Why Is Capitalism Creating An Economy That Is 40% Bullsh*t Jobs?

As a society, we’re forcing millions of people to go to offices five days a week, eight hours a day, and do nothing

Mitchell Peterson  

May 18, 2021

Cover photo from the author.

If someone had designed a work regime perfectly suited to maintaining the power of finance capital, it’s hard to see how they could have done a better job. Real, productive workers are relentlessly squeezed and exploited. The remainder are divided between a terrorized stratum of the, universally reviled, unemployed and a larger stratum who are basically paid to do nothing, in positions designed to make them identify with the perspectives and sensibilities of the ruling class (managers, administrators, etc.) — and particularly its financial avatars — but, at the same time, foster a simmering resentment against anyone whose work has clear and undeniable social value. -David Graeber

Irecently read David Graeber’s classic book, Bullshit Jobs, and as suspected, it was entertaining while being mind-blowingly enlightening. His anthropological knowledge, crowdsourced first-hand accounts, and writing chops made this the fastest book I’ve read in a long time.

As a whole, it’s an awesome observation of a terrifyingly stupid economic phenomenon and in classic Graeber fashion, an excellent societal critique.

So, what is a bullshit job, and are you working one?

His definition of a bullshit job is: a form of paid employment that is so completely pointless, unnecessary, or pernicious that even the employee cannot justify its existence even though, as a part of the conditions of employment, the employee feels obliged to pretend this is not the case.

A bullshit job is not to be confused with a shitty job. Making Big Macs, collecting garbage, or cleaning office buildings are not bullshit jobs. They all serve a purpose, and society would surely notice their absence. Service jobs or blue-collar work are rarely bullshit, and the last year showed that.

There are also whole sectors of the economy that are basically bullshit from a value production standpoint — I particularly like economist Michael Hudson’s critiques of the FIRE sectors (Finance, Insurance, and Real Estate). The world would be much better off without political lobbyists, corporate lawyers, PR firms that launder the image of dictators, or advertisers that manipulate us into thinking we can’t be happy unless we’ve purchased the correct hair products, sneakers, or fleet of jet skis.

It’s all horrifying, a lot of it is useless, and some jobs within those industries could fall into the category of bullshit jobs, but they’re not all necessarily the bullshit Graeber is talking about.

So, where are all of these bullshit jobs, who’s working them, and why do they exist?

They’re everywhere, but one would be surprised to hear that they are not all in the government — not by a long shot. Free market fundamentalists have an impossibly hard time believing that a firm would hire someone to do nothing, but they do it all the time — I’ve got evidence Mr. Friedman!

Typically, bullshit jobs are white-collar office positions that pay well. From the testimonials, a secretary at a Dutch publishing company whose main responsibility was keeping a bowl of mints full comes to mind. Or the guy hired to run an in-firm communication network that nobody at the company used. Or the security guard who had to watch over an empty room in a museum for eight hours a day and wasn’t allowed to bring anything to help him pass the time.

The rise of managerial and administrative positions over the last fifty or sixty years has added to the vastness of the BS. Scores of middle manager and executive VP positions have been created, often serving no purpose beyond leading meetings and keeping a hawkish eye on employees who don’t need hyper-diligent supervision. Many of them wrote to Graeber about how little they do and how, among their manager-level coworkers, they’re not allowed to say it out loud.

The bullshit is everywhere, and reading people’s first-hand experiences was fascinating, comical, and sad. It is surprisingly difficult mentally, emotionally, and spiritually to spend forty hours a week knowing you’re making zero difference and utterly wasting your time.

There’s also the phenomenon Graeber terms, the bullshitization of work

Image by mohamed Hassan from Pixabay

Parallel to the bullshit jobs phenomenon, it is increasingly common that productive, important workers, like nurses or teachers, are spending more time not doing what they’re hired to do.

They’re filling out compliance forms, attending BS meetings, or doing performance reviews. To be clear, every job has elements of bullshit. And the data-driven, quarterly metrics, fill-out-these-forms, and submit them to x-y-and-z aspects of most work are going up.

Also, there are millions and millions of people whose jobs aren’t complete bullshit, but they go to the office every day and could finish their work in a few short hours. But, modern capitalism being modern capitalism — one doesn’t get the full value they create nor have they sold their services alone — they’ve sold forty hours of their week, so they stretch out their daily tasks, pretend to be busy, and are forced to stay until five pm.

It’s way more common than you think

The Pew Gov poll Graeber cites throughout the book while being a few years old now, showed that 37% of workers thought of their jobs as completely useless. That’s a rough figure but still, one in three people feels that their job makes zero impact on the world.

Add the ancillary services for those BS jobs, like cleaning and maintaining the BS offices, as well as the services that arise from people being too busy, like dog washers or meal prep services, and the hardly-necessary portion of the economy inches even closer to half the workforce.

The problems in the world are many, and a huge percentage of the working population is spending most of their lives engaged in meaningless bullshit.

Why are we doing this to ourselves?

Being an anthropologist, Graeber goes through the history of what we call work in Europe and America. He traces the feudal practice where most people sent their own children to be servants in others’ homes for seven to fifteen years as part of their “progression” into adulthood. The thought was that one wasn’t a perfected human until they had been taught to be properly subservient.

There’s also what we refer to as the protestant work ethic. And there’s a puritanical vein to all of this as well. It’s the mentality that persevering through the drudgery is an act of character, a show of moral fortitude. The work isn’t important: the suffering is.

Puritanism: the haunting fear that someone, somewhere, may be happy. H.L. Mencken

Valuing ourselves and our worth based on a job is a psyche that runs deep, and yet, most people hate their jobs. In one of the middle manager testimonies, this guy named Clement said it best: “the pressure to value ourselves and others on the basis of how hard we work at something we’d rather not be doing… if you’re not destroying your mind and body via paid work, you’re not living right.”

I feel I need to make the caveat that, of course, working hard is a virtue. But what are we working on? To what end? And, is there any balance with other things in life like family, community, and personal development?

Hard work is a virtue, but why the hell aren’t we, as a society, working harder to solve the myriad of real problems we have? Poverty, homelessness, hunger, global freaking warming, the many refugee crises, political corruption, plastic in the ocean, plastic everywhere, the disappearing rainforests, air pollution, the sixth mass extinction in planetary history, the rise of fascism, obesity, and COVID-19 are just a few of the problems we need to address.

And roughly one in three workers feels that they’re completely wasting their time for forty-plus hours a week.

What are we doing?

David Graeber was a much smarter man than I’ll ever be, and he didn’t offer a list of policy solutions, so I’m not going to either. He does mention that UBI would be a step in the right direction. In the final chapter, he has passages from his correspondence with activists from the Wages for Housework movement and wrote about how they came to the same conclusion that UBI makes sense.

People are doing critically important things for a society like raising children or caring for their elderly parents but have to worry about making rent or living on the street. While, at the same time, chunky middle managers are trying to get the buffalo sauce stains out of their khakis and pretending to be busy for eighty grand a year.

Again, what are we doing?

UBI would go a long way to disconnecting work from basic survival. It would give people a bit of room to breathe and freedom from the economic boot on their neck. On its own, it wouldn’t be enough, but it’d be something.

The mindset also needs to change. We are more than our jobs. Graeber made the point that on our tombstones, we rarely put VP of International Development, Head of Procurement, or Assistant Regional Manager — except maybe Dwight Shrute.

So why do we identify so strongly with our jobs?

They say economics is the study of who gets what and why in a society. These days in the US and to a degree in Europe, the prevailing economic ideology is warped to the point of psychosis.

We’d rather let the six Walton kids — who inherited every penny and didn’t build a thing — have six mega-mansions each, six mega-yachts, six Gulf Stream jets, and unimaginable wealth for each of their offspring for the next sixty-six generations than let a portion of the population earn more or work a little less for the same money?

I believe that this instinct to perpetuate useless work is, at bottom, simply fear of the mob. The mob (the thought runs) are such low animals they would be dangerous if they had any leisure; it is safer to keep them too busy to think. -George Orwell

In the first half of the 20th century, economists like John Maynard Keynes predicted that because of technology, by the year 2000, we’d have 15 hour work weeks. Why does the premier economic mind of his time, the man who created the post-WWII, Bretton-Woods framework that rebuilt Europe and the world, sound like a crackpot in 2021?

We could be living that life. Instead, wages have stagnated for people doing service or blue-collar jobs, so they’re working harder than ever to simply get by. At the same time, many middle managers and administrators are cleverly “staying busy,” but swimming in shame because they’re getting paid while not contributing to society.

With current technology, it would not be that hard to materially provide for all on earth. The planet can easily sustain the needs of the many; it cannot sustain the greed of the rich.

Let’s change our mindset around work, value, and whether people “deserve” to live if they’re not completely sacrificing themselves to the economic machine.

Let’s cut the bullshit.

It’s hard to imagine a surer sign that one is dealing with an irrational economic system than the fact that the prospect of eliminating drudgery is considered to be a problem.
David Graeber

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LABOUR'S LOVE LOST

Gen Z does not dream of labor

On TikTok and online, the youngest workers are rejecting work as we know it. How will that play out IRL?

By Terry Nguyen  Updated Apr 22, 2022, 

Illustration by Bea Hayward for Vox

Bea Hayward for Vox

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“I don’t have goals. I don’t have ambition. I only want to be attractive.” This apathetic declaration is the start of a TikTok rant that went viral for its blatant message: to reject hard work and indulge in leisure. Thousands of young people have since remixed the sound on the app, providing commentary about their post-college plans, dream jobs, or ideal lifestyles as stay-at-home spouses.

Over the past two years, young millennials and members of Gen Z have created an abundance of memes and pithy commentary about their generational disillusionment toward work. The jokes, which correspond with the rise of anti-work ideology online, range from shallow and shameless (“Rich housewife is the goal”) to candid and pessimistic.

“I don’t want to be a girlboss. I don’t want to hustle,” declaimed another TikTok user. “I simply want to live my life slowly and lay down in a bed of moss with my lover and enjoy the rest of my existence reading books, creating art, and loving myself and the people in my life.”

Many have taken to declaring how they don’t have dream jobs since they “don’t dream of labor.” This buzzy phrase, popularized on social media in the pandemic, rejects work as a basis for identity, framing it instead as an act to pursue out of financial necessity. To quote the billionaire Kim Kardashian, it does seem like nobody wants to work these days. Nobody wants to work in jobs where they are underpaid, underappreciated, and overworked — especially not young people.

The reality is much more complicated. American workers across various ages, industries, and income brackets have experienced heightened levels of fatigue, burnout, and general dissatisfaction toward their jobs since the pandemic’s start. The difference is, more young people are airing these indignations and jaded attitudes on the internet, often to viral acclaim.

Today’s young people are not the first to experience economic hardship, but they are the first to broadcast their struggles in ways that, just a decade ago, might alienate potential employers or be deemed too radical. Such attitudes might abate with age, but the Great Resignation has inspired a generation of workers to speak critically — and cynically — about the role of labor in their lives. As a result, zoomers (and millennials, to an extent) have been touted, perhaps undeservedly, as beacons of anti-capitalism and pivotal figures in the nationwide quitting spree.

Activists are hopeful that the current pro-worker momentum can be harnessed into legislative or union-based gains. Still, it’s too early to tell whether this brazen anti-work ethos can effectively support and fuel labor organizing. America’s youngest workers, who have a lifetime’s worth of labor ahead of them, are not afraid to publicly quit their jobs or put employers on blast. But will these virtual acts of employee resistance culminate in lasting systemic change?

BusinessBusiness Insider recently cited data claiming that emboldened Gen Z workers were more “likely to change jobs more often than any other generation,” and a recent Bloomberg poll found that millennials, followed by zoomers, are the most likely to leave their current position for a higher salary.

Generational stereotypes and categorizations, for better or for worse, have pervaded our perception of American work culture and the workplace. These age-based categorizations are usually reductive, and exclude key factors like education level, social class, race, and gender in their analyses. Still, they do offer a revealing read into the ambitions and aspirations of the country’s youngest workers, regardless of whether they’re actively leaving their jobs.

While it’s certainly easy to group workers by age, more emphasis should be placed on when people enter the workforce, the coinciding state of the economy, and the various safety net programs in place, said Sarah Damaske, an associate professor of sociology and labor and employment relations at Penn State University.

“It’s not necessarily that different generations hold different attitudes about work,” Damaske argued. “For millennials and for some members of Gen Z, they’ve witnessed two recessions, back-to-back. This is a very different labor market experience than what their parents and grandparents encountered.”

Many zoomers entered the workforce during the pandemic-affected economy, amid years of stagnant wages and, more recently, rising inflation. “My dad got a job straight out of high school, saved up, and bought a house in his 20s,” said Anne Dakota, a 21-year-old receptionist from Asheville, North Carolina, who earns minimum wage. “I don’t even think that’s possible for me, at least with the current money I make.”

MANY ZOOMERS ENTERED THE WORKFORCE DURING THE PANDEMIC-AFFECTED ECONOMY. NATURALLY, THIS HAS MAJOR CONSEQUENCES FOR SOCIAL ATTITUDES ABOUT WORK.

Naturally, this has major consequences for social attitudes about work — and the viability of performing labor in times of crisis. What sets zoomers apart, according to common narratives, is their determination to be fulfilled and defined by other aspects of life. They expect employers to recognize that and promote policies and benefits that encourage work-life balance.

For decades, if not centuries, this was not the case. Work has been — and continues to be — a major aspect of the American identity. “Most people identify themselves as workers,” said Damaske. “It’s an identity that adults willingly take on.”

The pandemic changed that for everyone, not just the youngest workers. In addition to reassessing their relationship to work, people are reflecting upon their greater life purpose. One human resources manager called it the “Great Reflection,” wherein people are “taking stock of what they want out of a job, what they want out of employment, and what they want out of their life.” More often than not, workers are not content with labor that is unsatisfying, low-paying, and potentially harmful. And Gen Z has not been shy about detailing these expectations to employers and on social media.

“I think people are realizing that we just want better for ourselves,” said Jade Carson, 22, a content creator who shares career advice for Gen Z. “I want to be in a role where I can grow professionally and personally. I don’t want to be stressed, depressed, or always waiting to clock out.”

On TikTok, Carson has shared tips on negotiating salary, potential employer red flags to be wary of, and her workplace non-negotiables. Her goal is to help job applicants realize that they should not be afraid to ask for what they deserve, even if most of her audience is currently at the bottom of the career ladder. “Even with internships, I only promote paid opportunities,” Carson said. “There’s so much valuable free knowledge out there. More people are realizing that they can make career moves or requests they otherwise didn’t think they could.”

In some cases, workers are quitting without anything lined up. It’s a common rallying cry on #QuitTok, where users endorse and applaud those who’ve left demoralizing jobs.

“I’m here to tell you that you also have permission to quit a job that makes you miserable,” said one 28-year-old TikToker, who recently left teaching.

This was the case for Nikki Phillips, 27, who resigned from her role in warehousing and fulfillment services in October, after months of dealing with “a toxic work environment.” Though some of her work can be done remotely, Phillips was required to be in the office full time, and eventually she contracted Covid-19 (she was fully vaccinated). The final straw, she said, was when her boss made her feel guilty for being out sick. “Life is about so much more than working yourself to death,” Phillips said. “I don’t want to keep working 40 hours a week, coming home only to have four hours a night to spend with my kids and boyfriend, and do it all again the next day.”

Phillips, a self-described “struggling zillennial,” is a single mother of two who dropped out of community college to start working in her early 20s. She didn’t expect to leave her old job with nothing lined up, but the experience took “such a drastic toll on [her] happiness” that she felt better walking away: “My mental health and my happiness matters more than my salary, but at the same time, I can’t afford to not have a job because I’ve got bills to pay and two kids to support.” And it empowered her to know that so many workers seemed to be doing the same.

Phillips’s predicament is reflective of most working-class employees, according to Damaske, who don’t have the financial means to stop working for a protracted period of time. As a job seeker without a college degree, Phillips said she struggles to be considered for well-paying opportunities, even in roles she has experience in. Still, she’d rather take a lesser-paying job that allows her to work from home with respectful managers over a well-paid position with little flexibility and a poor work culture. “I want to work with people who understand that I’m a human being and don’t expect me to be a corporate slave,” Phillips said.

While younger workers have developed a reputation for “job hopping,” Damaske believes employers are also to blame. “We really have seen an erosion in the employer-employee contract over the last 40 years,” she said. “Why are young people being asked to make commitments to employers who no longer uphold their end of the bargain? Young workers don’t get to work for a company until they retire. Those kinds of practices don’t happen anymore.”

Employers have grown increasingly comfortable laying off employees as a cost-cutting measure, while simultaneously relying more on temporary workers and contractors. Many culled their ranks during the pandemic, so remaining employees often have to take on more job responsibilities and hours. That hadn’t always been the case, according to Damaske. This varies by company, but junior workers are often the easiest to let go. (Research has also found that ethnic minorities and older employees are at higher risk of layoffs, compared to younger, white workers.)

Regardless, many young employees, especially those who’ve entered the workforce during the past two recessions, have internalized this job insecurity and might be more eager to jump ship if a better offer arises. According to a 2019 Harris poll, workers under 35 expressed more “layoff anxiety” than their older counterparts. Many, as a result, don’t develop a work identity that is tied to their employer or their current field of work. In fact, more Americans than ever are looking to start their own businesses, and low-paying workers are trying to pivot to higher-paying industries.

“A lot of young people are looking out for themselves, whether that means building a personal brand or finding a job that works best for their lifestyle,” said Carson. “There are so many online resources on social media, even LinkedIn, with people providing so much free career knowledge, like offering to look over resumés and even providing personal referrals.”

Carson doesn’t think that most zoomers are actually anti-work, at least from a political perspective. In fact, she said, she thinks it’s the opposite: She has noticed more young people publicly committing to quit an undesirable job so that they can devote more time to learning new skills, in the hopes of entering a field like tech, which boasts high salaries and good benefits. Many have also left behind corporate roles to work as full-time content creators or freelancers.

“I see a lot of content about people leaving their retail job to try and break into tech,” Carson said. “They’re quitting their job so they can prepare to find a better job.”

WhatWhat comes after #QuitTok, though, is mostly still work. There is work in figuring out how to pay next month’s rent and qualify for health insurance. Some users make retrospective videos, detailing how their lives have changed since quitting a toxic or unsatisfying job. Others document their attempts to switch into an ideal role or industry, which can veer into hustle culture. Instead of emphasizing leisure and personal fulfillment outside of work, these videos lean into a different kind of work identity. The #breakintotech TikTok trend, for example, has been criticized for romanticizing the benefits of a tech job without diving into its realities: long hours, heavy workload, and how developing certain skills, qualifications, and connections can’t be done overnight.

 

WHAT COMES AFTER #QUITTOK, THOUGH, IS MOSTLY STILL WORK

“There are more people who are not laboring in a traditional sense, but the way I see it, they’re still working for their dollar,” Phillips said of content creators and independent entrepreneurs. “My dream job is to be a pastry chef. Still, the average pay for a cake decorator is $16 an hour, and I’d rather baking be a hobby that brings me joy.”

Most of us won’t ever stop working, although it is healthy to detach from an employer-oriented identity. “What people miss is that the dream isn’t labor,” argued F.D. Signifier in a YouTube video critiquing the buzzy, anti-capitalist phrase. “It’s the idea that [people’s] work and effort will create new opportunities for them, their families, and their children … If I don’t labor, how will my children eat?”

Young people understand that they have to labor for their livelihoods, but many, like Phillips and Dakota, believe the existing system has set them up to fail. Bleak economic circumstances — exacerbated by crushing student loan debt, growing wealth inequality, and wage stagnation — have soured their perceptions of capitalism. As a result, the generation has adopted more anti-capitalist language to express these discontents.

There is a dissonance, however, between these aggrieved attitudes and the political action necessary to implement change.

The country’s youngest workers might be the most zealously vocal online about how labor can be soul-crushingly exploitative and mentally taxing, but they are, after all, only newcomers to the workforce. They might have greater sway in some corporate environments by being upfront about health benefits and remote work flexibility, but these individualized wins have yet to fully diffuse across the workforce — to affect change offline.

American workers currently have significant leverage to demand better conditions and benefits. Employers might still hold a lot of power, but swaths of employees are organizing through unions to better the terms and conditions of their employment. Across the country, workers at Amazon, Chipotle, McDonald’s, and Starbucks have petitioned to unionize.

Zoomers are a part of this pro-labor wave, but so far, the age cohort’s official participation appears modest. Workers between the ages of 16 and 24 have the lowest union membership rate, according to a 2022 Bureau of Labor Statistics report. It’s likely that fewer young people are being hired into unionized roles, given how union membership has significantly declined since the 1980s.

“Most people my age don’t have a clear idea of what a union is and don’t often ask about it when we’re hired,” said Dakota, the 21-year-old Asheville receptionist.

Many believe the internet is a useful tool in shifting public opinion, and digital spaces are where young people are first introduced to more progressive ideas. The nonprofit Gen-Z For Change, for example, has over 500 young creators consistently producing progressive content, some of which have highlighted the various unionization efforts across the country. The organization relies on grassroots tactics to draw attention to causes through public-facing creators, who each have their own independent base of followers. Most aren’t afraid to engage with comments (and critics) directly, and their videos often highlight digital organizing strategies that viewers can participate in. For example, members of Gen-Z For Change created a website and tool that can send fake job applications to union-busting Starbucks locations.

Some creators have claimed that explicitly political or pro-labor TikToks are often placed under review, which means they’re likely to receive less traction than more apolitical QuitToks. Still, this content is often a scroll or a click away, and digital organizers are hopeful that social media can be harnessed to affect real change.

Dakota felt like she was initially misinformed about why people didn’t want to work, until she spent more time reading up on labor unions and worker testimonies. “It’s not about people not working,” she said. “It’s about not settling for a job that diminishes their quality of life. I’m lucky to have realized that early on.”

Terry Nguyen is a reporter for Vox covering consumer and internet trends, and technology that influences people’s online lives.

Malawi solar mini-grid shows promise as way of electrifying rural Africa

BY REUTERS -22 April 2022 - 11:37

In Malawi, more than three quarters of the country's roughly 20 million population does not have access to electricity — a higher proportion than the continental average of roughly half.
Image: 123RF/PETKOV

A solar mini-grid in rural Malawi is powering maize mills, a sunflower oil facility and will help a welder in a nearby village expand his business, showing that centralised grid systems are not Africa's only route towards low-carbon power.

Development experts say village-level solar power is a more promising way of bringing electricity to Africa's remotest areas than conventional grids, which often do not reach them, tend to prioritise more privileged neighbourhoods and are often powered by polluting fossil-fuel generation.

“I see myself prospering with this electricity project,” welder Bartholomew Soko told Reuters TV in the village of Ndawambe. He plans to start making door frames, television stands and drying racks for plates, as well as the bicycles he already repairs.

“If electricity is extended to other rural areas, it would help people with disabilities be self-reliant,” Soko, who was injured in a car accident and uses a wheelchair, added.

In Malawi, more than three quarters of the country's roughly 20 million population does not have access to electricity — a higher proportion than the continental average of roughly half.

The cost of solar power has fallen by more than three quarters globally over the past decade.

The Sitolo project connects more than 700 people across three villages, and local farmers no longer have to trek long distances to get their maize milled or sunflower seeds pressed.

Brenda Limbikani, a sunflower farmer, said local people never used to grow sunflowers. “But with this oil-pressing machine, more people have planted the crop,” she said. “This year the number of farmers growing sunflowers is more than ever.”

Weekend Read: New Book Examines The Narratives and Myths Behind Decades-Long US and Iranian Enmity

APRIL 22, 2022

by The Archive

By Claire Harvey

Nuclear negotiations between the United States, world partners, and Iran are stalled, and the question of how to bridge the gap between Washington and Tehran remains as important today as it was decades ago. A new book, “Republics of Myth: National Narratives and US-Iran Conflict” by Malcolm Byrne (National Security Archive), Hussein Banai (Hamilton Lugar School, Indiana University), and John Tirman (Center of International Studies, MIT), explores this question and the role that national narratives, alongside concrete grievances and opposing interests, have had in the complex US-Iran relationship. The Archive posted “Republics of Myth: National Narratives and the US- Iran Conflict” on April 14, 2022, to celebrate the new book. The posting features the book’s introduction and a selection of key declassified documents related to US and Iranian national perceptions. 

The April 14 posting introduces readers to the dominant narratives that Byrne, Banai, and Tirman identify across decades of Iranian and US relations and relevant archival documents. The posting includes the book’s full introduction, which sets up the often under-recognized personal component to bilateral diplomacy, and the remarkable challenge that “sharply different understandings of geostrategic reality” posed to negotiations leading up to the 2015 nuclear deal. These “different understandings of geostrategic reality”, the book argues, are partially informed and reinforced by each country’s deeply ingrained national narrative. The posting includes a selection of documents that illustrate the dominant narratives shaping American and Iranian relations, respectively. One such example is a declassified January 12, 1944, memorandum from President Franklin Roosevelt to Secretary of State Cordell Hull, wherein Roosevelt expresses excitement at employing an “unselfish American policy” to transform Iran, “definitely a very, very backward nation”; this is a rationale that Byrne recognizes as an important blueprint for US policy in developing countries following World War II. Another example is an April 1, 1979, address to the nation by Iranian Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini, wherein Khomeini depicts Iranian history as the victim of foriegn interference and states that Iran is “neither East nor West ”. The posting also includes documents reflective of each country’s narrative leading up to President Trump’s withdrawal from the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA) in 2018.

The book’s focus on Iranian and American narratives is a novel perspective on a historically complex relationship, distinct from traditional international relations theory. Malcolm Byrne, Deputy Director and Director of Research at the National Security Archive and co-author of the book alongside Banai and Tirman, stated: “This is not a book about international relations theory. It’s the result of our assessment of a lot of documentary and testimonial evidence that we’ve gathered over several years in an attempt to help explain how leaders of these two governments have not only persistently seen each other as adversaries but have been unable to get over that obstacle even when it’s blocked them from reaching agreements and outcomes each side wants.” Byrne continued that what the authors have focused on in this case “are the narratives both nations have developed about themselves over time – plus the narrative that has grown up around their bilateral relationship. Narratives (which we describe in the Introduction and Chapter 1) are separate from events, interests, and ideas – the concepts international relations theorists study – but they often act in tandem with those factors, as in the U.S.-Iran case, to help drive each government’s policy making toward the other.” The book’s examination of narratives gives a further depth of understanding to past and present US and Iranian enmity.

The book is the result of an ongoing multinational archival research project on the US-Iran relationship, including “critical oral history” conferences involving past policymakers and government experts from the US, Iran, and Europe, and individual expert interviews. Further material is available on the Archive US-Iran Project page, including postings on the 1979 Iran Hostage Crisis Recalled, Documenting Iran-U.S. Relations, 1978-2015, and a media library of videos from key interviews and historical moments. 

Interested readers can also explore archival documents through the subscription service Digital National Security Archive, which includes collections on U.S Policy toward Iran, From the Revolution to the Nuclear Accord, 1978-2015, Iran: The Making of U.S. Policy, 1977-1980, and The Iran-Contra Affair: The Making of a Scandal, 1983-1988.

Till relatives seek accuser's prosecution in 1955 kidnapping

In this Sept. 22. 1955 photo, Carolyn Bryant rests her head on her husband Roy Bryant's shoulder after she testified in Emmett Till murder court case in Sumner, Miss. Stymied in their calls for a renewed investigation into the murder of Emmett Till, relatives and activists are advocating another possible path toward accountability in Mississippi: They want authorities to launch a kidnapping prosecution against the woman who set off the lynching by accusing the Chicago teen of improper advances in 1955. 

(AP Photo, File) | Photo: AP


By JAY REEVES
Updated: April 22, 2022 

Stymied in their calls for a renewed investigation into the killing of Emmett Till, relatives and activists are advocating another possible path toward accountability in Mississippi: They want authorities to launch a kidnapping prosecution against the woman who set off the lynching by accusing the Black Chicago teen of improper advances in 1955.

Carolyn Bryant Donham was named nearly 67 years ago in a warrant that accused her in Till's abduction, even before his mangled body was found in a river, FBI records show, yet she was never arrested or brought to trial in a case that shocked the world for its brutality.

Authorities at the time said the woman had two young children and they did not want to bother her. Donham's then-husband and another man were acquitted of murder.

Make no mistake: Relatives of Till still prefer a murder prosecution. But there is no evidence the kidnapping warrant was ever dismissed, so it could be used to arrest Donham and finally get her before a criminal court, said Jaribu Hill, an attorney working with the Till family.

"This warrant is a stepping stone toward that," she said. "Because warrants do not expire, we want to see that warrant served on her."

There are plenty of roadblocks. Witnesses have died in the decades since Till was lynched, and it's unclear what happened to evidence collected by investigators. Even the location of the original warrant is a mystery. It could be in boxes of old courthouse records in Leflore County, Mississippi, where the abduction occurred.

A relative of Till said it's long past time for someone to arrest Donham in Till's kidnapping, if not for the slaying itself.

"Mississippi is not the Mississippi of 1955, but it seems to still carry some of that era of protecting the white woman," said Deborah Watts, a distant cousin of Till who runs the Emmett Till Legacy Foundation.

Now in her late 80s and most recently living in Raleigh, North Carolina, Donham has not commented publicly on calls for her prosecution. She did not seem to know she had been named in an arrest warrant in Till's abduction until decades later, said Dale Killinger, a retired FBI agent who questioned her more than 15 years ago.

"I think she didn't recall it," he said. "She acted surprised."

The Justice Department closed its most recent investigation of the killing in December, when the agency said Donham had denied an author's claim that she had recanted her claims about Till doing something improper to her in the store where she worked in the town of Money. The writer could not produce any recordings or transcripts to back up the allegation, authorities said.

Till relatives met in March with officials including District Attorney Dewayne Richardson, the lead prosecutor in Leflore County, but left unsatisfied, Watts said. "There doesn't seem to be the determination or courage to do what needs to be done," she said.

Richardson has been in office for about 15 years and was the first Black person to serve as president of the Mississippi Prosecutors Association. He did not return phone messages or emails seeking comment about a potential kidnapping case.

Keith Beauchamp, a filmmaker whose documentary "The Untold Story of Emmett Louis Till" preceded a renewed Justice Department probe that ended without charges in 2007, said there's enough evidence to prosecute Donham.

"If we're saying we are a country of truth and justice, we must get truth and justice �?� no matter the age or gender of the person involved,'" said Beauchamp.

Stories about the events that led to Till's killing have varied through the years, but the woman known at the time as Carolyn Bryant was always at the center of it, said author Devery Anderson, who obtained original FBI files on the case while researching his 2015 book "Emmett Till: The Murder That Shocked the World and Propelled the Civil Rights Movement."

Till was a 14-year-old from Chicago visiting relatives in Mississippi when he entered the store on Aug. 24, 1955; Donham, then 21, was working inside. A Till relative who was there at the time, Wheeler Parker, told The Associated Press that Till whistled at the woman. Donham testified that Till grabbed her.

Two nights later, Donham's then-husband, Roy Bryant, and his half-brother, J.W. Milam, showed up armed at the rural home of Till's great-uncle, Mose Wright, looking for the youth.

Wright testified in 1955 that a person with a voice "lighter" than a man's identified Till from inside a pickup truck and the abductors took him away. Other evidence in FBI files indicates that earlier that night, Donham told her husband that at least two other Black men were not the right person.

Authorities already had obtained warrants charging the two men and Donham with kidnapping before Till's body was found in the Tallahatchie River, FBI files show, but police never arrested Donham.

"We aren't going to bother the woman," Leflore County Sheriff George Smith told reporters, "she's got two small boys to take care of."

Roy Bryant and Milam were quickly indicted on murder charges and they were acquitted by an all-white jury in Tallahatchie County about two weeks later.

Grand jurors in neighboring Leflore County refused to indict the men on kidnapping charges afterward, effectively ending the threat of prosecution for Roy Bryant and Milam. Both men have been dead for decades, leaving Donham as the lone survivor who was directly involved.

Killinger, the retired federal agent, said he saw neither the original warrant during his investigation nor any indication that it was ever canceled by a court, and it's unclear whether it could be used today to arrest or try Donham. Even if authorities located the original paperwork with sworn statements detailing evidence, he said, courts need witnesses to testify.

"And it's my understanding that all those people are dead," Killinger said.

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Reeves is a member of AP's Race and Ethnicity team.


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