. “Maybe I should just get a warehouse job and drop school entirely.”

Many staff and students at the country’s 37 tribal colleges and universities, which rely heavily on federal dollars, have been alarmed by the suspension of crucial grants early in Donald Trump’s second presidency.

Even before he retook office, the schools essentially lived paycheck to paycheck. A 1978 law promised them a basic funding level, but Congress hasn’t come close to fulfilling that obligation in decades. Today, the colleges get a quarter-billion dollars less per year than they should, when accounting for inflation, and receive almost nothing to build and maintain their campuses. Water pipes break frequently, roofs leak, ventilation systems fail and buildings crumble. Other than minuscule amounts of state funding in some cases and a smattering of private donations, tribal colleges that lose any federal funding have few other sources of income.

“You freeze our funding and ask us to wait six months to see how it shakes out, and we close,” said Ahniwake Rose, president of the American Indian Higher Education Consortium, which lobbies for tribal colleges in Washington, D.C. “That’s incredibly concerning.”

At least $7 million in USDA grants to tribal colleges and universities have been suspended, Rose said. The schools’ concerns have been magnified by a lack of communication from federal agencies, which she attributed partly to many federal workers being laid off as the Trump administration has made across-the-board cuts to the federal bureaucracy.

Staff at the College of Menominee Nation were seeking reimbursement for $50,000 spent on research and other work conducted in January, when a federal website indicated a grant from the USDA had been suspended. It was a technical issue, they were told when they first reached someone at the agency, and they needed to contact technical support. But that didn’t solve the problem. Then a few days later the department told the college to halt all grant activity, including Ehlert’s scholarship, without explaining why or for how long.

The frozen grants are administered by the USDA’s National Institute of Food and Agriculture, or NIFA. They stem from a 1994 law, the Equity in Educational Land-Grant Status Act, which designated the tribal colleges as land-grant institutions. Congress created the land-grant system in the 19th century to provide more funding for agricultural and vocational degrees.

The 1994 addition of tribal colleges to the list of land-grant institutions gave the schools access to more funding for specific projects, mostly focused on food and agriculture. Many grants funded food research and projects to increase the availability of food, which is particularly important in rural areas with fewer grocery stores and restaurants.

“It’s really precarious for tribal colleges,” said Twyla Baker, president of Nueta Hidatsa Sahnish College in North Dakota. Her college also lost access to NIFA funds that were paying for food research and a program that connects Indigenous farmers, ranchers and gardeners to each other. “We don’t have large endowments to fall back on.”

Several other college presidents said they were preparing for the worst. Red Lake Nation College in Minnesota was freezing salaries, travel and hiring, said President Dan King. So was United Tribes Technical College in North Dakota, which paused renovation of a dormitory originally built as military barracks in 1900. ProPublica reported in October that tribal colleges need more than half a billion dollars to catch up on campus maintenance.

“We’re hoping to get started soon, because we have a short construction season here,” said Leander McDonald, president of the United Tribes college.

At Blackfeet Community College in northern Montana, a NIFA grant is helping to create a program to train workers for the Blackfeet tribe’s new slaughterhouse. The college has started construction on a new building, but President Brad Hall worries that without access to promised federal funds, he might have to pause the project.





Hall, the school’s president, on the campus of Blackfeet Community College in Browning, Montana. (Rebecca Stumpf for ProPublica)

Like other tribal college leaders, Hall hasn’t been able to get clear answers from the USDA. Unlike some other schools, his college has been able to access federal funds, but he wonders for how long.

“Without the clarity and without the communication, it’s very hard to make decisions right now,” he said. “We’re in a holding pattern, combined with a situation where the questions aren’t being answered to our satisfaction.”

USDA spokespeople declined to answer questions. The agency emailed a written statement noting that “NIFA programs are currently under review,” but did not provide details on which grants have been suspended or for how long. The agency did not respond to requests for clarification.

Some tribal college leaders theorized they were targeted partly because of the formal name of the 1994 land-grant law: the Equity in Educational Land-Grant Status Act. The Trump administration has laid waste to federal spending on programs with “diversity,” “equity” or “inclusion” in the names.

While “equity” often refers to fairness in relation to race or sex, in the 1994 bill, Congress used the word to highlight that tribal colleges would finally have access to the same funds that 19th-century laws had made available to other land-grant colleges and universities. A spokesperson for the organization that represents nontribal land-grant institutions, the Association of Public and Land-grant Universities, said he was not aware of any USDA funds to nontribal colleges being suspended.

Tribal colleges argue their funding is protected by treaties and the federal trust responsibility, a legal obligation requiring the United States to protect Indigenous resources, rights and assets. Cutting off funding to the tribal colleges is illegal, several university presidents said.

“We were promised education and health care and basic needs,” said King at Red Lake Nation College. “The fact that we’re being lumped in with these other programs — well, we’re not like them.”

The College of Menominee Nation was only a year into its game-changing $9 million USDA grant, which was funding workforce development, training students in local trades such as forestry, and improving food access for Indigenous people. The five-year grant was a “once-in-a-lifetime award,” said college President Christopher Caldwell.

“We want our students to graduate and have healthy job opportunities,” Caldwell said. “Now it just kind of got cut off at the knees.”


BY PROPUBLIC

The Mission
To expose abuses of power and betrayals of the public trust by government, business, and other institutions, using the moral force of investigative journalism to spur reform through the sustained spotlighting of wrongdoing.


Haskell Indian Nations University

Haskell rehires faculty lost to federal layoffs

Student leaders said the university planned to rehire faculty back as adjunct instructors as officials work to deal with other cuts


Members of the Haskell Indian Nations University's women's basketball team were honored Thursday, March 6, 2025, at Coffin Sports Complex for winning the 2025 Continental Athletic Conference Women’s Basketball Championship Tournament held Feb. 27-March 2 at Haskell. The celebration came as news was announced that their coach, Adam Strom, who had been laid off during Trump administration layoffs, would join other terminated instructors in returning as an adjunct instructor. He coached the team to the championship without pay. (Photo by Kevin Abourezk/ICT)


KEVIN ABOUREZK
UPDATED:
MAR 7, 2025
UPDATED: This story has been updated to include a statement from the American Indian Higher Education Consortium about the reinstatement of employees.
Kevin Abourezk
ICT



LAWRENCE, Kansas — Student government leaders at Haskell Indian Nations University — beset after losing nearly 25 percent of its faculty and staff as a result of federal layoffs last month — announced Thursday that faculty members who were terminated will be returning to their positions as adjunct instructors.

The federal layoffs of probationary employees affected nearly 40 employees, including seven faculty members. Haskell University Frank Arpan said in a letter Monday to the "Haskell community" that the rehired faculty members were expected to resume teaching their classes this week.

“Haskell faculty that were terminated in the probationary layoffs will be returning to the classroom to finish the semester under the adjunct contract,” he said.

The American Indian Higher Education Consortium, a organization that serves the 34 tribal colleges and universities across the country, posted a statement on its Facebook page Friday afternoon that "25 positions recently terminated at Haskell Indian Nations University and Southwestern Indian Polytechnic Institute have been reinstated" and thanked Secretary of Interior Doug Burgum for restoring this "vital infrastructure for Indian Country."

"However, there are nearly 30 positions who serve critical needs at these institutions that still need to be addressed," read the statement. "We urge the Bureau of Indian Education to continue to address the abrupt cuts to funding and support. The progress to restore our institutions is a direct result of tireless community advocacy, and we encourage the Bureau of Indian Affairs to maintain its commitment to providing quality education for Native students."

Both tribal colleges are operated by the Bureau of Indian Education, under the U.S. Department of Interior. It’s one of many federal agencies impacted by the Trump administration’s decision to lay off hundreds of thousands of probationary employees nationwide, including thousands in Indian Country.

The Haskell Indian Nations University Student Government Association shared the news Thursday on its Facebook page, but noted that other employees affected by the Trump administration layoffs were not included.

"However, this reinstatement only applies to instructors – other employees who were terminated are not included in this decision. The university acknowledges the difficult circumstances faced by all affected staff and is continuing to explore solutions where possible,” the student association stated.

The student association said the Haskell Foundation, which operates separately from the university’s federal employment system, would manage the adjunct instructor contracts. However, the foundation's president, Bo Schneider, told ICT late Thursday night that the university, not the foundation, would be handling the instructor contracts.

“Haskell recognizes the challenges that come with these changes and remains committed to supporting students, faculty and staff during this transition,” the student association stated. “We appreciate the patience and resilience of the Haskell community as they navigate these adjustments together.”

The foundation launched a fundraiser after nearly 40 Haskell employees, including seven instructors, multiple coaches, administrative and custodial workers and others, were "abruptly terminated on Feb. 14, with their pay ending that very day and benefits only lasting another 30 days," Schneider said.

As of Thursday, the foundation had raised $140,000 toward its goal of $350,000.

The layoffs have led to numerous student and campus services being curtailed or closed, including the Student Success Center, which provides academic advising to students.

Arpan said in his letter that the success center would remain closed “due to personnel adjustments caused by the recent layoffs.”

“All academic advising will now transition to Haskell Faculty,” he said.

Arpan told students that the Prairie Band Potawatomi Nation had “graciously offered to partner with Haskell to provide temporary custodial support.”

Inside the Coffin Sports Complex on Thursday evening, university administrators honored members of the Haskell women’s basketball team, which won the 2025 Continental Athletic Conference Women’s Basketball Championship Tournament held Feb. 27-March 2 at Haskell.

“It’s really exciting,” said Coach Adam Strom, the team’s head coach, who had been laid off but had remained coaching without pay. He was informed Thursday morning that he would be rehired.



Women's basketball head coach Adam Strom at Haskell Indian Nations University celebrates on Thursday, March 6, 2025, not just his team's win in the Continental Athletic Conference Women’s Basketball Championship Tournament held Feb. 27-March 2. He also learned he's getting rehired after being laid off during Trump administration cuts on Feb. 14. He coached the team to the championship without pay. (Photo by Kevin Abourezk/ICT)

His son, Bryan Strom Jr., Quinault Indian Nation, a senior in environmental sciences at Haskell, said he was happy to see his dad get rehired, saying his father had felt “empty” after losing his job.

He said student morale has also improved since learning that faculty would be rehired.

“I think it’s a good thing, a great thing actually for the overall students,” he said. “I know a lot of people were getting worried and kind of been unmotivated to go to class.

“It’s just a blessing.


Haskell: Hope for some, silence for others


Our stories are worth telling. Our stories are worth sharing. Our stories are worth your support. Contribute today to help ICT carry out its critical mission. 


BY KEVIN ABOUREZK  is a longtime, award-winning Sicangu Lakota journalist whose work has appeared in numerous publications. He can be reached at kevin@ictnews.org.
American Indian College Fund: 
Protect the Department of Education



The 2024-25 American Indian College Fund Student Ambassador cohort. (Photo/American Indian College Fund)


By Native News Online Staff
 March 21, 2025

The American Indian College Fund issued the following statement on Friday, March 21, 2025 relating to President Donald Trump's executve order that seeks to dismantle the U.S. Department of Education:

On March 20 President Trump signed an Executive Order to dismantle the U.S. Department of Education. The directive will require an Act of Congress to officially eliminate the Cabinet-level agency, and it is not clear whether the President has the votes in Congress to do so. This comes on the heels of the Trump Administration’s cuts to the agency’s work force by nearly 50 percent (1300 people were fired after 600 decided to resign). Both the cuts and the Executive Order raise questions about whether the government can still accomplish the department’s core functions required by law without disrupting its important services to students and communities.

The Department of Education’s role includes distributing money to college students through grants and loans. It also funds and ensures services for low-income and disabled student programs at K-12 schools and enforces anti-discrimination laws. The Trump Administration announced it will move student loan administration to the Small Business Administration and special education services along with nutrition programs to the Department of Health and Human Services. Both moves will require significant changes at the SBA and DHHS.



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The department also conducted critical research to help institutions and policymakers understand college affordability for students (including Native students who often demonstrate the greatest financial need), post-secondary-level student enrollment, Native student persistence and graduation trends, and workforce readiness of graduates. Nearly all staff in this area were laid off during the reduction in force, and the contract cancellations raised serious concerns about the integrity, privacy, and security of sensitive student data collected. Last week the American Indian College Fund joined 90 organizations and researchers to call on Congress to protect postsecondary data and demand transparency around the cancellations that shift our country away from evidence-based policymaking that supports students to uninformed guesswork jeopardizing the higher education system.

Yesterday’s Executive Order calls on Secretary Linda McMahon to “take all necessary steps” to “facilitate” closing the department without eliminating most of its core functions, while working “to ensure the effective and uninterrupted delivery of services, programs, and benefits on which Americans rely.” According to The Chronicle of Higher Education, “Those programs include distributing more than $100 billion in student financial aid through Pell Grants and loans, as well as seeking to ensure that students’ civil rights are protected while they pursue their college education.”

Yet the Trump Administration also announced it will focus civil rights enforcement on allegations of antisemitism. People with pending investigations are concerned their cases, including those with allegations of sex discrimination, will remain in limbo.

The American Indian College Fund is concerned that Native students, whose equitable access to higher education hinges on federal programs (which are tied to Native tribes’ trust and treaty relationship with the federal government) will be disproportionately and negatively impacted by the dismantling of the department and the haphazard way the Trump Administration is going about it. The Administration has said it wants to return education to the states, however, Native nations do not have treaty relationships with the states—our relationships are with the federal government, which has committed through legally binding treaties and trusts to provide Native people with education and other services in exchange for the land Native people gave. And while Native people are also citizens of states, we know from experience that state and tribal relations in education and other areas can be strained, thus creating a climate of uncertainty regarding state support of Native education.”

In addition, we are concerned that dismantling the Department of Education will harm Native students by disrupting the application process for federal student financial aid, and the processing of federal student loans, Pell Grants, student work-study programs that a majority of Native students rely upon for financial access to a higher education. And we are not just concerned about the harm to Native students. All students, their families and communities, and the taxpayers who rely upon the goods and services that educated graduates provide will also be harmed if they cannot access a higher education. In addition, the quality and reputation of our nation’s education system, which has until now been the envy of the world, will also be harmed.

“These actions against the higher education community, students, and families will make it more difficult for Native communities—indeed all communities—to have their basic needs met,” said Cheryl Crazy Bull, President and CEO of the American Indian College Fund.

“Without the Department of Education, we are concerned about the ability of the federal government to fulfill its promise of delivering on all statutory programs, including student loans and Pell Grants, funding for higher education institutions, enforcement of civil rights protections in higher education.

To act, please contact your House Representative today and ask them to protect the Department of Education. You can find your Representative using the USA.gov tool.



Native News Online Staff
Native News Online is one of the most-read publications covering Indian Country and the news that matters to American Indians, Alaska Natives and other Indigenous people. Reach out to us at editor@nativenewsonline.net

Application of (ANTI)  DEI Executive Orders to HUD’s Legal Responsibilities Toward Indian Tribes and Trbial Citizens





Swinomish Indian tribal community housing development. (Photo/ONAP)

By Neely Bardwell
 March 21, 2025
NATIVE NEWS

Reacting to recent presidential executive orders, the National American Indian Housing Council (NAIHC) released a memorandum addressing the applicability of recent Presidential Executive Orders to HUD programs, tribal sovereignty and the legal obligation to provide housing for tribes and their citizens is affirmed.

The memo was initially sent to Principal Deputy Assistant Secretary for Public and Indian Housing, Benjamin Hobbs on March 13, after concerns regarding President Trump’s anti-DEI executive orders and the effect on tribal housing support programs across departments.

The memo affirms that the three recent executive orders, EO14151, EO14168, and EO14173, do not apply to HUD’s legal obligation to provide housing for Tribes and their citizens, denoting tribes as “distinct from the DEI programs targeted” in the recent executive orders. However, the memo does clarify that the orders do apply to policy-based DEI programs operated by Indian Housing Authorities, but does not clarify which programs these are.


“The Department’s government-to-government relationship with, and legal obligations to, Indian Tribes are logically and legally distinct from policy-based DEI programs,” the memo says. “The EOs should not be read to halt typical government-to-government relations with Indian Tribes, which occupy a unique status in our Nation, as recognized in treaties, statutes, and Executive Orders.”

Court cases Cherokee Nation v. Georgia and Worcester v. Georgia, the Snyder Act, and other statutes, orders, and laws, are cited in the memo as legal backing to the distinction of Tribes as separate from DEI and reasoning for the unique legal obligations the federal government has to Tribes.

While NAIHC does not have access to official metrics or data from HUD regarding the impact of DEI Executive Orders on Tribal programs, the organization gathered direct feedback on how tribal members and Tribally Designated Housing Entities (TDHEs) were immediately affected by the funding freeze ordered on January 27, 2025 that was rescinded two days later.

Before the reversal on January 28th, NAIHC distributed a survey to over 500 tribes and TDHEs to assess the immediate impact on housing-related funding and estimate the total amount of funds affected. While our findings are not comprehensive and capture only an initial snapshot of the situation, they provide valuable insight into the immediate consequences for our members.

Responses from 64 members across 21 states indicated that over $50.3 million in federal housing funds were frozen. These funds came from key grants, including the Indian Housing Block Grants (IHBG), Indian Community Development Block Grant (ICDBG), Indian Housing Block Grants Competitive, HUD Youth Homeless Systems Improvement Project, HUD Community Compass Grant, Tribal HUD Veterans Affairs Supportive Housing, Tribal Healthy Homes Production (HHP) Program, and the ROSS Grant.

The funding freeze disrupted essential housing programs and services, including:Interrupting regular operational funding for the fiscal year, which many TDHEs rely on.
Delaying seasonal project planning for Alaskan villages.
Halting the construction of housing units for Tribal members nationwide.
Affecting rental assistance programs, elderly repair and rehabilitation efforts, and emergency minor repair services.
Suspending down payment and closing cost assistance programs.
Forcing some administrative staff into part-time roles.
Pausing all purchases for certain TDHEs.
Preventing TDHEs from processing work orders exceeding $1,000, despite urgent tenant needs.
Disrupting a Minnesota project focused on preventing and ending youth homelessness among Tribes.

These findings highlight the widespread and immediate consequences of the funding freeze on Tribal housing programs, reinforcing the need for stable and reliable funding to support critical housing initiatives in Tribal communities.

“Great angst went through Indian Country when the initial funding freeze took place. We appreciate the Administration’s affirmation of the federal trust responsibility to carry out housing programs for American Indian and Alaska Native peoples and reaffirming the U.S.’s government-to-government relationship with Tribes,” NAIHC Executive Director Rudy Soto (Shoshone Bannock Tribes) said.

Soto says Tribal Housing Authorities and Tribally Designated Housing Entities play a critical role in delivering essential services to Native populations, and any policy changes must prioritize the well-being of our people.

“We continue to proceed with caution as additional key programs supporting Tribal Housing, including the Department of the Treasury’s Native American CDFI Assistance Program (NACA Program), the Department of Energy’s Tribal Home Electrification and Appliance Rebates Program, and Tribal FEMA funds are still held in the balance of the administration,” Soto said

Tribal leaders, and multiple congressmembers remain steadfast in the belief that tribes and their citizens are distinct from the DEI programs targeted in the recent executive orders. Representative Tom Cole (R-OK, Chickasaw) and Senator Lisa Murkowski (R-AK) sent letters to the Office of Management & Budget (OMB) urging them to issue guidance clarifying that Tribal programs should not be impacted by anti-DEI policy.

“Tribal nations are and have always been sovereign governments that have political, government-to-government relationships with the United States, as supported and affirmed several times in the courts,” says Cole in his letter to OMB. “They are not a racial group and, as such, should not be a part of any executive orders or agency actions targeting Diversity, Equity, Inclusion, and Accessibility.”
ABOLISHING DEI

VA Removes 22 Arizona Tribal Nation Flags from Its Hospital in Phoenix
\

Tribal flags from the 22 Arizona tribes. 
(Photo/ Salt River Pima Maricopa Indian Community)


By Neely Bardwell March 22, 2025


On March 18, the flags of Arizona’s 22 tribal nations were removed from the Carl. T. Hayden VA Medical Center in central Phoenix and returned back to the Salt River-Pima Maricopa Indian Community. This has sparked outrage among the Tribes in Arizona.

This is part of a new flag policy implemented by the Department of Veteran Affairs that limits the display of flags at VA facilities. The policy is “intended to establish consistency across the department and aligns with longstanding Department of Defense guidelines,” the VA stated in a news release.

Only the U.S. flag, flags of U.S. states and territories, military service flags, VA flags and official flags of U.S. agencies, and flags representing prisoners of war/missing in action (POW/MIA), Senior Executive Service (SES), military command units and burial flags for honoring Veterans and reservists are permitted.


Salt River-Pima Maricopa Indian Community Vice-President Ricardo Leonard is calling on Veterans Affairs Secretary Doug Collins to restore the display of all tribal nation flags at the Phoenix VA hospital.

“I was surprised and appalled when the staff of the Phoenix Veterans Affairs hospital dropped off all 22 Arizona Tribal Nation flags at our office, explaining that they could no longer display them,” Leonard said in a statement.

Gila River Indian Community Gov. Stephen Roe Lewis sent an agnry letter to the VA calling for the flags to be brought back to the hospital.

"(The removal) ignores the long-standing recognition that tribes and tribal membership is a political status, not a racial classification," Lewis said.

The move comes shortly after the U.S. Department of Defense began deleting websites about the Navajo Code Talkers who were instrumental to America’s victory in the Pacific Theater in World War II.

Indigenous people across the United States have the highest serving rate, serving in the armed forces at five times the national average, according to the National Indian Council on Aging, and have served with distinction in every major conflict for over 200 years.


About The Author

Neely Bardwell
Neely Bardwell (descendant of the Little Traverse Bay Bands of Odawa Indian) is a staff reporter for Native News Online covering politics, policy and environmental issues. Bardwell graduated from Michigan State University where she majored in policy and minored in Native American studies.
OPINION

Indigenous solidarity and silence for Palestine

Palestinians still under threat of removal
 Indigenous voices still needed


Leslie Logan. (Photo courtesy of Leslie Logan)

LESLIE LOGAN
MAR 5, 2025
Seneca
ICT

Last week marked the third anniversary of Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, a war that drew attention and wide-spread support for Ukraine from all corners of the globe. The blue and yellow flag was everywhere and declarations of “We Stand with Ukraine” proliferated in a fervor – and then subsided significantly. Now, with a second Putin-friendly Trump administration bullying Ukraine President Volodymyr Zelensky, support for Ukraine has been revived.

Politics fuels and dulls the national attention span and capacity for compassion for those suffering under unrelenting military campaigns.

In the case of the war in Gaza few tribal statements supporting Palestinians have been made despite grave losses, dramatic destruction, a humanitarian crisis, Israeli abdication of war conventions and civil society norms, and the hard-to-miss historic parallels with Native peoples.

The month-old, three-phase ceasefire in Gaza has been called fragile. Underscoring ongoing threats, the Global Centre for the Responsibility to Protect posted, “The ceasefire agreement offers a glimmer of hope for a permanent cessation of hostilities in Gaza, but the risk of ethnic cleansing, war crimes, crimes against humanity and genocide remains high.”

Although hundreds of thousands of Palestinians are returning to their homes, the conditions are described as unlivable. President Donald Trump has threatened to permanently remove all Palestinians to make way for a “Riviera of the Middle East,” diminishing hope for rebuilding.

The Associated Press reported that Raji Sourani, a leading human rights lawyer from Gaza, accused Trump of aiming to “complete the genocide.” Geneva Conventions forbid “mass forcible transfers” from occupied lands “regardless of their motive.” The International Criminal Court — where the US and Israel are not members — also holds that “forcible transfer” can be a war crime or, in some circumstances, a crime against humanity.

By all accounts, Palestinians are far from safe, stable ground with new threats afoot.

Out of 574 federally recognized tribes only five have expressed support for Palestine since Oct. 7, 2023. Calls for a permanent ceasefire were made by the Oglala Lakota Sioux, Cheyenne River Lakota, Winneman Wintu, Yurok, Red Lake Band of Chippewa, and the Oceti Sakowin Treaty Council – which represents a collective of almost 50 tribes.

Diné activists urged Navajo president Buu Nygren to call for a ceasefire, but he seemingly backed down to avoid upsetting Raytheon Technologies RTX, the world’s largest missile manufacturer. The Navajo Nation is home to the Raytheon Diné Facility which builds and stores parts for Tomahawk cruise missiles, Javelin weapon systems, and Advanced Medium-Range Air-to-Air Missiles.

NDN Collective, an Indigenous advocacy organization out of Rapid City, South Dakota, and Red Nations, out of Arizona called for a ceasefire and an end to US military aid to Israel.

Indigenous Solidarity with Palestine, created an online effort obtaining 1,122 signatures for an Indigenous solidarity letter of support.

In early November 2023, Coast Salish people took to their canoes in the Port of Tacoma blocking ships believed to be carrying weapons to Israeli forces.

That November, Native activists marched in the Free Palestine Ceasefire Rally in Washington, DC. In Cultural Survival, Nick Tilsen, the president and chief executive officer of NDN Collective, stated, “Indigenous voices have become especially prominent in support of Palestine in a spirit of kinship.”

Tilsen, Oglala Lakota and Jewish, said, “Sometimes when I talk to Indigenous leaders here, they’ll be like, ‘Gaza, that’s happening all the way over there in the Middle East. Why should I say anything?’ I reassure them that our priority is and will always be here, fighting for the return of Indigenous lands to the Indigenous Peoples of the United States. But it’s important to see how the U.S. has been directly funding the Israeli military — in the billions, for decades — as it commits genocide on the Palestinian people with resources extracted from our stolen lands.”

He continued, “Do we stand quietly as these people are being murdered? Or, do we step into our courage and bravery, aligned with our values, even when it’s not popular to do so?”

Many Native people who have publicly supported Palestine have been verbally attacked and accused of antisemitism.

Seth Allard, Sault Ste. Marie Chippewa, was one of the few Native OpEds writing, “If I say crushing Palestinian children into unrecognizable shapes via airstrikes is inhumane, I am anti-Semitic, supporting terrorism, enemy to America. If I say Israeli children, stacked in piles or captured by Hamas is horrific, I am colonialist, pro-Zionist, Islamophobic. I am neither. I am a Native American, Marine Corps Veteran, mental health professional decrying the unjust and criminal nature of war.”

Indigenous students across the country engaged in college campus protests, an April 2024 story discussed those. Portland State students and local communities organized a powwow to bring attention to the plight of Palestinians. The Portland State University students stated: “As Indigenous peoples of this land, we recognize the deep parallels between our struggles for justice and the plight of Palestinian people.”

At Cornell University Indigenous students protested, held vigils and discussions in an encampment calling for a ceasefire and for university divestment from companies supporting Israel’s military campaign. As told in Rematriation, Native students also held a four-day fast for Palestine.

Many campus protests were peaceful, but others caused disruption. At the start of fall 2024, many universities developed policies to quell student protests, minimizing opposition and imposing stiff punishments even for candlelight vigils and silent study-ins.

In September 2024 The National ran a story describing Indigenous Americans as “emerging as an important internal voice against the US government’s support for Israel.”

Two articles by non-Native writers in the Palestine Chronicle illustrate Indigenous peoples’ identification with the Palestinian experience relating the U.S. history of settler colonialism and removal policies with Israeli land theft, Palestinian expulsion, oppression, and genocide.

At the Democratic National Convention in August 2024, Native people participated in protests and panels in support of Palestine. The headline in Native News Online read: “Natives for Palestine, ‘We understand genocide.’”

The national Native radio talk show Native America Calling discussed Indigenous perspectives on the war in Gaza. The panel of guests shared the pushback, hostilities, and allegations of antisemitism they encountered while supporting Palestine and naming the genocide occuring there. Panelist Chase Iron Eyes, Oglala Lakota, was asked about tribes speaking out. Iron Eyes said, “I’ve been looking for it and I can't find it from the National Congress of American Indians. We should be asking why tribal leaders aren’t speaking out.”

The National Congress of American Indians, the leading tribal advocacy organization, gives a State of Indian Nations address at their annual convention, the largest gathering of tribal leaders in the country. The NCAI Youth Commission also gives a State of Indian Youth. The youth address, guaranteed in the bylaws, typically affords youth the opportunity to voice concerns, issues, and challenges they face.

Last February 2024, my daughter Yanenowi Logan, a Cornell senior at the time, was the President of the Youth Commission and prepared the youth address expressing solidarity with Palestine and the need for broader support from Indian Country. NCAI executives and legal counsel first pulled the youth speech from the program, then conceded to keep it; mindful of the bylaws They privately opposed the content and held hours-long meetings in which executives and tribal leaders scolded the youth commission, and subtly suggested the tenor and focus of the speech be changed. One attorney suggested the youth’s views were antisemitic. In the end, Yanenowi gave her address expressing the need for Indian Country to support Palestinians and Indigenous people globally who are suffering removal and oppression – but it wouldn’t have happened without an internal skirmish defending their position.

Tribes have big fish to fry fighting the state and feds to protect and maintain what is ours. Native communities have unique challenges and sometimes inadequate resources to address serious problems. But our daily obstacles are mere nuisances next to what Palestinians have endured for years. It is 2025 and while we are scrolling on our phones, stress-eating, and bracing ourselves for the next outrageous, merciless Trump edict, Palestinians go hungry in caves.

Since Trump 2.0 took office everyone in this country, including 20-year veterans working in the federal government, three-time Trump voters who lost their jobs in the past few days – we’re all at the mercy of the category-5 shitstorm ginned up by Trump, Elon Musk and a bystander Congress. Indian Country has – by necessity – quickly become more unified to protect tribal sovereignty, treaty rights, and to marshal a collective defense of federal funding for essential programs and services such as health, housing, and education.

It is no wonder then, with all the havoc and uncertainty unleashed, it is increasingly difficult for people to see past the daily crush of news instilling instability and fear, sidelining support for Palestine and Ukraine.

According to Al Jazeera the Palestinian death toll since October 7, 2023, is 61,709, with 17,498 being children. January data from the United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs, the World Health Organization and the Palestinian government show Israeli attacks have damaged almost all of Gaza’s homes (damaged or destroyed), 80 percent of commercial facilities, 88 percent of school buildings, 68 percent of roads, 68 percent of cropland, leaving only 50 percent of hospitals partially functional.

“No Other Land”

I recently saw the film “No Other Land,” a documentary about the Palestinian expulsion from Masafer Yatta in the West Bank. I saw it at a small independent theater in Ithaca, New York, three hours from my home because it is not showing anywhere nearby. A New York Times article explained that no U.S. studio will touch it. With the documentary winning the Academy Award, maybe now it will get wider distribution.

I left the theater feeling sick. And helpless. It was difficult to watch.

Basel Adra, a young Palestinian, has used the only weapon he has, a camera, to document the Israeli military’s relentless attacks that have leveled his small village. He began documenting the gradual chipping away of humanity and dismantling of his community six years ago – well before Oct. 7. He shows the Israeli forces’ slow-moving bulldozers crackling down dry dirt roads, moving in to demolish homes. Villagers are required to obtain permits to rebuild and are denied those. They are forced to take what few worldly belongings they have and shelter in mountainside caves.

Then we see the bulldozing of their goat and sheep pens. The Israelis take their cars. And then they come for their generators.Then the Israeli military bulldozers crush their chicken coops. Another day comes and they flatten their latrines. Then gun-toting troops clear out children from the school and while the frightened children and teachers stand by watching, their school is reduced to rubble. There are shootings; people are killed, injured, paralyzed, and jailed for simply trying to live, survive, and protect the ground beneath their feet. There are daily and then nightly raids and unending terrorism unleashed on non-combatant civilians; unarmed families who refuse to be driven out of their homelands.

Masafer Yatta is effectively an open-air prison, a place they cannot leave; yet Israeli forces are trained to beat them down and run them out. Twenty years ago an apartheid road system was enacted by law. Palestinians are barred from driving on 40 percent of the roads in the West Bank. There are Jewish-only roads and if Palestinians are fortunate enough to have vehicles, they are not permitted to travel outside of their rapidly eroding village. In 2006, the law further restricted Palestinian movement. It is against the law to transport Palestinian passengers in Israeli-driven, Israeli-plated cars without a special permit.

While watching the mounting devastation on film, I kept it together until the soldiers arrived with chainsaws and cut the water lines then drove in cement trucks, filling their water wells with concrete. At that point I could no longer contain the tears I had been choking down. My body shook as I released audible sobs in the dark as the wreckage peaked in the flickering light of film. I could hear others in the theater too had reached their breaking point.

As the credits rolled, I lingered as the lights came up. The film left me anguished, short of breath asking: What can we do?

I couldn’t help but think of my Seneca ancestors and what they went through when George Washington ordered the Sullivan-Clinton Campaign in a scorched-earth military mission to eradicate Haudenosaunee villages from central New York in 1779. No one was spared the sword or musket: women, children, elders were killed. Longhouses were burned to the ground, orchards and cornfields were torched. This was a deliberate, unannounced, forced removal in the name of Manifest Destiny; a superior entitlement to land and resources.

We live in a world that is being ripped apart on many levels by an administration with a similar scorched-earth agenda that doesn’t care about its own people, much less Native people. President Trump cares even less about the oppressed people of Palestine whose lives are literally in ruins.

While we are at the mercy of a regime determined to decimate the department of education, ignore the Constitution, run roughshod over laws and social norms, and presumably, eventually our treaties too, as though this hasn’t already happened–we are still far better off than Palestinians. We are fortunate, privileged, virtually unaffected by the gruesome brutality, inhumanity, and torment inflicted half a world away. We can turn off the news, selectively scroll over feeds, pop in earbuds and tune out the world.

I am reminded of what Colson Whitehead’s character Curtis Elwood said in Nickel Boys. Elwood said, “If everybody looks the other way, then everybody’s in on it.”

The phrase “the power of the pen” used to mean something. In our Indigenous communities we talk about speaking truth to power. Given our history of removal and dispossession, we fist-pump self-determination and land back movements. We honor our ancestors who resisted and fought so we could be here today.

In November 2024, Nick Estes, Lower Brule Oglala Lakota/Jewish, an assistant professor of American Indian Studies at the University of Minnesota wrote: “The United States has clamped down on its own educational system, banning books teaching its true settler colonial history, while brutalizing college students and cracking down on educators opposing its genocide against Palestinians. And yet there is still hope for justice.”

Hundreds of thousands of Palestinians remain resolute about staying on their lands. They are not giving up, just like our ancestors refused to give up.

There have been some Indigenous voices that have stood up in solidarity with Palestine– plenty of Native students on college campuses, and six tribes. But with 568 tribes staying quiet, mostly there has been resounding silence throughout Indian Country; and a clear discomfort within the ranks of the largest national Native collective of tribal leaders. That voice has been noticeably, painfully silent as Palestinians fight to keep their feet on their lands–just like we did.

There is a George Saunders short story, “Love Letter”, written in 2022 that serves as a cautionary tale of the dangers of passivity and the need for resistance. The grandfather in the story writes a letter to his grandson. The times are terrifyingly bleak–perhaps prescient–under a tightly controlled kind of police state. There is a double-edged message the grandfather sends: lay low and stay safe, and yet what might we do? Dangerous times unfold when resistance is neutralized by fear, despair, and indifference.

I ask myself: What can we do? How can I make a difference? As Adra has taken up his camera, I have only my keyboard. I cannot stay quiet. Unlike the grandfather in “Love Letter”, I will not tell my children to stay silent. Because as with all wars and battles: if we submit, there is much to lose, and an even more constrained and dangerous future looms.

Accepting the Oscar for the film, Basel Adra said, “We call on the world to take serious actions to stop the injustice and to stop the ethnic cleansing of Palestinian people.”

"No Other Land" should be seen, shared, and talked about. Indigenous eyes should not be averted; impassioned young voices should not be squelched, support for Palestine should not quietly die out. Just as with each and every one of our Native nations–their fight is not over.

Leslie Logan, Seneca, has been an occasional contributor to ICT for more than 10 years. She is the former associate director of the American Indian and Indigenous Studies Program at Cornell University. She is a freelance writer, public relations consultant and grassroots community activist currently working on community and youth engagement initiatives for the Seneca Nation.





This opinion-editorial essay does not reflect the views of ICT; voices in our opinion section represent a variety of reader points of view. If you would like to contribute an essay to ICT, email opinion@ictnews.org
Most Greenlanders are Lutheran, 300 years after a missionary brought the faith to the remote island

About 90% of the 57,000 Greenlanders identify as Inuit and the vast majority of them belong to the Lutheran Church today, more than 300 years after a Danish missionary brought that branch of Christianity to the world's largest island.


A woman walks at a graveyard covered by snow as the sun sets in Nuuk, Greenland, Sunday, Feb. 16, 2025. (AP Photo/Emilio Morenatti)

MAR 10, 2025
Luis Andres Henao
Associated Press

NUUK, Greenland (AP) — Most Greenlanders are proudly Inuit, having survived and thrived in one of most remote and climatically inhospitable places on Earth.

And they're Lutheran.

About 90% of the 57,000 Greenlanders identify as Inuit and the vast majority of them belong to the Lutheran Church today, more than 300 years after a Danish missionary brought that branch of Christianity to the world's largest island.

For many, their devotion to ritual and tradition is as much a part of what it means to be a Greenlander as is their fierce deference to the homeland. The one so many want U.S. President Donald Trump to understand is not for sale despite his threats to seize it.

Greenland is huge — about three times the size of Texas; most of it covered in ice. Still, its 17 parishes are located across many settlements in the icy land and people endure the frigid Arctic climate to fill up church pews on Sundays.

Some even tune in to radio-transmitted services on their phones on a break from fishing and hunting for seals, whales and polar bears, as their ancestors have done for generations.

That rugged yet vulnerable lifestyle helps fuel people's devotion, said Bishop Paneeraq Siegstad Munk, leader of Greenland's Evangelical Lutheran Church.

"If you see outside, nature is enormous, huge, and man is so little," she told The Associated Press after a recent Sunday service in the capital city, Nuuk, where slippery ice covered the city's streets.

"You know you won't be able to survive by yourself," she said.

That is, unless "you have faith," she added. "God is not only in the building of the church but everywhere where he has created."

Religiosity levels vary in Greenland as it does elsewhere. Sometimes being a member of the Lutheran Church here doesn't mean one believes fully — or at all — in the church's teachings, or even the presence of God.

Recently, Salik Schmidt, 35, and Malu Schmidt, 33, celebrated their wedding with family members, who joyously threw rice on them to wish them good fortune outside the red-painted wooden Church of Our Savior. Built in 1849, it is known as the Nuuk Cathedral.

Malu is spiritual but not religious; Salik is an atheist. Both said they'll proudly belong to the Lutheran Church for life.

"Traditions are important to me because they pass on from my grandparents to my parents, and it's been my way of honoring them," Malu said later in their home while her sister babysat their daughter.

It also provides a sense of safety and permanence among change, Salik said.

"It's something that is always there," he said. "It brings joy to us."

There are two Lutheran churches in Nuuk.

The Hans Egede Church is named for the Danish-Norwegian missionary who came to Greenland in 1721 with the aim of spreading Christianity, and who founded the capital city seven years later.



A short distance away stands the cathedral, and next to it, a statue of Egede remains on a hill in the Old District. In recent years, the statue was vandalized, doused with red paint and marked with the word "decolonize."

Egede's legacy is divisive. Some credit him for helping educate the local population and spreading Lutheranism, which continues to unite many Greenlanders under rituals and tradition.

"The positive side is that the church made people literate in less than a hundred years after the mission started," said Flemming Nielsen, head of the University of Greenland's theology department.

"When you can read, you use your skill for anything," he said. "We have a rich Greenlandic literature starting at the middle of the 19th century. … It was the missionaries who invented a written language. And that is an important legacy."

But for some, Egede symbolizes the arrival of colonialism and the suppression of rich Inuit traditions and culture by Lutheran missionaries and Denmark's rule.

"His statue should be taken down," wrote Juno Berthelsen, a co-founder of the Greenlandic organization Nalik, in a widely shared social media post in 2020.

"The reason is simple," said Berthelsen, who is a candidate in next week's parliamentary election for the Naleraq party. "These statues symbolize colonial violence and stand as an insult and an institutionalized daily slap-in-the face of people who have suffered and still suffer from the consequences of colonial violence and legacies."

Greenland is now a semi-autonomous territory of Denmark, and Greenlanders are increasingly in favor of getting full independence — a crucial issue in the election on March 11.

Some say Greenland's independence movement has received a boost after Trump pushed their Arctic homeland into the spotlight by threatening to take it over.

At a time of uncertainty, "it's important for us to have faith," said the Rev. John Johansen after a service at the Hans Egede Church, where an American couple visiting Greenland attended wearing pins that read: "I didn't vote for him."

Greenlanders "always have faith, no matter what," Johansen said. "Of course they worry about Trump because they can lose their independence, their freedom. They don't want to be American; they don't want to be Danes. They only wish for their own independence."

The Church of Greenland separated from Denmark's Evangelical Lutheran Church in 2009 and is funded by Greenland's government. Although the Lutheran Church comes from Denmark, the leader of the church in Greenland is proud that it remains uniquely Greenlandic.


Salik Schmidt and Malu Schmidt hold their 8-month daughter as they pose for a photo during their wedding at the Church of our Savior in Nuuk, Greenland, Saturday, Feb. 15, 2025. (AP Photo/Emilio Morenatti)

"It was translated often from Danish rituals, but since the beginning we have always used our language and it goes directly to our heart," Siegstad Munk said. "When I see other Indigenous people, most go to their church in the state's language. But here in Greenland, everything goes from Greenlandic. It's good for us to have our own religious language."

In recent years, young people have increasingly demanded the revival of pre-Christian shamanistic traditions like drum dancing; some have been getting Inuit tattoos to proudly reclaim their ancestral roots. For some, it's a way to publicly and permanently reject the legacy of Danish colonialism and European influence.

Still, the Lutheran Church, Nielsen said, remains for many an important part of the national identity.

"People wear the national costumes when children are present or at funerals and weddings and the religious holidays," he said.

Greenland was a colony under Denmark's crown until 1953, when it became a province in the Scandinavian country. In 1979, the island was granted home rule, and 30 years later Greenland became a self-governing entity. But Denmark retains control over foreign and defense affairs.

Until 1953, no other denominations were allowed to register and work in Greenland other than the Lutheran Church, said Gimmi Olsen, an assistant professor in the theology department at the University of Greenland.

Since then, Pentecostal and Catholic churches — mostly serving immigrants from the Philippines — have settled in Greenland. Other Christians include Baptists and Jehovah's Witnesses.

As in other parts of the world, younger people tend to go to church less, and more are joining the ranks of the religiously unaffiliated — even when, at least on paper, they remain part of the Greenlandic Lutheran Church.

"People are not always 'belonging' to the church, in the sense, that they do not go there every Sunday," said Olsen.

"For the vast majority of the Greenlandic Society, being a member of the Lutheran Folk-Church is the normal," he said, even if it is normal to only go to church a few times a year, for baptisms, weddings, funerals, or on Christmas and Easter.

That kind of solemnity and joy coexist through ritual and tradition. On the same day, even in the same service, there can be contrasting emotions.

In Nuuk, a pastor dressed in black robes and white ruff collar faces the altar with the rest of the congregation to somberly speak to God. In nearly full wooden pews, congregants follow the service in silence.

But then, the quiet, prayerful service goes from what seems like a black-and-white silent film to a technicolor talkie. Pastor and congregants will sing hymns and beam with a smile and cheer on the couple about to get married, or the baby about to be christened. The men are in white anoraks and women in the traditional national dress of shawls stitched with colorful beads and boots made of sealskin reserved for formal occasions.

"I'm not worried about the church," said the Rev. Aviaja Rohmann Hansen, a pastor of the Hans Egede Church.

"If we saw few people like in Denmark, I'd be worried. But we have people at the church every Sunday. We have a lot of baptisms, we have a lot of confirmations, we have a lot of marriages. So, I'm not worried about the church. I hope this will continue because it makes Greenlanders come together."
On a recent day, she baptized Marie Louise Nissen's grandson at the Nuuk Cathedral.

"Baptism is important," Nissen said, smiling as she was briefly interrupted when one of her young family members had to be rescued from slippery ice outside the church.

"It's important to us to invite the kids into the Christian faith," she said. "This is a good day to celebrate and give a name — that's what is important to us."

Her daughter, Malou Nissen, then chimed in: "I think it's more a tradition thing for me. It's a day you'll remember forever." When asked what the Lutheran Church means to her, she said: "Everybody is welcome. It's a place for tears and for happiness."

Her mother agreed: "Today is a celebration; maybe next month it's a funeral, and it's the same place we go — it's the same place to make memories."

___



Associated Press journalist Emilio Morenatti contributed to this report.

__

Associated Press religion coverage receives support through the AP's collaboration with The Conversation US, with funding from Lilly Endowment Inc. The AP is solely responsible for this content.




Indigenous futurism brings fresh perspectives to pop culture




Sadekaronhes Esquivel is a Kanien’kehà:ka and Mexican Indigenous artist and writer who utilizes illustration and gaming to create worlds and stories that promote imaginative futures, enhancing Native representation in pop culture.


RIZE MAG
MAR 16, 2025

This is part four of a five-part collaborative series between RIZE Magazine and the Museum of Pop Culture, with support from 4Culture. The piece originally appeared in RIZE Magazine.

Sadekaronhes Esquivel (any pronouns) is a Kanien’kehà:ka and Mexican Indigenous artist and writer whose maternal family resides on the Tyendinaga Mohawk Reserve in Ontario, California and paternal family migrated from Casa Grandes, Mexico. He comes from a family of artists, writers, beaders, painters, and regalia crafters.



Esquivel utilizes illustration and gaming to create worlds and stories that promote imaginative futures and possibilities, enhancing Native representation in pop culture.

“If you can’t imagine a future for your people, do you have one?” Esquivel shared.

Esquivel looks at Indigenous futurism through the lens of what could change but also what is culturally relevant because Native people will continue to be connected to their communities, and that will keep people grounded into the future.



“I think with Indigenous futurism, the thing about it is it’s a chance to tell stories through our own lenses without relying on the shared culture that we have right now through colonization,” Esquivel said. “It’s a chance to imagine something different.”

Esquivel’s vision of Indigenous futurism doesn’t necessarily have to be set in the future. It can be non-linear storytelling. Anything that defies the typical narratives we see.




“One of the things that really bums me out the most is when we see the trauma bombing in so much Native literature and media,” Esquivel said. “Those projects don’t feel like they’re made for a Native audience because we’ve already been through it. It feels more like it’s informing a non-Native crowd. Killers of The Flower Moon is a perfect example. That movie’s incredibly hard to watch as a Native person because we know that history, we’ve experienced that history and it might not be as overtly violent that we can see, but it’s still there and it’s still happening and these murders and deaths still happen. We are facing these things now, [like] MMIWP. We live in that world and I think Indigenous futurism gives us a chance to sort of escape from that and not in a bad way, but in a way that’s healing — in a way that gives us an outlet to imagine what should be, and not being restrained.”

In Esquivel’s experience, if the story isn’t about Native trauma, people have perceived Native futurism to be utopian. As an illustrator, he contributed to the Kickstarter hit Indigenous Science Fantasy tabletop role-playing game Coyote & Crow. Because Coyote &
Crow is Native futurism, a lot of people assumed it was utopian, which is a major misconception. Esquivel stressed that Native people had conflicts before settlers arrived.

Growing up, he read the Haudenosaunee Great Law of Peace, also known as Kaianere’kó:wa in Kanien’kehá:ka or Mohawk, which is a set of governing principles that established the Haudenosaunee Confederacy and helped shape the emerging United States’ governance and democratic principles.

The Haudenosaunee Confederacy united a confederation of Native nations governed by their Great Law of Peace. The document is all about consensus building among nations and influenced the development of American democracy after Benjamin Franklin and Thomas Jefferson had direct interactions with the Haudenosaunee.

There were conflicts that the people were working towards a unified solution to. For Esquivel, this document reads like Indigenous futurism.

Esquivel’s work includes lead concept artist on the Indigenous CyberNoir Detective video game, Hill Agency: PURITYdecay, which asks the question, “What would our world look like on the brink of freedom from colonial oppression?” He was able to reimagine Indigenous futures.


Photo courtesy of Sadekaronhes Esquivel.

In this world, the lead character is a Two-Spirit detective who Esquivel calls “a grumpy little old man.” This future is post-ecological disaster, and wars. In the wake of all that destruction, a lot of the population left the planet to go find a new planet to colonize.

“In the world of Hill Agency, the Indigenous people have stayed because this is our home, we’re not going to abandon it,” Esquivel said.

The storyline of the game is a re-imagining of how to take an abandoned city and rebuild civilization through Native values, cultures and creative vision. In the Hill Agency envisioning, it’s an Indigenous, more sustainable and handcrafted world.

“Looking through my own family photos with some family members, there’s tons of photos of family members just suited up in nice outfits, big lapels, hair slicked back, pencil line dresses, blouses, they’re really nice, all handmade, handcrafted outfits,” Esquivel said. “That [fashion] lends itself to this idea that the society is rebuilding itself. There’s no fast fashion in this world. You’re handmaking everything. So in this world it makes sense that these kind of old-style retro futurism, 1940s noir things are coming back.”

The three-tiered city in the game is also based heavily on northeastern Native peoples like the Cree, Iroquois, Mohawk, and Haudenosaunee.

“All of the signage in the games is Cree,” Esquivel said. “And it was sort of like this chance to say, how would we take this place that existed and remake it to fit this cultural resurgence? And we’re really trying to show that we’re not a wasteful people. We’re going to rebuild, reuse all of the buildings in the world. The approach is that it’s a matrilineal home for your extended family. So every building is essentially a long house and you have a house mother. So in the game you see your little auntie and she’s the typical Native auntie. She’s little, she’s a little mean, and she’s very sassy, but she loves you, just that tough love that we’re all used to. The game starts with her kicking your character in the butt, metaphorically, telling you to get outside and go look for some stuff.”

Esquivel is also a comic artist and writer with work in MOONSHOT: The Indigenous Comics Collection, Vol. 3, and the story “Quiet Nights” in A Howl: An Indigenous Anthology of Wolves, Werewolves, and Rougarou.

As a writer, he created character bios for the Water Tribe Legends characters and helped develop a new canon Water Tribe character in the Avatar Legends tabletop role-playing game. He was also the concept artist for the video games Blacklight: Retribution, Blacklight: Tango Down, SAW, and SAW II: Flesh & Blood.



Sadekaronhes and Deyorhathe Esquivel, Kanien’keha:ke & Mexican descent, makeup the company Rising Sons Media. Photo courtesy of Sadekaronhes Esquivel.

Esquivel currently lives in the Duwamish homelands of the Greater Seattle area and runs a small business, Rising Sons Media LLC, with their brother, Teiorhathe. Rising Sons Media art and apparel has everything from futuristic Native-designed leggings to iPhone cases with Esquivel’s take on a Native Wednesday Addams. Everything in the shop inspires excitement and ignites the imagination about, and for, Native futures.

The full-length interview can be found here. The interviews were video and audio recorded and saved in the MoPop Online Collections Vault with over 1,000 others.

Editor’s note: In collaboration with the Museum of Pop Culture (MoPop) for its “WA Untold Pop Culture Stories” project, this series focuses on the stories of King County pop culture creators in order to ensure that a more accurate representation of culture artists in America is preserved for future generations.

RIZE’s founder, Luna Reyna, Little Shell Ojibwe descendant, came to this project hoping to bring varying Indigenous stories, identities and perspectives to the forefront. Through this series, we explore pop culture voices of Indigenous creators in what is now commonly considered Washington state.


BY RIZE MAG
Our purpose is to bring more diverse stories to the forefront. Everything we feature prioritizes the perspectives, experiences, and needs of the systematically excluded. Art is vital to revolutionary practice and movements. RIZE intends to be an instrument of amplification of art that expresses the conditions of an unjust society and facilitates healing.

WAIT, WHAT?!

Judge rules Minnesota can prosecute marijuana crimes on reservations

The ruling addresses state law enforcement's jurisdiction over marijuana sales in Indian Country following the state's legalization of recreational use in 2023


The Mahnomen County Courthouse in 2023.
 (Max Nesterak/Minnesota Reformer)


MAR 20, 2025
Max Nesterak
Minnesota Reformer

A Minnesota district court judge ruled that the state may prosecute Native Americans on most reservations for possessing large amounts of marijuana, allowing a felony case against a White Earth man to proceed.

The ruling is the first — though likely not the last — to address state law enforcement’s jurisdiction over marijuana in Indian Country since Minnesota legalized its recreational use in 2023.

Todd Thompson, a White Earth citizen, faces a felony possession charge with a maximum sentence of five years in prison and a $10,000 fine for selling marijuana without a license from his tobacco store in Mahnomen on the White Earth reservation.

Mahnomen County sheriff’s deputies and White Earth tribal police raided his store on Aug. 2, 2023, a day after recreational cannabis became legal in Minnesota, and seized about 7.5 lbs of cannabis, 433 grams of marijuana wax and $2,748 in cash along with Thompson’s cell phone and surveillance system.



Thompson asked Mahnomen County District Judge Seamus Duffy to dismiss the charge, arguing that the state doesn’t have the legal jurisdiction to prosecute him.

Under what’s called Public Law 280, Minnesota has the power to prosecute tribal members on certain reservations including White Earth’s for criminal acts but not civil or regulatory violations of state law. Thompson and his attorney, Claire Glenn, argued that after cannabis was legalized in Minnesota, possessing and selling the drug became a regulatory matter, not a criminal one.

The judge, in a ruling issued earlier this month, disagreed. He wrote that the possession of “non-personal, non-recreational amounts of marijuana in public is generally prohibited,” and that just because the state may issue licenses to businesses to sell marijuana, doesn’t mean it’s only a regulatory matter. He pointed to a case in which a White Earth man was convicted of possessing a pistol without a permit on tribal land.

Thompson also argued that prosecuting him for possession of cannabis violated his rights under the United States’ 1855 Treaty with the Ojibwe, which guarantees the Ojibwe usufructuary rights to hunt, fish and gather on ceded lands.

Again, the judge disagreed, pointing out that even Thompson acknowledged marijuana was not used in a ceremonial way in the 1800s, and that treaties guarantee rights to tribes, not individuals. Minnesota’s law does not limit the White Earth Nation’s right to regulate marijuana on their land, the judge wrote.


J.D. Vance’s ‘fake holiday’ and ‘two-spirit’ comments raise concerns


Thompson, through his attorney, said the ruling was “disappointing, but not surprising.”

“Exercising my rights should not be controversial or complicated. But once again, the state has failed to respect our sovereignty, our constitution, our own rule of law that has existed since long before the state of Minnesota even existed,” Thompson said.

Thompson’s attorney said they are considering their avenues for appeal. Complicating matters is the fact that criminal cases can typically only be appealed after a conviction, which means Thompson could be forced to go to prison before being able to appeal the judge’s ruling.

The potential conviction of a Native American man for selling marijuana without a license would seem to cut against one of the central arguments Minnesota Democrats made in favor of legalization, which was to undo racial disparities in marijuana charges. State Democrats even mandated that a certain number of licenses be set aside for so-called social equity applicants who have been disproportionately affected by the War on Drugs.

Even so, in the interest of public safety, state lawmakers maintained criminal penalties for possessing large amounts of cannabis or selling it without a license.

Thompson flouted those requirements in a direct challenge to state and tribal regulations. Like many Native people, he says he doesn’t believe Public Law 280 is legitimate. He also says the White Earth tribal council — which voted just days before the state cannabis law took effect to legalize adult-use cannabis and sell it from a tribal-run dispensary — overstepped its authority in establishing rules on cannabis sales.

This isn’t the first time Thompson has publicly taunted law enforcement in order to assert tribal sovereignty. In 2015, he was cited for illegally gillnetting on Gull Lake without a permit. Thompson fought the charges, which were ultimately dropped years later after a district court judge ruled that Thompson retained fishing rights on Gull Lake as a citizen of the White Earth Nation.

Thompson also successfully fought a citation by the state Department of Natural Resources for illegally harvesting wild rice on Height of Land Lake in 2023.

Prosecutors initially dropped that case in 2024 but refiled it last August, right before ricing season. Thompson argued the timing and delay was malicious, and on Wednesday, Becker County District Judge Michelle Lawson agreed.

She dismissed the ricing case, ruling that prosecutors unnecessarily delayed bringing the case, which caused Thompson to miss two seasons of harvesting wild rice out of fear of further incidents with law enforcement.


BY MINNESOTA REFORMER
The Minnesota Reformer is an independent, nonprofit news organization dedicated to keeping Minnesotans informed and unearthing stories other outlets can’t or won’t tell.