Saturday, February 10, 2024

‘My father died in the Columbia space shuttle – it felt like Nasa betrayed him’

Charlotte Lytton
Fri, February 9, 2024 

Kaycee Anderson, right, was nine when her father died in the crash

The first sign was the countdown clock. On Feb 1 2003, nine-year-old Kaycee Anderson was in the crowded bleachers by Florida’s Kennedy Space Centre, watching the seconds tick down towards zero – then start climbing back up again. The perfectly blue sky seemed to highlight the absence of the Columbia space shuttle, due to return to Earth that Saturday morning with her father, Mike, and the six other astronauts on board. Instead of a sonic boom and the orbiter approaching, all of a sudden, “people were on the phone talking in urgent tones, and then they were getting in vans”, Kaycee, now 30, remembers. “That’s when I knew, this isn’t normal.”

Along with her mother, sister and the rest of the astronauts’ families, they were bundled into a van, driven to the Space Centre, and told that the worst had happened. Minutes from when they should have landed to a hero’s welcome, the shuttle had broken up at 190,000ft, sending burning metal and human remains plummeting to the ground in east Texas. The shuttle’s disintegration as it breached the planet’s barrier had been broadcast on live television as the families stood staring at the sky, among the last to know their loved ones’ fate.

Twenty-one years on from flight STS-107, it remains among the worst space disasters in history, charted in painful detail in Columbia: The Space Shuttle That Fell to Earth, a three-part BBC documentary series beginning Monday (Feb 12). By the time of its 28th and final mission, Columbia – dubbed “the world’s greatest electric flying machine” – had spent more time in space than any other shuttle. All the more galling, then, that the incident could have been avoided completely.


The STS-107 crewmembers. Blue shirts from the left: David M Brown, William C McCool and Michael Anderson. Red shirts from the left: Kalpana Chawla, Rick D Husband, Laurel B Clark and Ilan Ramon - NASA/Getty Images


From the moment the families learnt what had happened, “it was just chaos,” says Kaycee. She was confused, she recalls, that her father – who had spent eight days in space on Endeavour mission STS-89 in 1998 – had not returned like the last time; on the flight back to Houston, she spent the journey staring out at the clouds, “thinking, ‘Is Dad up here? Am I close to him?’”

Neighbours were crowded at their front door when the three Andersons got home, where they all “just hugged and cried for a long time”. It would mark the beginning of a national grief juggernaut: there were memorial services, a meeting with President Bush; “It was just this whirlwind of things. And so we were sad, but there was so much happening that you don’t really get to sit in it.” Once those commitments drifted away “is when it became more real. And for me, it became very scary.”

Nasa had been providing security detail outside their home, and their post was being screened (a number of “strange calls”, in some cases from prisons, had got through) – but once that ceased, “I was terrified, I couldn’t sleep, I didn’t know what was going on. I was constantly looking over my shoulder.”


The widow of US astronaut Michael Anderson, Mrs Anderson, and her two daughters Sindy (left) and Kaycee (right) planting a tree in memory of Michael Anderson on 19 March 2004 - AFP/Gali Tibbon

To have their parents taken so brutally, and on the world stage, left the children of crew 107 fundamentally altered. Jonathan Clark, a Nasa crew surgeon whose wife, Laurel, was on board, had spent the lead-up to launch concerned about their seven-year-old, Iain. Their boy had “begged her not to go” – his fears intensifying after the family had narrowly survived an aircraft crash the previous Christmas; Iain’s mother was his “whole world”. Now still, Jonathan, 70, who met Laurel during navy training, “can’t even imagine the quandary she would have faced”. Had she pulled out, the mission she and the rest of the crew had spent years training for would have been aborted. “She was determined and committed to get the job done.”

Iain cried throughout the launch, on Jan 16; a grim foreshadowing of what was to come a little over a fortnight later. In his office at Nasa that Saturday morning, where Jonathan saw the footage of 107’s final moments, he was hit by a “primal grief; it was like deep animal wailing cries”. He tried numbing his thoughts by playing cards with Iain on the flight home, and quickly concocted a plan: once back, he would load his son into the car with their Australian shepherd, Addie, and all their camping gear, and empty his account at the nearest cash machine: “We’re just going to drive away and disappear.” But when they landed, they were separated by friends, and that “broke my plan apart”, he reflects. “I still to this day wonder, what if I could have done that?” Instead, that night, in enduring navy tradition, he got “really s- -t-faced drunk” with colleagues. “When we lost our mates, we would just drink and remember.”


Laurel Clark's seven-year-old son, Iain, had 'begged her not to go' during the lead up to the launch

He becomes emotional as we talk, more so as he quotes Mark Twain’s decree that “‘the two most important days of your life are when you’re born, and when you find out why’. And that was the day I found out why.” There were times after losing his wife of 12 years that “I thought I was going to die of dehydration from crying”. He feared grief might push Iain so far as depression and suicide, so developed a solitary goal: “just keep him alive”. The two of them (along with Addie) would bundle up in bed, that countdown clock “embedded in my mind. I would have replays of that for months and months afterwards, trying to analyse: is there something I could have done differently? Is there something that I’d missed?”

For Jonathan, that thought is more acute than most. He had not been the primary crew surgeon for mission 107, but was covering a few “dog shifts” (from midnight to mornings). On one, reviewing the log notes to get up to speed, he learnt that a block of foam from the shuttle’s exterior had fallen off on launch, appearing to strike its left wing. By day two of the mission – and just days before the 17th anniversary of the Challenger disaster, where seven crew had been killed 73 seconds after take-off in 1986 – Nasa officials deduced that the loss of spacecraft and all those inside was a worst-case scenario.


Laurel Clark blew kisses to her son Iain over video link as she orbited Earth

Jonathan “wondered if I should tell Laurel about this” – but on discussing it with his colleague was told: “You’re wearing the crew surgeon hat, not the family member hat.” And so, reasoning that it was not his call, he mentioned nothing when they were connected via video link, Laurel blowing kisses to Iain as she orbited Earth. “In some ways,” he says, what followed is “probably my blame too”.

Whether the seven crew could have been saved hangs heavy over many of those at Nasa at the time. The documentary unpicks the battle between those concerned that the foam strike would yield deadly consequences, and Nasa management, where bureaucracy was so hardwired that staff did not ask vital questions for fear of disrupting the status quo.

Repeated requests to use satellites to take closer images of the damage were denied by the top brass; foam had detached in prior missions without catastrophic consequences, and thus was deemed not worth remedying. The crew would learn that something had happened only on the eighth day of their mission – several days past the point where potential damage could have been fixed – when Linda Ham, the acting manager of shuttle launch integration, sent them a brief email on a matter she described as “not even worth mentioning.” Eight days after that, when mission control watched their tracking radar stall over Texas, the damage having originated in the left wing, commanders could only reach their hands to their mouths, tears falling from their eyes as they stared at the screen in horror.


Flight STS-107 remains among the worst space disasters in history - Courtesy of Scott Andrews

Following 107’s failure to return, Ron Dittemore, the shuttle programme manager, publicly dismissed that the foam strike was to blame with a certainty former employees describe in the documentary as “nonsensical”. What had become an unofficial Nasa mantra – “it’s only foam” – would six months later be recorded as the reason that the crew never saw their families again.

“It almost felt like a betrayal,” Kaycee says: that her father “had worked with [Nasa], had loved them, and this is how they treated him”. It kept her up at night, wondering how staffers “were afraid of these hypothetical questions, or having their careers ruined. Well, lives were ruined – who cares about your career? And so that’s when it became anger. And that’s when anger eventually became disgust.”

She couldn’t look at anything with Nasa’s insignia on it, she recalls; when the end of the shuttle programme was announced in 2011, she thought: “Good, burn it all to the ground.” In time, those feelings subsided, replaced instead by sadness for those who had made the final calls. The documentary was “heartbreaking”, she says; watching Nasa staff recounting how “they could have done something… I don’t have to live with that kind of regret.”

Michael Anderson did not return like he did in 1998 on Endeavour mission STS-89 - NASA/Getty Images

Jonathan too says he lays no blame at anyone’s door; that “everybody who was a part of that decision process has suffered immeasurably”. (Arron Fellows, the creative director of Mindhouse Productions, which made the series, says Nasa co-operated with filming throughout: “I think the reason they have given their blessing to this project is because they understand mistakes were made.”) In space mishaps, as they are known, “the goal is to find cause, not fault,” Jonathan adds; to “do better next time”.

He has never remarried, and still lives for Laurel; both her memory, and the seven-year-old granddaughter who now bears her name. Little Laurel is the same age as Iain was when he lost his mother, and the similarities between her and her namesake are “eerie”, Jonathan says; she is “effervescently friendly”, obsessed with the water, animals and adventure. “It’s like seeing Laurel again.”

Columbia: The Space Shuttle That Fell to Earth begins on Monday Feb 12 on BBC Two at 9pm
The world’s top carmaker got mocked for rejecting EV hype—not anymore. ‘I want to congratulate Toyota’
FOR STATING THE OBVIOUS
Toyota's chairman  estimated that EVs will share the roads with hybrid, traditional, and hydrogen-powered cars.

Steve Mollman
Thu, February 8, 2024 

YOSHIKAZU TSUNO/Gamma-Rapho via Getty Images

Toyota was skeptical of electric vehicles back when that wasn’t fashionable. In October 2022, for instance, then-CEO Akio Toyoda said that EVs “are just going to take longer than the media would like us to believe.” As other big carmakers made bold proclamations about when they go all electric, Toyota refused to play along, vowing instead to keep offering a wide array of powertrains and letting consumers decide for themselves.

“That’s our strategy and we’re sticking to it,” he insisted, vowing to focus on hybrids, which this carmaker pioneered with the release of the Prius in Japan in 1997, and three years later in the U.S. Since then, the Japanese giant has steadily increased its hybrid offerings.

Toyota’s stance was not a good look at the time—and it didn’t go over well.

“Toyota is not correctly responding to calls from the market to take a lead in electric vehicles,” Satoru Aoyama, senior director at Fitch Ratings, told the Financial Times, warning the carmaker could “lose investor confidence.”

Environmentalists were none too pleased, either. “The fact is: a hybrid today is not green technology,” blogged Katherine Garcia, director of the Sierra Club’s Clean Transportation For All campaign. “The Prius hybrid runs on a pollution-emitting combustion engine found in any gas-powered car…Rather than invest in EVs, though, Toyota is putting corporate profits and the status quo over tackling the climate crisis.”

The pressure grew so intense that, partly in response, Toyoda—the grandson of the company’s founder—left his CEO role to become chairman.

“Because of my strong passion for cars, I am an old-fashioned person in regards to digitalization, electric vehicles, and connected cars. I cannot go beyond being a car guy, and that is my limitation,” he said. “The new team can do what I can’t do.”
'A strength of Toyota'

But it turns out he was onto something. This week, the carmaker raised its operating profit guidance by nearly 9% for the fiscal year ending March 31, crediting higher sales of hybrid vehicles across all its major markets.

That contrasted with EV leader Tesla, which despite repeated price cuts to boost demand warned that this year’s sales growth might be “notably lower” than last year’s. Meanwhile there are increasing signs from carmakers and markets around the world that sales growth for electric vehicles is slowing.

With hybrids alone, Toyota sold roughly 3.4 million vehicles globally last year, up from 2.6 million in 2022. Tesla, by contrast, sold 1.8 million vehicles, all of them electric. In total, Toyota sold 11.2 million vehicles, allowing it to retain its crown as the top-selling carmaker for the fourth consecutive year
.

EV sales in the U.S. grew an impressive 51% last year, according to Edmunds, but hybrid sales did even better, jumping 63%.

“We think the market is now rethinking the potential of hybrid products, which are a strength of Toyota,” Goldman Sachs analysts wrote in a recent research note.

“I want to congratulate Toyota, which was attacked for saying it was never going to go all-electric and it was going to continue to make the cars people wanted to buy,” said Diana Furchtgott-Roth, director of the Center for Energy, Climate, and Environment at the Heritage Foundation, on Fox Business.

For drivers, hybrids have the feel-good factor of burning less fossil fuel than normal cars—friendlier on the environment and the pocketbook—without the range anxiety, charging issues, and resale value of EVs. (Hybrids maximize efficiency by alternating from gas to battery power.) It also helps that in the U.S. hybrids are priced closer to regular vehicles than are EVs.

Of course, Toyota could end up on the wrong side of history if consumers shift to EVs faster than it expects. While Toyota does offer some EV models—and has more in the works—they still account for just a sliver of its overall sales.

In 2022, Tesla CEO Elon Musk dismissed hybrids as a phase, saying that it’s “time to move on” from them. The last laugh might belong to him and, perhaps, Chinese rivals like Warren Buffett–backed BYD, which recently passed Tesla in global EV sales.

"If consumer adoption of BEVs shifts again and speeds up, Toyota may not be fully ready,” Stephanie Brinley, an associate director at S&P Global Mobility, told Reuters.

But none of that stopped Toyota's chairman from doubling down on his once-unpopular stance last month, as he estimated that EVs will peak at 30% and share the roads with hybrid, traditional, and hydrogen-powered cars.

This story was originally featured on Fortune.com



After months of negotiation, a rare Russian compromise as Yandex changes hands


Fri, February 9, 2024

A view shows the headquarters of technology company Yandex in Moscow

By Alexander Marrow, Darya Korsunskaya and Polina Devitt

LONDON (Reuters) - Before Moscow's invasion of Ukraine two years ago, Russia's Nasdaq-listed search engine giant Yandex was briefly worth $30 billion. This week, a consortium of domestic investors agreed a deal to buy it for $5.2 billion.


In normal times, that would represent a disaster for Dutch parent company Yandex NV and its Western shareholders.

But in a world where Western firms have left Russia in droves, sometimes for a nominal fee, and Moscow has unilaterally seized foreign-owned assets, there is a sense of relief, if not triumph after 18 months of tense negotiations.

Reuters spoke to nine people familiar with parts of the negotiation process, including employees of Yandex and advisers, investors and negotiators on both sides to establish how the deal came about and what may come next.

The sources declined to be named because of the sensitivity around the deal before it closes.

"Great work has been done," former Russian finance minister turned Yandex advisor Alexei Kudrin, whose meetings with President Vladimir Putin in 2022 were crucial in securing a green light to proceed with the deal, said on Monday. "The process is underway."

Six months earlier, the purchase of Yandex's Russia-based businesses, which generate more than 95% of revenue, by Russian investors looked in peril when the company's co-founder Arkady Volozh called the invasion of Ukraine "barbaric".

With the Kremlin highly sensitive to criticism of what it calls a "special military operation", some on the Russian side of talks wanted to leave Volozh and Yandex NV with nothing, according to four sources familiar with the matter.

But Moscow's fear of losing more skilled technology workers to its war-induced brain drain prevented it from forcibly seizing assets and got negotiations back on track, the sources added.

The Kremlin welcomed the deal on Monday and confirmed on Friday that meetings between Putin and Kudrin had taken place. Kudrin and Yandex NV declined to comment further while Volozh did not respond.

SHRINKING POOL OF BUYERS

At other times, new Western sanctions on potential buyers, and Kudrin himself, caused delays and adjustments. The negotiations, driven by Yandex, were highly complex, with the deal requiring Russian, U.S. and European Union approval.

Once closed, it will be the most significant corporate takeover of the last two years in Russia, leaving one of the few local companies with true global potential before the war under domestic control.

The deal will eliminate Western oversight of Yandex, often dubbed "Russia's Google" and tighten the Kremlin's control over Russia's internet space.

Negotiators needed to find a suitable transaction currency, ultimately settling on China's yuan, adjust Yandex's corporate structure and develop a plan for transferring the Moscow Exchange listing from one company to another.

Success seemed so far off that a person involved at one point quipped: "It feels like we're rearranging the deckchairs on the Titanic."

Potential buyers, including well-known Russian billionaires with ties to the Kremlin, initially bid for half of Yandex for $7 billion but as the pool of potential investors shrank, Volozh's anti-war declaration in August came closest to derailing the process and pushed the price lower, four of the sources said.

Yandex declined to comment on parts of this story but stressed that complying with sanctions regulations was crucial for both sides.

Meanwhile, the expropriation risk left Yandex NV viewing the extraction of any money, even at a huge discount, as a relief, two of the people said.

The Kremlin's success in establishing Russian ownership at a knock-down price is more apparent. Yandex's online services, from taxi and food delivery to search, are ubiquitous in the country.

A group of Yandex managers will become leading shareholders with a 35% stake - they stressed that Yandex would retain its independence, crucial for a technology company where staff are the primary asset.

The remaining 65% will be split between oil major Lukoil and structures owned by businessmen Alexander Chachava, Pavel Prass and Alexander Ryazanov.

A NIGHTMARE

As it encouraged shareholders to approve the deal, Yandex NV pointed to Western firms such as Finnish energy group Fortum, French dairy group Danone and Danish brewer Carlsberg which have had their local assets seized by Moscow.

Its sales pitch goes that AI-focused businesses in cloud, data solutions, self-driving technology and education technology will flourish when headquartered in Amsterdam.

The risk of the Dutch company being immediately deprived of intellectual property rights did not come to pass with licences granted until end-2024.

But Volozh - who holds an 8.5% economic interest through a family trust although no voting rights - is still under EU sanctions.

A person close to Yandex NV said that could prevent him from playing a role in the future company, although two sources said legal arguments against Volozh were easing given the proposed full divestment.

Either way, Yandex NV is counting on developing the four businesses quickly, with global partners ready to collaborate as soon as the deal is done, four people said.

Yandex NV said it planned to return a "substantial portion" of net cash proceeds to remaining shareholders via a buyback but how much they stand to receive is still unclear.

One investor with a shareholding once worth around $200,000 curtly summed up their feelings:

"This deal is a nightmare."

(Reporting by Alexander Marrow, Darya Korsunskaya, Polina Devitt; additional reporting by Gleb Stolyarov; Editing by Mike Collett-White, Kirsten Donovan)
From Coal to Clean: The Economic Challenge of Shifting Energy Paradigms

CENTRAL PLANNING NEEDED FOR A JUST TRANSITION 

Editor OilPrice.com
Fri, February 9, 2024 

A total switch to renewable energy is going to wreak havoc on job markets in the United States. In some places, this will be a great thing – huge numbers of well paid, steady skilled and unskilled jobs will pop up in communities close to utility-scale solar and wind farms, for example. But in other areas, the loss of fossil fuel jobs could be catastrophic if it’s not properly addressed and planned for.

The United States is home to 1.7 million fossil fuel workers. But until recently there has been a problematic lack of data about exactly where these jobs are concentrated, where they represent the majority if not the entirety of available work, and which areas will be hit the hardest by the coming energy evolution.

To help get out in front of this problem, the Massachusetts Institute of Technology (MIT) recently conducted a county-by-county study across the United States that shows exactly which job markets are the most closely tied to fossil fuels, and therefore most vulnerable to the clean energy transition. This map, which the researchers are calling an “employment carbon footprint,” could then be used by policy-makers to properly support these counties which will bear the burden of this unprecedented economic shift to ensure a “just transition.”



The focus on a just transition is important, because the transition is already underway, and it’s already looking like the widespread loss of fossil fuel jobs is an inevitability. In the year after the Biden administration enacted the Inflation Reduction Act – the nation’s single biggest piece of climate legislation in history – companies announced over $110 billion in clean energy manufacturing investments. And it’s estimated that, as of July of last year, those investments had already created more than 170,000 clean energy jobs.

According to the U.S. Department of Energy’s annual employment report, more than 40% of all domestic energy jobs added in 2022 were in clean energy, with an increase in green jobs recorded in each and every one of the 50 states. While it’s encouraging that these kinds of jobs are spread throughout the country, there are still significant pockets within each state that are at risk of being left behind by the transition.

So while the green jobs boom is great news for the climate and for the economy writ large, these figures are nothing short of terrifying for the counties that rely on fossil fuels for their livelihoods and for the wellbeing of entire cities and communities. “Efforts to target communities in the U.S. Inflation Reduction Act leave a significant number of the most carbon-intensive regions of the country behind,” states the aforementioned MIT study, published earlier this month in the Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences (PNAS), a peer reviewed journal of the National Academy of Sciences (NAS).

The study found that there are a concerning number of counties that are highly dependent on fossil fuels to keep their economies afloat, but which are not currently eligible for support from the Inflation Reduction Act. “It’s important that policymakers understand these economy-wide employment impacts. Our aim in providing these data is to help policymakers incorporate these considerations into future policies like the Inflation Reduction Act,” lead author Kailin Graham was recently quoted by MIT News.

What’s more, the rapid addition of clean energy jobs has resulted in a major skill gap for laborers. It won’t be as easy as taking all those unemployed fossil fuel workers and putting them into all those new green energy positions. “Beyond construction, wind and solar farms typically require few workers to operate, and new clean energy jobs might not necessarily offer comparable wages or align with the skills of laid-off workers,” the New York Times reported last year.

At present, there are simply more clean energy jobs available than there are trained workers to fill them. At present, there is such a high demand for renewable energy workers that a labor shortage threatens to derail the United States’ planned buildout of renewable energy production and manufacturing capacity. Clearly, greater support is needed on both sides of the energy industry, for renewables and fossil fuel workers alike, in order to facilitate a smooth and just transition.

By Haley Zaremba for Oilprice.com
MEDIA MONOPOLY CPAITALI$M

Trudeau 'pissed off' by Bell Media's 'garbage decision' to lay off thousands

WHY WE HAVE CBC!


Fri, February 9, 2024 

Prime Minister Justin Trudeau rises during question period on Tuesday, Feb. 6, 2024 in Ottawa. (Adrian Wyld/Canadian Press - image credit)

A fired-up Prime Minister Justin Trudeau unleashed on Bell Media on Friday, calling its move to lay off thousands of employees — including hundreds of journalists — a "garbage decision."

"I'm pretty pissed off about what's just happened," Trudeau said during a press conference in Toronto.

"This is the erosion not just of journalism, of quality local journalism at a time where people need it more than ever, given misinformation and disinformation ... It's eroding our very democracy, our abilities to tell stories to each other."


On Thursday the media company — which owns CTV and BNN Bloomberg — announced 4,800 jobs "at all levels of the company" would be cut. Bell said it's the largest round of cuts in nearly 30 years.

It's also the second major round of layoffs at the media and telecommunications giant since last spring, when six per cent of Bell Media jobs were eliminated and nine radio stations were either shuttered or sold.

Bell also announced it is ending multiple television newscasts and making other programming cuts after its parent company announced widespread layoffs and the sale of 45 of its 103 regional radio stations.

The stations being sold are in British Columbia, Ontario, Quebec and Atlantic Canada.

'I'm furious': Trudeau

After announcing the job cuts, Bell said it would push ahead with a more generous dividend payout to its shareholders.

"I'm furious. This was a garbage decision by a corporation that should know better," said Trudeau.

"We need those local voices and over the past years, corporate Canada — and there are many culprits on this — have abdicated their responsibility toward the communities that they have always made very good profits off of in various ways."

On Thursday, Bell chief legal and regulatory officer Robert Malcolmson blamed the federal government for the cuts. He said Ottawa is taking too long to provide relief to media companies and the Canadian Radio-television and Telecommunications Commission [CRTC] has reacted too slowly to a "crisis that is immediate."




The Bell Media Studios in downtown Toronto on Feb. 8, 2024. Bell Media is ending multiple television newscasts and making other programming cuts after its parent company BCE Inc. announced widespread layoffs and the sale of 45 of its 103 regional radio stations. (Evan Mitsui/CBC)

"We've been advocating for reform for years. It's not coming fast enough and when it does come, it doesn't provide meaningful help," he said.

Malcolmson also said the job losses were directly tied to regulator direction on Bill C-11, which updates the Broadcasting Act to require digital platforms such as Netflix, YouTube and TikTok to contribute to and promote Canadian content.

The legislation passed Parliament last year and it's now up to the CRTC to decide how much foreign streaming giants should pay to support Canadian content and production.

On Thursday, federal Heritage Minister Pascale St-Onge accused Bell of breaking a long-held promise to deliver quality local news.

"They're still making billions of dollars. They're still a very profitable company and they still have the capacity and the means to hold up their end of the bargain, which is to deliver news reports," she said.

Poilievre vows to overturn C-11

One of C-11's main critics, Conservative Leader Pierre Poilievre, has referred to the bill as a form of censorship because it empowers the CRTC to regulate more platforms and the content they disseminate.

He blamed Bell's cuts on what he described as a poor business environment caused by high taxes, burdensome red tape and uncompetitive policies.

"We will move quickly in the early part of my term to overturn C-11 and other censorship and put Canadians in charge of what they see and say online," Poilievre said Thursday.

On Friday, Trudeau took aim at the Conservatives and other critics who have accused his government of greasing the palms of news organizations.

"We have been stepping up over the past years, fighting for local journalism, fighting for investments that we can have, while all the while fending off attacks from Conservatives and others who say, 'No, no, no, you're trying to buy off journalists,'" he said.

Trudeau suggested his government will be "demanding" better from corporations like Bell, but it's not yet clear what that would look like.

Canada media group ends several TV newscasts after announcing 4,800 layoffs


Associated Press
Updated Thu, February 8, 2024 

A person walks by the CTV Television Network studios in Ottawa, Quebec, Canada, on Monday, Feb. 14, 2022. Canada’s largest media and telecom company said Thursday, Feb. 8, 2024, it is ending multiple television newscasts and making other programming cuts after its parent company announced 4,800 layoffs and the sale of 45 of its 103 regional radio stations. 
(AP Photo/Ted Shaffrey, File)More


TORONTO (AP) — Canada’s largest media and telecom company said Thursday it is ending multiple television newscasts and making other programming cuts after its parent company announced 4,800 layoffs and the sale of 45 of its 103 regional radio stations.

In an internal memo to Bell Media employees, it said news stations such as CTV and BNN Bloomberg would be affected immediately.

The radio stations being sold are in British Columbia, Ontario, Quebec and Atlantic Canada.

The memo, signed by Dave Daigle, vice-president of local TV, radio and Bell Media Studios, and Richard Gray, vice-president of news at Bell Media, said weekday noon newscasts at all CTV stations except Toronto would end. It is also scrapping its 6 p.m. and 11 p.m. newscasts on weekends at all CTV and CTV2 stations except Toronto, Montreal and Ottawa.

Earlier, Bell Media’s parent company BCE Inc. announced it was cutting 9% of its workforce.

The company, in an open letter signed by Chief Executive Mirko Bibic, said 4,800 jobs “at all levels of the company” would be cut. Fewer than 10% of the total job cuts are at Bell Media specifically.

Some employees have already been notified or were to be informed Thursday of being laid off, while the balance will be told by the spring. Bibic said the company will use vacancies and natural attrition to minimize layoffs as much as possible.

The Unifor union said 800 members it represents were laid off in the Bell cuts, around 100 of which from the media sector and the balance from the telecom sector.

CTV’s long-running flagship investigative series “W5” will also cease to exist in its current form. The internal memo sent to Bell Media employees says the award-winning program will “evolve” from a standalone documentary series to become “a multi-part, multiplatform investigative reporting unit.”

Its reports will be featured on CTV National News, the CTV News website and other CTV platforms.
EU: FASCISM RISING

French far-right party joins Meloni's European group in pre-poll shift

“We need to join forces on many different fronts to save Europe, against the dominant liberal and left-wing groups that are on course to destroy Europe.”

Reuters
Thu, February 8, 2024


PARIS (Reuters) - The French anti-Islam Reconquete party has said its sole European lawmaker will sit with the eurosceptic group that is home to Italian Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni's Brothers of Italy, as alliances on Europe's right shift ahead of elections.

The move comes as far right parties across the continent, divided into two main groups inside the European Parliament, grapple with how they might coalesce into a more cohesive force ahead of a June vote in which polls show populists making gains.

Polls show the European Conservatives and Reformists Group (ECR), which also counts Poland's Law and Justice, Spain's Vox and Finland's The Finns among its ranks, may overtake French President Emmanuel Macron's Renew Europe party in size.

"Reconquete shares ECR's political DNA! The real political right which acts upon its convictions: defence of the identity of nations and our civilisation when faced with immigration and Islamisation, defence of economic freedoms, ...the safeguarding of our values against wokeism," Reconquete co-chair Marion Marechal said on Wednesday.

Marechal is the niece of Marine Le Pen, leader of France's biggest far-right party, Rassemblement National (National Rally), which is aligned with the hard right Identity and Democracy (ID) group in the European Parliament.

A late January opinion survey for Les Echos newspaper showed Reconquete winning 7% of voter support in France compared with 27% for the Rassemblement National.

Analysts say Europe's far right will remain somewhat hobbled as a political force if the two factions do not work together.

Veteran Hungarian leader Viktor Orban has said his Fidesz party is in talks to join ECR, though not before the June elections. Orban, who maintains close ties to Moscow despite its invasion of Ukraine and for weeks stood in the way of a European financing package for Kyiv, would likely bring a sizeable cohort of lawmakers.

"There is the possibility that Fidesz will converge towards the ECR group if it supports our Euro-Atlantic stance," Carlo Fidanza, a eurodeputy with Meloni's Brothers of Italy party, told Reuters.

However, Orban would also bring risks for Meloni, whose stature as a European leader alongside Macron and German Chancellor Olaf Scholz has grown at past EU summits.

"How successful (Meloni) is will rest on her ability to ... engage the EU's periphery while being a core member," Eurointelligence wrote in a briefing note.

Marechal's Reconquete party was founded by Eric Zemmour who ran for president in 2022 on a nationalist programme promising to save France from a downward spiral that he blamed largely on what he described as unfettered immigration and the increasing influence of Islam. He holds several convictions for inciting racial hate.

(Reporting by Elizabeth Pineau, Richard Lough and Angelo Amante; Editing by Nick Macfie)

Meloni and Eurosceptics Want to Enlist Orban. But For a Price.

Chiara Albanese, Zoltan Simon and Natalia Ojewska
Sat, February 10, 2024 





(Bloomberg) -- Some of the continent’s top right-wing politicians including Italy’s Giorgia Meloni are seeking to bring Hungarian Prime Minister Viktor Orban into their political family, in a bid to reshape their pan-European party into a legitimate force in Brussels.

The Italian premier and former Polish Prime Minister Mateusz Morawiecki have met with Orban in the past few weeks to discuss his Fidesz party joining the European Conservatives and Reformists group, according to people familiar with the negotiations. In the talks, both Meloni and Morawiecki issued a clear caveat: the outspoken Hungarian leader would need to moderate some of his positions.

Such a move would have the potential to radically reshape politics in Brussels and put the ECR in the running to become the third-largest group after the European Parliament elections in June. That would give the ECR greater influence on European Union business and signal a growing role for nationalist politicians who are promoting anti-immigrant and eurosceptic agendas.

“I spoke about it with Viktor Orban, so I know Hungary might consider entering the ECR,” Morawiecki, who leads the Polish delegation of Law and Order in parliament, said in an interview. “That would enhance our capabilities to act for a better Europe.”

The challenge for other European lawmakers is in what “better” might entail. Poland under Law & Justice rule pioneered a brand of right-wing populism by tapping into nativist sentiment and cultural grievances. It weaponized LGBTQ rights, abortion rights, and Ukrainian grain shipments, drawing rebuke from moderates in the 27-member bloc.

The ECR could gain 80 seats in parliament if the European election were held today, according to a recent poll of polls by Europe Elects. If Fidesz joined ECR and if it were to match the 13 seats it won in 2019, that could boost the party into third behind the European People’s Party and the Socialists and Democrats.

The biggest challenge for a grand right-wing coalition would be to reconcile their diverse stances on Ukraine, given the fact that Hungary is led by the most Kremlin-friendly government in the EU while the rest of the ECR strongly backs Kyiv, That’s particularly true of the Law and Justice party, which currently holds the most seats in the group.

“We agree on some issues and disagree on others,” Morawiecki said. “But certainly we have common goals — more power to European people, less EU bureaucracy, more security and common sense, less migration and other self-harming policies.”

The strategy carries risks for Meloni, a relative newcomer to the big leagues of European politics. Taming the five-term Orban — the EU’s longest-serving premier — is a tall challenge, especially since he has had ambitions of his own to unite the continent’s nationalist parties, which are currently splintered between ECR and Identity and Democracy, home of France’s Marine Le Pen.

The Hungarian leader has had a spotty record when it comes to alliances in Brussels. Three years ago Fidesz was pushed out of the EU’s largest political group, the European People’s Party, over the erosion of democratic standards in Hungary.

“Mr. Orban is not somebody who can be easily softened,” Nicolas Schmit, the EU’s social rights chief who is leading the campaign for the Socialists ahead of the election, said in an interview. “If he joins the ECR, this is also gives us a very clear signal of what the ECR represents.”

The EPP had largely shielded and legitimized Orban’s decade-long power consolidation in Budapest. Since then, Fidesz has been without a pan-European party, and has ramped up a campaign of derailing legislation it doesn’t agree with.

There are clear near-term advantages for Orban to strike a deal now. Inclusion in the ECR — alongside Meloni’s Brothers of Italy, Poland’s right-wing Law and Justice and the nationalist Sweden Democrats, among other — would give Orban much-needed support during Hungary’s six-month presidency, which begins in July.

Orban has been a thorn in the EU’s side, becoming adept at using the bloc’s Byzantine rules to derail and delay critical business pushed by the remaining 26 member states. Earlier this month, he threatened to veto the EU’s €50 billion ($53.7 billion) aid package for Ukraine, and in December, he said he would block opening membership talks with Kyiv.

On both issues, the Hungarian leader backed down — partly under Meloni’s influence. She held three separate conversations with Orban on the sidelines of the summit in Brussels, which contributed to him lifting his veto on the Ukraine funding, Bloomberg has reported.

Morawiecki, deputy chairman of the Law and Justice party and a former prime minister of Poland, also met with Orban on the sidelines of the same event, telling him that he must rein in his stance before he can join the ECR, according to another person familiar with the matter, who like others interviewed for this article spoke on the condition of anonymity.

In recent remarks to the press, Orban referred to the move as almost a done deal. However, securing sufficient reassurances of a more cooperative approach could take time, and Fidesz’s accession is unlikely before the June elections, the people said.

Success in reigning in the Hungarian leader would prove not only Meloni’s foreign policy credentials but would also be a relief for the EU, which has grown weary of fighting with Orban on multiple fronts. Orban’s self-styled “illiberal” approach has seen him clash with it on topics including its ban on Russia oil over the war in Ukraine, migration and the rule of law.

On Monday, his lawmakers boycotted a parliamentary session on Sweden’s entry into NATO, ensuring further delays in the long-running standoff between Budapest — the lone holdout — and its partners in the military alliance.

“We need to join forces on many different fronts to save Europe,” Morawiecki said. “ECR will most likely accept everyone who agrees against the dominant liberal and left-wing groups that are on course to destroy Europe.”

--With assistance from Jorge Valero, Ewa Krukowska and Max Ramsay.
CAPITALI$M 101
Wealthy Indonesians Set to Win No Matter Who Becomes President




Philip J. Heijmans
Fri, February 9, 2024 

(Bloomberg) -- A group of powerful Indonesian oligarchs gathered at a cafe in Jakarta last month in a show of support for Prabowo Subianto, underlining why the ex-general may be third time lucky in the upcoming presidential election.

“We are small in number, yes,” coal billionaire Garibaldi Thohir told the room in a widely publicized video of the event. But “in this room maybe one third of Indonesia’s economy is here.”

Their support is a big change from five years ago, when Thohir’s brother — sitting cabinet minister Erick Thohir — led President Joko Widodo’s campaign to beat Prabowo for a second time. Jokowi, as the incumbent is popularly known, can’t run for a third term and has implicitly backed Prabowo by having his 36-year-old son join the ticket as vice president.

Yet the band of American-educated businessmen gathered in the cafe are just as key to victory when 205 million Indonesians elect Jokowi’s successor on Feb. 14.

Prabowo, a former son-in-law of the late dictator Suharto, sang along to Creedence Clearwater Revival during the meeting as he expressed his gratitude for their support.

“I get it now why I lost the presidential election twice,” said Prabowo, who was once banned from entering the US over suspected rights abuses. “Back then, I was not invited here.”

The remarks underscore the sway Indonesia’s ruling class of tycoons and politicians still have in choosing the country’s leaders, nearly three decades since the country embraced democracy.

While Suharto’s ouster in 1998 ushered in an era of reform, politics remain dominated by the factions that made fortunes during his three-decade rule. Their influence over the economy and politics ensured policies that enlarged their wealth from land and the exploitation of the nation’s vast natural resources.

Emails seeking comment sent to Garibaldi Thohir through his company PT Adaro Energy Indonesia Tbk and to Erick Thohir through the Ministry of State-Owned Enterprises were not answered.

Political Elite

As many as half of the 575 lawmakers in parliament have connections with the mining sector, according to the Indonesia Mining Advocacy Network, which investigates the crossover between officials and business.

“Indonesia is governed by the oligarchy — the political elites and the business elites — and when it comes to their interests, I think they overlap,” said Dedi Dinarto, an associate with advisory firm Global Counsel. “This kind of conflict of interest, where a businessman knows a policy is going to come out from a government, is not ideal, but that’s the fact in Indonesia.”

When Jokowi became president in 2014, some analysts expected the former furniture maker from humble origins to sweep away the old power structure. But by his second term, any hope of that was gone as he stacked his cabinet with prominent businessmen and former rivals, including Prabowo as defense minister. With their backing, and the support of four in five lawmakers in the lower house, Jokowi was able to pass reforms designed to elevate Indonesia to the world’s 4th largest economy by 2045.

Meanwhile, Indonesia’s tycoons were amassing record wealth. Forbes reported a 40% increase last year among the 50 richest on its list, to reach a total of $252 billion. London-based consultancy Knight Frank projects the number of individuals with a minimum net worth of $30 million will more than double by 2026 from a decade earlier.

“Jokowi has been very, very smart to make use of the elite concerns to serve his purposes,” Dinarto said.

The elite have managed to retain their influence for several reasons. For one, the first direct presidential vote after Suharto’s ouster didn’t occur for six years. In the interim, the president was picked directly by lawmakers. Then, expensive election campaigns created a barrier for new players.

More critical still is a provision that remains in the Constitution after the end of Suharto’s three-decade dictatorship: that presidential and vice-presidential aspirants must secure the backing of at least 20% of parliament members, or show that they won at least a quarter of the popular vote in the previous election.

The rule, upheld under Jokowi, has been challenged at the Constitutional Court over 30 times as critics complain it puts government representation out of reach of ordinary citizens.

“It’s like going to a concert but using tickets that have already been used,” said Herdiansyah Hamzah, a constitutional expert at Universitas Mulawarman in East Kalimantan. “In the end, the presidential candidates are dominated by old people and certain parties.”

Cost of Business


Jokowi’s critics say he hasn’t helped. He’s been accused of defanging the anti-graft body that was probing his ministers and his government has passed laws limiting criticism of the president and public institutions. His landmark job creation law — already dogged by transparency concerns — was initially rendered legally defective before it was revised and passed.

Representatives for Jokowi didn’t respond to requests for comment.

Indonesia ranked 115th out of 180 in Transparency International’s 2023 corruption perception index, after posting its worst slide since the reform era the prior year.

“Jokowi and his inner circle are trying to resolve bottlenecks to ensure that his priorities are approved and can proceed smoothly. But in the process they changed some rules,” said Alexander Arifianto, a senior fellow with the Indonesia program at the S. Rajaratnam School of International Studies. Now, “they are treated like gods.”

Jokowi’s most telling gambit was to allow his elder son, Gibran Rakabuming Raka, to run for vice president alongside Prabowo. His younger son, 29-year-old Kaesang Pangarep, helms a fringe party that as of Jan. 12 had raised more campaign funds than any other in the Prabowo camp, data show. A son-in-law, Bobby Nasution, is the mayor of Medan, Indonesia’s fourth-largest city.

Some observers say the strategy is an effort to maintain a direct line to the presidency after he leaves office by creating a lasting political dynasty.

Indonesia’s dynastic politics is “a big problem,” former vice president Jusuf Kalla said in an interview. “Even Suharto was good for 10 years,” he said. “When the children are still in school that’s good, but when they grow up and get to know the business — that’s the problem.”

Yet Jokowi’s gambit to bring his son into the political arena has created fractures in the traditional circles of power and raised concern about the influence of the nation’s elites.

Gibran’s candidacy, for example, was made possible by a Constitutional Court ruling that was presided over by Jokowi’s brother-in-law. That sparked discord within the cabinet and led to student demonstrations.

Corruption probes against a pair of ministers from junior coalition partner the National Democratic Party raised speculation that the investigations were motivated by the party’s support for former Jakarta governor Anies Baswedan’s presidential bid.

Similarly, a probe of the trade ministry led by National Mandate Party chief Zulkifli Hasan over alleged corruption related to sugar imports was seen as “an attempt to bargain” over support for Jokowi’s candidate, said Titi Anggraini, an advisory board member of the Association for Elections and Democracy, or Perludem, an independent, non-profit advocacy group.

Election rivals have also alleged interference on the campaign trail.

“We book a campaign venue for a rally and last minute the permit for the event is revoked by the local police,” said Tom Lembong, an ex-trade minister serving as vice-chair of Anies’ campaign. “No reason given.”

One big indication of a rift in the traditional political alliances was the decision by the ruling party’s matriarch Megawati Sukarnoputri, to back the party’s own candidate Ganjar Pranowo after initially seeking to have her daughter campaign for the position.

“Everything has been weakened because of the politicization of the constitutional court, the vulgarity of dynastic politics and now elections full of controversy,” said Perludem’s Anggraini.

--With assistance from Soraya Permatasari and Chandra Asmara.

 Bloomberg BusinessWeek


Earthquake of magnitude 5.6 strikes Mindanao, Philippines - GFZ


MANILA, Feb 10 (Reuters) - A magnitude 5.6 earthquake struck Mindanao, Philippines, on Saturday, the German Research Centre for Geosciences (GFZ) said.

The quake was 10 km (6 miles) deep, GFZ said.

The Philippine seismology agency had a different reading, saying it was a magnitude 5.9 earthquake with a depth of 27 km (16.8 miles). The Philippine agency also said in a bulletin it was expecting no damage, but that there could be aftershocks.

Rescue workers searching for dozens of missing people in an earlier landslide in Maco town in the southern Philippines province of Davao de Oro had to stop their operations because of the earthquake, authorities said.

The death toll from the landslide, which happened on Tuesday night outside a gold mining site, has reached 28, with 77 still missing and 32 injured, including a 3-year-old girl rescued on Friday after 60 hours under rubble.

Torrential rains have battered Davao de Oro in recent weeks, triggering floods and landslides. (Reporting by Gnaneshwar Rajan in Bengaluru and Neil Jerome Morales in Manila; Editing by William Mallard and Tom Hogue)
Philippines' Marcos says secessionist threats 'doomed to fail'

Rodrigo Duterte, called for his home island Mindanao to break away

Reuters
Thu, February 8, 2024 


MANILA (Reuters) - Philippine President Ferdinand Marcos Jr said on Thursday that calls for independence for the country's southern island of Mindanao were a "constitutional travesty" and "doomed to fail."

It is the first time he has addressed the issue since his predecessor, Rodrigo Duterte, called for his home island to break away, as his alliance with Marcos collapses very publicly amid insults and disagreements over constitutional reform.

"The new call for a separate Mindanao is doomed to fail, for it is anchored on a false premise, not to mention a sheer constitutional travesty," Marcos said in a speech on Constitution Day without naming his outspoken predecessor.

"I strongly appeal to all concerned to stop this call for a separate Mindanao. This is a grave violation of the constitution," he said. "This is not the new Philippines that we are trying to mold. Rather this would destroy the country."

Marcos' national security adviser on Sunday said the government would not hesitate to "use its authority and forces to quell and stop any and all attempts to dismember the Republic."

That was followed by Marcos' defence chief on Monday vowing to strictly enforce the country's sovereignty after Duterte's secessionist threats.

Duterte was the first Philippine president to hail from resource-rich Mindanao, which has been plagued by violence and conflict for decades as the government battled insurgents and extremists. The unrest has discouraged investment there and left many villages in poverty.

(Reporting by Karen Lema; Editing by Hugh Lawson)
Fact Check: Biden Once Said if Israel Didn't Exist, the US 'Would Have To Invent an Israel.' Here's the Context

Nur Ibrahim
SNOPES
Thu, February 8, 2024 


Reagan White House Photographs/Wikimedia Commons


Claim:

In 1986, then-U.S. Sen. Joe Biden said, “[Supporting Israel] is the best $3 billion investment we make. Were there not an Israel, the United States of America would have to invent an Israel to protect her interests in the region.”

Rating:

Rating: Correct Attribution
Rating: Correct Attribution

The protracted, often bloody Israeli-Palestinian conflict exploded into a hot war on Oct. 7, 2023, when the militant Palestinian group Hamas launched a deadly attack on Israel and Israel retaliated by bombarding the Gaza Strip. More than 20,000 people, the vast majority of them Palestinians, were reportedly killed during the first two months of the war alone. The violence is driven by mutual hostilities and territorial ambitions dating back more than a century. The internet has become an unofficial front in that war and is rife with misinformation, which Snopes is dedicated to countering with facts and context. You can help. Read the latest fact checks. Submit questionable claims. Become a Snopes Member to support our work. We welcome your participation and feedback.

In late 2023 and into 2024, as the Israel-Hamas conflict continued, a number of social media posts highlighted U.S. President Joe Biden’s longtime support of Israel. Many such posts sought to criticize him for that support as the number of Palestinians killed in Gaza by Israeli bombardment approached more than 27,000.

The posts included an old video clip of then-U.S. Sen. Biden from 1986 in which he allegedly said, “[Supporting Israel] is the best $3 billion investment we make. Were there not an Israel, the United States of America would have to invent an Israel to protect her interests in the region.”


(Screenshot via X)

Biden indeed said the above words, in the context of opposing an arms sale to Saudi Arabia. He argued that sending weapons to that country would compromise Israel's security.

Biden was arguing during a Senate debate for overriding a presidential veto pertaining to arms sales in Saudi Arabia. In May 1986, then-U.S. President Ronald Reagan had vetoed a congressional resolution that sought to block his request to sell advanced missiles to Saudi Arabia.

Biden supported the prohibition of arms sales to Saudi Arabia and called on the Senate to override Reagan’s veto because it would put Saudi Arabia in the position of having to support their “Arab brethren” against Israel. The quote in question emerged at the end of Biden’s statement, transcribed below.

Around three hours' worth of the Senate debate, including Biden’s full statement, is available for viewing on C-SPAN. We transcribed sections of Biden’s speech below (emphasis, ours):

Quite frankly, the Saudis are an 80-member family oligarchy that finds themselves adrift in the midst of an Islamic revolution, the consequences of which they do not comprehend any more than we [...] the government of Saudi Arabia, is the anachronism of the 20th century in the Middle East, and the fact of the matter is [...] the Saudis have no choice but to fund the PLO. The Saudis have no choice but to be supportive of their Arab brethren. The Saudis have no choice but to do that for in fact, about 55,000 Palestinians control the infrastructure of Saudi Arabia. They literally have their hands on the spigots [...] that control the oil. And so I would suggest to my colleagues we should not be viewing this so much in terms of whether or not the Saudis are good guys or bad guys. We should view it in terms of what is realistic. Madam President, it is this senator's opinion that it is totally unrealistic to expect the Saudis—with or without our help in terms of arms sales—to do anything other than maintain a policy which they have had, which is one that is not particularly helpful to our interest. And furthermore, I would suggest to my colleagues in the Senate that we're doing a disservice to Saudi Arabia. [...] For I believe the Saudis do not want to have a war with Israel. But I believe once we send their arsenal soaring in terms of sophisticated weapons, they will be put in the untenable position the next time there is a conflict in the region, of having to get directly involved, of having to move with their Arab brethren. For if they don't, they will be moved.

Biden went on to argue that the U.S. should support Saudi Arabia through other means, including helping its internal security, and concluded by saying Israel could not afford to have an unstable Saudi Arabia either (emphasis, ours):

We do not have a Middle East foreign policy at this moment and to suggest that we are going to substitute an arms sales package for a policy in the name of trying to suggest that this is a litmus test once again. I've been here 14 years. I'm tired of being subjected to a litmus test by the Saudis. Litmus test by anyone else. We should operate and move in what is the naked self interest of the United States of America. And if we wish to help the Saudis, what we should be doing for Saudi Arabia is helping them with their infrastructure as it relates to their domestic security requirements. [...] We should be dealing with their ability to protect their own internal security from within. [...] if we look at the Middle East, I think it's about time we stopped those of us who support—as most of us do—Israel in this body, for apologizing for our support for Israel. There's no apology to be made. None. It is the best $3 billion investment we make. Were there not an Israel, the United States of America would have to invent an Israel to protect her interests in the region.

In June 1986, the Senate voted to uphold Reagan’s veto with a narrow margin of a single vote. However, opponents of the arms sale also claimed a victory because the overall package of sales was reduced significantly.

This was not the only time Biden used such language to describe his support for Israel. In 2020, Israeli newspaper Haaretz revealed a 1986 document detailing Biden's meeting with Israel's ambassador in Washington, D.C. In the meeting, Biden was thanked for supporting aid to Israel, to which Biden reportedly said, “That’s our best investment, where we get the biggest bang for our buck."

Sources:

Levinson, Chaim. “Rare 1986 Document Reveals Biden’s Views on Israel and Saudi Arabia.” Haaretz, 28 Dec. 2020. Haaretz, https://www.haaretz.com/israel-news/2020-12-28/ty-article/rare-1986-document-reveals-bidens-views-on-israel-and-saudi-arabia/0000017f-f2ca-d8a1-a5ff-f2ca769b0000Accessed 8 Feb. 2024.

Osgood, Brian and Linah Alsaafin, Tamila Varshalomidze. “UN: 300k in North Gaza at Risk of Famine as Israel Continues to Block Aid.” Al Jazeera, https://www.aljazeera.com/news/liveblog/2024/2/8/israels-war-on-gaza-live-us-says-space-for-truce-deal-israel-vows-war. Accessed 8 Feb. 2024.

Roberts, Steven V. “PRESIDENT VETOES EFFORT TO BLOCK ARMS FOR SAUDIS.” The New York Times, 22 May 1986. NYTimes.com, https://www.nytimes.com/1986/05/22/world/president-vetoes-effort-to-block-arms-for-saudis.html. Accessed 8 Feb. 2024.

"Senate Session." June 5, 1986 | C-SPAN.Org. https://www.c-span.org/video/?45851-1/senate-session. Accessed 8 Feb. 2024.