Friday, May 24, 2024

Boeing University: How the California State University Became Complicit in Palestinian Genocide



 

MAY 24, 2024
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OVER 1,000 CSULB STUDENTS, FACULTY, AND STAFF RALLIED FOR PALESTINE ON MAY 2, 2024. (PHOTO: BEN HUFF)

“Over the years, Boeing and its employees have played a vital role in the advancement of Cal State Long Beach.”

Jane Close Conoley, President, California State University, Long Beach

Pro-Palestinian student protests and encampments have bloomed this spring across U.S. universities. Unsurprisingly, campus administrators have responded with calls for civility and peace — that is, when not inviting militarized police forces onto campus to attack and arrest peaceful student demonstrators. At California State University, Long Beach (CSULB), while chiding students for a planned demonstration against Israel’s genocidal offensive in Gaza, the university President stressed that “we must hold to a vision of peace and reject violence. We must embrace the immeasurable value of human life.” However, this “vision of peace” apparently does not extend to our university’s deep and numerous links to the U.S. military-industrial complex, the largest purveyor of weapons of mass destruction and death in the world, or to Palestinian people.

The “golden triangle” of military, industry, and university cooperation is nothing new, but in today’s neoliberal university — shaped by the politics of austerity and privatization policies and deliberately starved of public funding for over four decades — military and defense industry funding and collaborations have become foundational to the public university’s normal fiscal and research operations. These lucrative partnerships raise serious questions about the ways in which university priorities are inexorably bent and shaped to the will of corporate interests, imperial militarism, and war-profiteering.

As the second biggest campus in the nation’s largest four-year public university system, CSULB, as a site of analysis, is a prime example of this ongoing and growing complicity of higher education with the corporate machinery of war and imperialism. CSULB reveals the troubling ways that public universities have become entangled in the global geographies of racial capitalism and anti-Palestinian violence. In particular, the university’s longstanding partnership with Boeing showcases public higher education’s connections to US-Israeli militarism and genocide.
Boeing’s connection to Israel’s military violence

Since the founding of Israel in 1948, Boeing has played a key role in supporting Israel’s military and commercial interests. The Boeing Company is the world’s largest aerospace corporation and fourth-largest defense contractor, valued at over $100 billion. Boeing’s weapons and technology have provided material support for Israel’s military campaigns of displacement, occupation, and brutal violence against Palestinians. While producing profit for the corporation, Boeing’s 75-year relationship with Israel is linked to tens of thousands of Palestinians killed by Boeing’s weaponry, the complete destruction of Gaza’s civil society and infrastructure, and the displacement of over 2 million Palestinian people.

Boeing’s financial partnership with Israel has provided key military assets, including (via its merger with McDonnell Douglas) F-15 fighter jets, “Apache” helicopters, hellfire missiles (produced in collaboration with Lockheed Martin), and the “tail kit” navigation system used on massive 2,000 pound MK84 bombs that have devastated Gaza in the latest round of genocidal attacks. Israel’s indiscriminate use of Boeing’s heavy bombs directly contributed to numerous “mass casualty events” and the soaring death toll in Gaza. Since October of 2023, Boeing and Israel have expanded their financial partnership with Israel’s recent purchase of 25 new sophisticated F-15 IA (Israel Advanced) fighter jets, in addition to Israel’s high-tech Arrow-3 missile defense system, marketed for its “hit-to-kill” technology.
Boeing at ‘The Beach’: profit, privatization, and the erosion of the public university

Despite its complicity in occupation and genocide, Boeing has had a long and financially reciprocal relationship with CSULB, one going back decades with its latest iteration being touted as CSULB’s “Boeing Partnership.” CSULB is one of just 16 universities nationwide – and the sole university in California – to be selected by the Boeing Company for an exclusive university partnership. The Boeing Partnership is a university-corporate alliance that has further transformed CSULB into a public relations mouthpiece for the defense contractor. The CSULB-Boeing partnership illustrates not only how defense contractors such as Boeing, Raytheon, and Northrop Grumman profit from Israel’s violence against Palestinians, but also how these massive corporations simultaneously undermine the mission of public universities by harming students domestically and facilitating genocide, militarism, and mass death abroad.

In alignment with the Boycott, Divestment, and Sanctions (BDS) Movement, the global student solidarity movement with Palestine has bravely demanded that their universities “disclose and divest” from stock holdings in corporations that profit off of Palestinian death and support Israel’s settler-colonial war machine. This work has been crucial. Yet it is also critical to expose how the complicity of US universities in Israeli militarism and Palestinian genocide extends far beyond investments in stocks. Under constant threats of austerity measures and the steady erosion of state funding in the neoliberal context, large public university systems like the California State University (CSU) system have quietly become embedded with defense contractors saturating every facet of campus life. The university-corporate nexus has become all-encompassing, producing deleterious consequences for students, faculty, and staff while undermining the university’s mission of promoting the “public good.”

At CSULB, the administration has invited the Boeing Company to become the university’s omnipresent corporate partner. Boeing and CSULB’s insidious alliance can be found in classrooms and research labsjob fairs, Boeing internships, the Aerospace Corporation Leadership Academy, Boeing guest speakers at the Student Leadership Institute, Boeing-sponsored student orientation events, Boeing research competitions, and Boeing-sponsored scholarships for students in Business and Psychology. Students are inundated with Boeing’s footprint on campus. The College of Engineering and College of Business has quite literally transformed into Boeing’s labor-supply mill. CSULB was the second institution to receive Boeing’s “Supplier of the Year” award. It’s no surprise, then, that Boeing employs the largest number of CSULB graduates. In recent years, the College of Engineering introduced the Boeing Endowed Chair in Manufacturing. Meanwhile, the College of Business has also aligned closely with Boeing as one of its key “corporate partners” providing “internships for students, support the different centers, programs, and student organizations at the College.”

The revolving door of defense contractor executives serving as advisors to university administrators at CSULB has become a taken-for-granted reality. Previously, the Vice President of Boeing’s Defense unit served on the Board of Directors for CSULB’s 49er Foundation – the primary body in charge of the university’s endowment and investment holdings. CSULB’s Alumni Association also honored two former Boeing Vice Presidents of Boeing’s Defense, Space, and Security unit with the Distinguished Alumni Award, CSULB’s highest alumni honor.

Beyond Boeing, the university has also formed strategic corporate partnerships with other weapons and defense contractors complicit in Israeli violence, such as Lockheed Martin, Raytheon, and Northrop Grumman. The Dean’s Advisory Council for the College of Engineering currently has three members from Boeing, two members from Raytheon, and two members from Northrop Grumman. Like Boeing, Northrop Grumman is similarly embedded in CSULB faculty and student research, student organizations, along with so-called labor “talent” pipelines. The Dean for Research and Graduate Programs has also sought to build a closer relationship between the university and the US Army. While the university’s purported mission is to promote “global understanding” through “respect and appreciation for different cultures,” collaborations such as these do nothing of the sort. Instead, they facilitate capital accumulation for defense contractors at the expense and destruction of racialized peoples across the globe.
Reclaiming the people’s university from the U.S.-Israeli war machine

As Palestinian life continues to be annihilated by a settler-colonial state aided by its primary ally, the United States, hope has also emerged from university campuses where student movements are demanding transparency about university investments and divestment from corporations that thrive from war profiteering. These organizing efforts stand in stark contrast to the neoliberal university’s collaboration with corporations that profit from war and violence.

Across the CSU, student activists are rising up and demanding transparency and accountability at numerous CSU campuses and they are winning. Cal State Sacramento became the first public university in California to promise divestment from companies doing business with Israel. At San Francisco State, students are redefining democracy at their university by engaging in open bargaining with their campus president over its investments. These movements remind us of the collective responsibility to defend, at all costs, the right to life and human dignity. Students are also mobilizing against public university partnerships with defense contractors such as Boeing. Students at Portland State University demanded the university cut all financial ties with Boeing. The pressure from Portland State’s student activists led to an announcement from the university President: “PSU will pause seeking or accepting any further gifts or grants from the Boeing Company until we have had a chance to engage in this debate and come to conclusions about a reasonable course of action.”

Meanwhile, the CSU Office of the Chancellor has countered that they do “not intend to alter existing investment policies related to Israel or the Israel-Hamas conflict,” choosing to prioritize corporate profit-making and the neoliberal machinery of mass death rather than the purported values and responsibilities of public institutions. Drawing on the politics of scarcity without calling into question the violent logic of austerity, the CSU sanctimoniously continues to justify its support of the US war machine that actively aids genocide in Gaza. CSU leaders claim that “CSU investments provide a stable revenue stream that benefits our students and faculty, and supports our critical campus facilities, scholarships, and other key elements of our educational mission.” The fact that this “stable revenue stream” comes soaked in the innocent blood of Palestinians doesn’t give them pause, since clearly to them the right to life of Palestinians is less important than the CSU system hoarding its $8 billion reserve fund.

Boeing’s takeover of CSULB illustrates the immense ethical challenge facing public higher education. As educators and students, we must actively resist the normalization of university partnerships with corporations that facilitate dehumanization and indignity while imagining new ways to ensure public universities can thrive without becoming complicit in the mounting crimes against humanity perpetrated by the US-Israeli military-industrial complex. The uncritical acceptance of military defense corporations’ enmeshment in all levels of the university demonstrates how a public university’s mission is being eroded before our eyes. We must ask, what role can and should public higher education play in articulating different life worlds where a generative vision of peace, justice, and transformative possibilities can flourish? The answers to these pressing ethical dilemmas are already being generated by student activists, not university administrators; this means, we need to listen to our students.

The authors are all members of CSULB Faculty for Justice in Palestine, an academic worker collective of over 50 tenure-track and lecturer faculty at California State University, Long Beach.

This piece first appeared at Modoweiss.


The Washington Post’s Mouthpiece for Israel: David Ignatius


 
 MAY 24, 2024
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Photograph Source: U.S. Department of State – Public Domain

The Washington Post’s David Ignatius has always been an apologist for the Central Intelligence Agency; then he added the Pentagon to his list for institutional apologies.  But now Ignatius is going much further; he has become the mouthpiece for both the administrations of President Joe Biden and Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu.  His most recent editorial (“The U.S. is assembling the pieces of a Gaza war endgame”) foresees the “contours of a possible exit ramp” in Gaza that is constructed out of sheer fantasy.

First, let’s examine the bizarre support for President Biden.  Ignatius argues that Biden “rightly called” the International Criminal Court’s chief prosecutor’s support for arrest warrants for the top Israeli leaders as “outrageous.”  No one in the U.S. government or the mainstream media is questioning the war crime charges against the Hamas leadership, and there is no reason to question comparable charges against Netanyahu and Defense Minister Yoav Gallant.

In fact, Gallant’s very words offer the best explanation for charging the Israelis with war crimes and for supporting arrest warrants for Israeli leaders.  On the third day of the war, it was Gallant who offered this: “I have ordered a complete siege on the Gaza Strip.  There will be no electricity, no food, no fuel, everything is closed.  We are fighting human animals and we act accordingly.”  For the past seven months, the Israeli government and the Israeli Defense Forces have done everything possible to carry out Gallant’s orders.

As part of this campaign, the Israelis have done their best to make Gaza uninhabitable.  They have destroyed farms, schools, libraries, mosques, and essential infrastructure.  Some of Israel’s worst crimes are the destruction of the health care infrastructure of Gaza, and the killing of more than 200 courageous Palestinian aid workers.  The latter went largely unnoticed until six international workers for the World Central Kitchen were killed in an operation that Israel said was the result of a “misidentification.”  This was the same explanation that Israel offered 57 years ago, when the Israelis attacked the U.S.S. Liberty and killed 34 sailors and wounded 171 others.  I’ll be writing about the Liberty next week in order to demonstrate that Israeli duplicity over the years has destroyed any possibility for accepting Israeli claims.

Ignatius believes that “some clarity is emerging about the shape of a possible endgame,” which is outrageous in view of Netanyahu’s unwillingness to accept any discussion of the so-called “day after.”  Ignatius sees a “gradual end to Israeli combat operations” in Gaza, and the “beginning of a still-fuzzy ‘day after’.”  He offers the West Bank as a “model for how Gaza evolves going forward.”  If the West Bank is a “model,” then it can only be a model for Israeli fascism and terrorism.  The war crimes in Gaza are so overwhelming that the war crimes committed in the West Bank are largely ignored.  Fortunately, a long essay in the New York Times’ Magazine last Sunday exposed the violence and terrorism that Jewish ultranationalists with the support of the Israeli Defense Forces have been conducting without notice over the past several decades.

If there is some change in Israeli conduct in Gaza and the West Bank, it will not have anything to do with the Biden administration or the occasional criticisms of Israel in the mainstream media.  If there is a change, it will be because the Israels are “unequivocally losing” the struggle.  These were the words of a former Mossad deputy chief and member of the Knesset, Ram Ben-Barak, who identifies Israel’s losses on the international scene, the deterioration of U.S.-Israeli relations, and the economic problems that the war has created.

It has been conventional wisdom that the October War in 1973 and the Hamas invasion in 2023 were intelligence failures because the Israelis had premonitory intelligence months in advance of the attacks and were still totally unprepared.  No, these were not intelligence failures; these were political and strategic failures.  The United States has stood by and fed the Israeli war machine, ignoring the violent system of Israeli oppression in the West Bank and Gaza as well as the system of apartheid that has compromised Israel’s claim that it is the only democracy in the Middle East.

In 1969, National Security Adviser Henry Kissinger offered a description of the U.S. failure in Vietnam that is applicable to the Israeli failure in the occupied territories: “We fought a military war; our opponents fought a political one.  We sought physical attrition; our opponents aimed for our psychological exhaustion.  In the process we lost sight of one of the cardinal maxims of guerrilla war: the guerrilla wins if he does not lose.  The conventional army loses if it does not win.”

Tens of thousands of U.S. soldiers and hundreds of thousands of Vietnamese died after these perceptive remarks from Kissinger, a war criminal himself.  How many Palestinians will have to die because Israel will not stop the ethnic cleansing of Palestine?

Melvin A. Goodman is a senior fellow at the Center for International Policy and a professor of government at Johns Hopkins University.  A former CIA analyst, Goodman is the author of Failure of Intelligence: The Decline and Fall of the CIA and National Insecurity: The Cost of American Militarism. and A Whistleblower at the CIA. His most recent books are “American Carnage: The Wars of Donald Trump” (Opus Publishing, 2019) and “Containing the National Security State” (Opus Publishing, 2021). Goodman is the national security columnist for counterpunch.org.

Dockworkers Push Union Resolution to Block Shipment of Israeli Military Cargo

May 24, 2024 
Source: Truthout


Image by Stephen Edmonds, Creative Commons 3.0

From June 17 to 21, officers, staff and members of the International Longshore and Warehouse Union (ILWU) will meet in Vancouver, Canada, for their biennial convention. Delegates to the convention will undoubtedly be preoccupied with the immediate business of the union, which represents workers in industries ranging from bookstores to breweries, though it’s best known for unionizing dockworkers up and down the West Coast.

But amid the typical union business, convention delegates will also deliberate on a resolution submitted by Local 10, which comprises dockworkers from the San Francisco Bay Area. Drafted in response to the ongoing Israeli-perpetrated genocide — which has killed more than 35,709 Palestinians in Gaza, including more than 15,000 children, according to Al Jazeerathe resolution calls on all ILWU dockworkers to refuse to handle military cargo bound for Israel.


As surprising as this act of solidarity by dockworkers in the San Francisco Bay Area may sound, it is in fact only the latest effort in Local 10’s decades-long history of supporting Palestinian liberation.
“Israel Was Treating Palestinians Like an Apartheid State”

“The ILWU has a long history of being interested in and supportive of Palestinian liberation, going back as early as the mid ‘80s,” said Peter Cole, professor of history at Western Illinois University, in an interview with Truthout. “And that was a direct result of the ILWU — especially its Bay Area branch, Local 10 — having a longer history of solidarity with people in South Africa fighting against apartheid.”

Cole examines the history of Local 10’s opposition to apartheid in South Africa, as well as its connections to Palestinian liberation, in Dockworker Power: Race and Activism in Durban and the San Francisco Bay Area. Made up predominantly of Black workers and motivated by both left-wing politics in general and anti-racism in particular, Local 10 took a stand against apartheid starting in the 1960s by refusing to unload cargo from South Africa. According to Cole, Local 10 members like Leo Robinson were already declaring the demise of apartheid in South Africa by 1988 — and setting their sights on Israeli apartheid next. Since 1967, the Israeli military has occupied internationally recognized Palestinian territory in the Gaza Strip and the West Bank, where Israel has instituted an increasingly violent system of settler-colonial segregation against Palestinians.

“Leo and others took to the ILWU convention and said, ‘In the exact same ways that apartheid in South Africa is mistreating its Black-majority workforce, so too Israel was treating Palestinians like an apartheid state,’” Cole said. “This was decades before most people were using the term ‘apartheid’ to apply to Israel’s treatment of Palestinians. But the ILWU convention goes on the record in ‘88, condemning the treatment of Palestinians in the West Bank and the Gaza Strip. And they reaffirm that at a subsequent convention in the 1990s.”

While Local 10 has been on record opposing Israeli apartheid since 1988, it took some time before union members started to act on that opposition. In 2010, Local 10 once again took its cue from South Africa, where dockworkers had refused to handle cargo for the Israeli shipping firm ZIM the previous year, due to Israel’s 2008-09 assault on Gaza. Answering calls to “Block the Boat” from both South African dockworkers and local community activists, Local 10 members refused to handle cargo aboard ships connected to ZIM, which has branches in practically every major port in the United States, in 2010, 2012, 2014 and 2018.

“They made a political stand as a union,” said Cole, referring to Local 10. “For the exact same logic that they condemned the treatment of Black people in South Africa, they were condemning the treatment of Palestinians.”
“Action Against the Israeli Government”

Since October 7, Local 10 members and community activists have picketed U.S. military ships believed to be transporting weapons to Israel as it continues its genocide in Gaza. Other ILWU locals have also opposed the genocide, such as Local 23 in Tacoma, Washington, which similarly refused to load military cargo heading for Israel, and Local 5 in Portland, Oregon, whose members have called for a ceasefire.

For Jack Heyman, a Local 10 retiree and former business agent whose family fled the Nazi annexation of Austria, the union’s opposition to the ongoing Israeli-perpetrated genocide is in line with both its condemnation of apartheid in South Africa and racial injustice in the U.S. He points out that Local 10 also organized work stoppages and other actions in 2009 against the police-perpetrated killing of Oscar Grant and again in 2020 against the police-perpetrated killing of George Floyd. Retired ILWU members like Heyman are unable to vote on union business, but they retain the right to speak on it.

“Our local is sensitive to racial issues, and I think we see the situation in Palestine very similar to the way that Black people are treated in this country or were treated in South Africa,” said Heyman. “Was it in violation of the contract?” he asked, referring to Local 10’s political actions in the context of its employment contract with port management. “Sure it was. But you know what? Sometimes you gotta break the contract to change the contract, to change what’s happening in the world.”

Heyman describes Local 10 as heavily invested in issues of social justice, including police accountability, racial equality and obviously workers’ rights, and says the ongoing Israeli-perpetrated genocide in Gaza is foremost among such issues today. To that end, other unions have also condemned the genocide, such as the United Auto Workers and National Education Association, both of which have called for a ceasefire.

“There’s not a stronger issue than the genocidal war conducted by the Israeli government in Gaza today,” said Heyman. “I don’t know how much more horrendous a genocidal killing can get than massacring people in hospitals, patients, all these bodies found buried underneath the rubble in the hospitals that have been blown up by the Israeli army. This is going to strike a strong response from the ILWU.”

Part of that response may very well be the “Local 10 Caucus Resolution on the War in Gaza and the West Bank,” Local 10’s resolution to the upcoming ILWU convention, which Heyman drafted and the local passed unanimously in early May. Invoking contemporary calls to action, from groups such as the Palestinian General Federation of Trade Unions and National Union of Metalworkers of South Africa, for workers to boycott Israeli cargo, as well as Local 10’s historic opposition to Israeli apartheid in Palestine, the resolution calls for all ILWU dockworkers to “refuse to handle military cargo to Israel” and “honor picket lines protesting the war on Gaza.”

“I am sure that our union is going to make a strong stand — I’m talking in terms of action against the Israeli government,” said Heyman. “There are a lot of good-hearted ILWU members who’ve been up against tough regimes before and aren’t afraid to speak up.”