Thursday, August 01, 2024

What Can a City Do When Neo-Nazis Start Marching Down Its Streets?

Emily Cochrane
Thu, August 1, 2024 

Community members gathered to denounce neo-Nazi activity and antisemitism at Bicentennial Capitol Mall in Nashville this month.


NASHVILLE, Tenn. — They first arrived at the beginning of July: dozens of masked white supremacists, shuffling out of U-Hauls, to march through Nashville, Tennessee, carrying upside-down American flags.

A week later, members of a separate neo-Nazi group, waving giant black flags with red swastikas, paraded along the city’s famed strip of honky-tonks and celebrity-owned bars. The neo-Nazis poured into the historic Metro courthouse to disrupt a City Council meeting, harassed descendants of Holocaust survivors and yelled racist slurs at young Black children performing on a downtown street.

The appearance of white nationalists on the streets of a major American city laid bare the growing brazenness of the two groups, the Patriot Front and the Goyim Defense League. Their provocations enraged and alarmed civic leaders and residents in Nashville, causing the city to grapple with how to confront the groups without violating free speech protections.

Sign up for The Morning newsletter from the New York Times

“I can’t imagine having a mimosa on Fifth and Broadway, and 400 Patriot Front members walk out of a U-Haul — it has to be one of the most jarring experiences as an American and as a tourist in the city,” said state Rep. Aftyn Behn, who represents the city’s downtown. “Nashville is a microcosm of the greater country, and we are at a moment where we have to decide who we are.”

Both of the groups that visited Nashville this summer have become more visible since the 2017 “Unite the Right” rally in Charlottesville, Virginia, and are now among the top sources of white supremacist propaganda. At the same time, the leadership of the other far-right groups such as the Proud Boys has been disrupted by prosecutions over their involvement in the Jan. 6, 2021, riot at the Capitol.

White supremacists have appeared in Nashville before and have increasingly promoted racist and antisemitic messages across the country. Those include plotting to riot at a Pride event in Idaho, disrupting city council meetings in New England and protesting at the opening New York performances of “Parade,” a musical about the 1915 lynching of a Jewish man in the South.

“What I would characterize this as is terror tourism,” Mayor Freddie O’Connell said in an interview. He recalled how his maternal grandfather, whose father was an Orthodox rabbi, and his siblings fled Poland as antisemitism began to take hold in Europe before the Holocaust.

Of the white supremacist groups, he said: “These are mostly people from out of area, coming in here mostly to disrupt and use hate speech as an act of terror, and it’s very difficult to prevent them from doing so.”

Police said that at least one of the groups had been traveling to Nashville from a rental property in Kentucky. But the repeated incidents have also prompted an uncomfortable debate about why white supremacist groups feel comfortable parading through a city that has labored to highlight its vibrant music legacy and rapid growth.

Nashville, the site of multiple civil rights monuments and a short drive away from Civil War battlefields, is no stranger to the strains of white supremacy. White supremacist groups have repeatedly emerged in the past year, confronting supporters of gun control laws last year and rallying in the city in February.

Several residents and Democratic lawmakers accused the state’s ultraconservative Republican supermajority, as well as a recent influx of far-right political figures and commentators, of fueling the rise of hate groups by championing anti-LGBTQ+ legislation and targeting diversity initiatives.

Gov. Bill Lee, a Republican, issued a video statement broadly condemning antisemitism in July, while a member of the state’s Republican leadership, William Lamberth, sponsored a resolution condemning neo-Nazism in February.

“This state actually respects freedom of speech,” one member of the Goyim Defense League told Phil Williams, a local television journalist, when asked why they had chosen to come to Nashville. Outside a weekend counter-rally hosted by the Jewish Federation of Greater Nashville, a half dozen neo-Nazis appeared to revel in the outrage, filming themselves doing Nazi salutes and heckling attendees.

“We’re having a good time out here,” one man could be heard saying. “Are we welcome?”

Many residents called on the city to do more to prevent the return of the groups, amid fears of an escalation tied to the presidential election in November.

“It makes me not want to live here,” said Carly Wasserman, 27, who attended the rally in a sleeveless tank top, revealing an arm of flower tattoos mirroring the ones her grandfather got to cover up his concentration camp number. She added, “There’s freedom of speech, and there’s hate speech.”

City officials said they were reviewing ordinances related to face coverings, littering and permit requirements for parades, as well as consulting a First Amendment expert to ensure that any crackdown would withstand a legal challenge.

The white supremacist groups, city officials said, strategically navigate city regulations to avoid arrest or police interference. Often, they are penalized with littering citations for distributing antisemitic pamphlets; in one instance, a leader of the Goyim Defense League spent a few weeks last fall in a Florida jail.

Metro Nashville Police have monitored the groups, including when members have shouted at boys drumming on buckets downtown. Body camera footage shows one officer repeatedly telling the men, “They’re kids,” as the children, yelling back, walked away.

O’Connell and police officials have also pleaded with residents to resist the urge to engage with the groups. A Canadian man remained in jail this week, after the police said he used a Nazi flag to pummel a bartender who had confronted members of the Goyim Defense League. (The bartender also faces a misdemeanor charge for his role in the fray.)

Without broader legal recourse, Nashville leaders and residents have moved to condemn the groups and confront the white supremacists when given the chance.

“The First Amendment is not an excuse or a technicality or a loophole to utilize, to harass, to intimidate, to instill fear in people,” Jacob Kupin, a councilmember, said. “The best response we have in our tool kit is to speak louder and more boldly and send the message that hate has no place in Nashville,” he said.

When the group filed into a Metropolitan Council meeting in July — another preferred tactic of disruption — they began confronting attendees and heckling speakers. When Kupin spoke about his pride in his Jewish faith and how his grandfather had liberated a concentration camp, the group booed him, he said.

Councilmember Zulfat Suara also condemned the group’s interruptions, to jeers. Sulfat, who was presiding over the chamber at the time, soon ordered the police to clear the room.

Suara, who wears a hijab and has been subject to threats as the city’s first Muslim councilmember, later said she had briefly debated openly acknowledging the neo-Nazis. But, she said in an interview, she reflected on the work of the city’s civil rights leaders.

“I cannot be honoring them and their legacies and talking about them and then be a coward and not be able to speak up when I have the opportunity to,” she said. “I needed to let them know where we stand as a city.”

On Saturday, a group of Black Nashville residents stood downtown in support of the young children who had faced racist vitriol from the group and to voice frustration with what they felt was an uneven treatment by the police. Amplified by a megaphone, their chants reverberated over passersby on their way to a Bitcoin conference, tourists headed to the Country Music Hall of Fame and bachelorette parties wheeling by.

Robert C. Sherrill, a business leader and youth advocate who lives in North Nashville, took the bullhorn and asked, “What are we doing, America?”

c.2024 The New York Times Company

 Bella Hadid's Adidas ad controversy: The model apologizes for campaign but says the brand 'should have known'

'I am shocked, I am upset, and I am disappointed in the lack of sensitivity that went into this campaign,' Hadid wrote.

suzy byrne
Reporter
Tue, Jul 30, 2024, 

An Adidas ad campaign featuring Bella Hadid was pulled amid backlash. Now, she's addressing the controversy. (Andreas Rentz/Getty Images)


Bella Hadid is breaking her silence on Adidas’s controversial Olympic-themed ad campaign. The model said in a statement that she’s “shocked” by “the lack of sensitivity” that went into the campaign but acknowledges that she should have done “more research.”

The German-based brand pulled the ad campaign that relaunched its SL72 running shoes, which were inspired by a style worn at the 1972 Munich Olympics, earlier this month after criticism from Israel as well as Jewish organizations. At issue was Hadid, who’s of Palestinian descent, being the face of the campaign when that year’s Olympics Games were overshadowed by a Palestinian militant group’s attack and murder of 11 Israeli athletes and coaches and a German police officer. Adidas previously apologized, twice, including to Hadid, amid reports that she’s weighing her legal options.

🚨What just happened?

On July 29, Hadid shared a statement on her Instagram Stories addressing the controversy.

“I had no knowledge of the historical connection to the atrocious events in 1972,” she wrote. “I am shocked, I am upset, and I am disappointed in the lack of sensitivity that went into this campaign. Had I been made aware, from the bottom of my heart, I would never have participated."



(Bella Hadid via Instagram)

She pointed a finger at Adidas but also acknowledged that she and her team didn’t properly vet the campaign.

"My team should have known, Adidas should have known and I should have done more research so that I too would have known and understood, and spoken up,” she wrote. “As I always have, and always will, speak up for what I believe to be wrong. … I do not believe in hate in any form, including antisemitism. That will never waiver, and I stand by that statement to the fullest extent."

Hadid went on to say that “connecting the liberation of the Palestinian people to an attack so tragic is something that hurts my heart. Palestine is not synonymous with terrorism, and this campaign unintentionally highlighted an event that does not represent who we are. … I will forever stand by my people of Palestine while continuing to advocate for a world free of antisemitism.”

📖 How did we end up here?

Adidas touted the campaign — including with a digital billboard in New York City — earlier this month.

When an image of Hadid with the sneakers was posted on X on July 18, the state of Israel called out the brand.

The American Jewish Committee also criticized Adidas, calling it “massive oversight or intentionally inflammatory.”

Hadid, whose father is Palestinian, has been outspoken in her support of Palestine and criticism of Israel over the years. Her support has been amplified amid the Israel-Hamas war, which broke out in October of last year. Hadid and her sister, Gigi, donated $1 million to aid Palestinian relief efforts.

Adidas first apologized on July 19, saying it would be "revising the remainder of the campaign," and removed social media posts featuring the campaign. Hadid also deleted campaign images from Instagram.

“The adidas Originals SL72 campaign unites a broad range of partners to celebrate our lightweight running shoe, designed more than 50 years ago and worn in sport and culture around the world,” a spokesperson said in a statement. “We are conscious that connections have been made to tragic historical events — though these are completely unintentional — and we apologize for any upset or distress caused. As a result, we are revising the remainder of the campaign. We believe in sport as a unifying force around the world and will continue our efforts to champion diversity and equality in everything we do.”

On July 21, Adidas issued a second apology on social media for the “negative impact” brought by the ad campaign which it called “an unintentional mistake.”

“Connections continue to be made to the terrible tragedy that occurred at the Munich Olympics due to our recent SL72 campaign,” the brand wrote on its Instagram story. “These connections are not meant and we apologize for any upset or distress caused to communities around the world.”

The brand went on to apologize to Hadid and others featured in the campaign, including rapper A$AP Nast and soccer player Jules Koundé, for “any negative impact on them” and said it’s “revising the campaign.”

The second apology came after a report that Hadid hired lawyers to take legal action against the brand for its “lack of public accountability” for putting out a campaign that “would associate anyone with the death and violence of what took place at the 1972 Munich Games.” A Hadid insider criticized Adidas’s inadequate vetting of the campaign.

Representatives for Adidas and Hadid did not respond to Yahoo Entertainment’s request for comment.

After $4 billion Infosys demand, India may target other IT majors, source says


FILE PHOTO: An employee walks past a signage board in the Infosys campus at the Electronics City IT district in Bangalore·
Reuters

Thu, Aug 1, 2024,
By Nikunj Ohri and Haripriya Suresh

NEW DELHI (Reuters) - Indian authorities may issue notices soon to more major IT services firms in an investigation of alleged tax evasion related to work done by their overseas offices, a government source said on Thursday, a day after Infosys was slapped with a $4 billion tax demand.

In serving its highest-ever tax demand on Infosys, the government accused India's second-largest tech services company of evading taxes and sought 320 billion rupees ($3.8 billion), or almost all its revenue for the quarter ended June 30.

The National Association of Software and Service Companies (Nasscom), an industry lobby group, said that the tax demand "reflects a lack of understanding of industry's operating model", and that companies are facing avoidable litigation, uncertainty, as well as concerns from investors and customers due to such actions from the government.

"The government circulars issued... must be honoured in enforcement mechanisms so that notices do not create uncertainty and negatively impact perceptions on India’s ease of doing business," it said.

Yet, tax authorities are not confining their investigations to Infosys. "This is an industry-wide issue," a senior tax official with knowledge of the matter told Reuters, adding that notices were likely to be sent to some other IT companies.

Infosys said late on Wednesday it had received "pre-show cause" notices from the tax authorities but believed the relevant taxes had been paid. The company said in a statement it had paid its dues and is in compliance with central and state regulations.

The source spoke on condition of anonymity as he was not authorised to speak to media.

India's finance ministry did not reply to an email seeking comment.


Experts said more tax notices for the same alleged violations were likely to be in the offing.

"Issuing such a substantial show-cause notice is likely to set a precedent, leading to similar notices being issued to other multinational companies, particularly in the IT sector," said Rajat Mohan, director at accounting firm MOORE Singhi.

The overseas offices carry out projects for Indian IT firms and provide services to international clients, among other functions.

Shares of Infosys were down 1% at 1,868.25 rupees on Thursday.

Infosys may be in for a long and protracted battle, some tax experts said.

"The pragmatic solution for Infosys lies in going to court and getting a stay on these proceedings," said Abhishek Rastogi, founder of Rastogi Chambers, adding that the services were provided outside India and in that case the company should not have to pay any tax.

In the last year, India's goods and services tax department has sent more than 1,000 notices to companies, including Life Insurance Corporation of India, Dr Reddy's Laboratories and Ultratech Cement.

Tax authorities have also issued notices to online gaming companies demanding a total of about 1 trillion rupees in taxes that they have allegedly evaded.

Companies have challenged these demands in tribunals and courts.

($1=83.7175 Indian rupees)

(Additional reporting by Haripriya Suresh in Bengaluru; Editing by Clarence Fernandez, David Holmes and Susan Fenton)
Hong Kong young people struggle to rebuild their lives after being jailed under Beijing's crackdown

KANIS LEUNG
Wed, July 31, 2024 
 

HONG KONG (AP) — After spending five months in jail for publishing seditious Instagram posts, Joker Chan returned to a harsh reality.

Chan, 30, was sentenced in 2022 for posts containing slogans like “Liberate Hong Kong, revolution of our times,” which were popularly chanted during massive anti-government protests in the city in 2019. Authorities said such slogans could imply separating Hong Kong from China — a red line for Beijing.

Upon his release, Chan's criminal record barred him from returning to the hotel industry, where he previously worked as a chef. Tattoos on his arms, legs and the sides of his neck — some related to the protests — made his job search more difficult. Now, he works as a part-time waiter, earning about half of what he used to make.


Some of his friends severed ties with him, fearing their association might lead to police investigations. His family also expressed disappointment in him, and when he went out with other former protesters they asked him whether he planned to stir trouble.

“I felt helpless. I can’t understand this,” he said, wearing a black t-shirt that read “I am Hongkonger" and with a tattoo of his inmate number on his arm.

Five years after the protests erupted, the lives of some young people who were jailed or arrested during Beijing’s political crackdown on the city's pro-democracy movement remain in limbo. Unlike famed activists, these former protesters usually receive little attention from most of the city, even though their activism for the same democratic goals has exacted a similarly heavy toll.

Since the protests broke out five years ago, more than 10,200 people have been arrested in connection with the often-violent social unrest sparked by a now-withdrawn extradition bill, which would have allowed suspects in Hong Kong to be sent to mainland China. According to police, about one-fifth of them have faced or were facing “legal consequences” as of the end of May.

The government crackdown expanded after Beijing imposed a national security law in 2020 and the enactment of similar, home-grown legislation in March. About 300 others were arrested under the two security laws and other offenses linked to endangering national security as of June, with half of them already convicted by courts, the city’s security bureau said.

Chan fought for a more democratic Hong Kong, a goal that many in the city have yearned for since the former British colony returned to China in 1997. Reflecting on his actions, Chan said he would have been more cautious if he could go back in time, but he doesn't regret what he did.

“Regret can lead you to overturn what you originally firmly stood for,” he said.

Chan was an exception in agreeing for his full name to be published in this article. Two other interviewees The Associated Press spoke with asked to be identified only by partial names over fears of government retribution.

Another former inmate, also surnamed Chan, said he panicked every time he saw police on the streets after he finished serving his sentence in 2022, worrying he would be arrested again. Chan, who is in his 20s, refused to provide more details about his prosecution since he feared being identified by authorities.

Before he landed his current job in the creative industry, he sent applications to about 40 companies seeking employment, with only a handful offering him an interview. He said one interviewer was concerned that convicted people like him could affect their corporate image.

Even when he secured a position at another firm, he said he was treated unfairly by former pro-China colleagues. He said they also did not allow him to work on certain projects.

"Some (who were jailed) for political cases like me, when released, are treated as pariahs in society in a hidden manner,” he said.

Others who did not go to jail have also lived in fear for years. Nick, a former protester who was arrested in 2019, said he didn't know for years whether he would be charged until police this year confirmed they had dropped his case.

Brandon Yau, secretary of the prisoners’ support group Waiting Bird, said while some former inmates could return to the industries they previously worked in, many teachers, medical professionals and social workers — whose positions are linked to a license or public sector organizations — face greater challenges in returning to their old sectors.

Convicted students who were formerly jailed are concerned about whether schools will accept them. Some institutions have been unsupportive of their students after they were arrested, Yau said.

According to his group, many of the hundreds of convicts they supported are expected to be released in the next two years. Yau said the city should plan for ways to accommodate them.

Official data show hundreds of people were sent to correctional services facilities each year over offenses linked to the protests or for allegedly endangering national security between 2020 and 2023. By the end of 2023, about 780 people were in custody for such offenses, up nearly 50% from a year earlier.

Hong Kong's security minister Chris Tang previously said many young people who were jailed over civil disturbances were influenced or incited by others and went astray. He said local society won’t give up on them as long as they “genuinely” want to turn over a new leaf.

But critics say Tang's remarks overlook the deeper grievances and aspirations that drove young people to protest five years ago.

Paul Yip, a professor at The University of Hong Kong’s department of social work and social administration, said local employers were becoming more accepting of these young people, possibly after seeing former inmates perform well in their jobs.

Yip, also the director of a suicide prevention research center, said the young people he hired were enthusiastic about their future and usually had a strong sense of responsibility.

He said it is important to help such people get back on track.

“We say young people are our future. They are the young people. If you don't give them a future, then how will we have a future?” he sai









Hong Kong Jailed Protesters Rehabilitation
Joker Chan poses for photographs after an interview, in Hong Kong, on June 28, 2024. Chan, 30, was sentenced in 2022 for posts containing slogans like “Liberate Hong Kong, revolution of our times,” which were popularly chanted during massive anti-government protests in the city in 2019. Authorities said such slogans could imply separating Hong Kong from China, a red line for Beijing.

(AP Photo/Billy H.C. Kwok)

THE MOST MORAL ARMY IN THE WORLD
Palestinian homes were destroyed ‘for revenge,’ says Israeli soldier who served in Gaza


Ami Kaufman and Bianna Golodryga, CNN
Thu, August 1, 2024 

Destroyed homes, looting, and a desire for revenge. A former Israel Defense Forces (IDF) reservist has alleged serious misconduct by Israeli forces in Gaza, and a lack of discipline in the command structure, in an interview with CNN.

Yuval Green, a 26-year-old former paratrooper, is one of a handful of soldiers who have served in Israel’s war against Hamas and are now publicly criticizing the way it is being prosecuted.

Green described the behavior and alleged misdeeds of his reservist peers while serving in the Palestinian enclave, and the day he decided to tell his commanders he could no longer be part of his unit.

Israel launched its military offensive in Gaza on October 7 after Hamas attacked southern Israel. At least 1,200 people were killed, and more than 250 others abducted in the assault, according to Israeli authorities.

Israeli military action in the strip has killed nearly 40,000 Palestinians and injured over 90,000, according to Gaza’s Ministry of Health. As of early July, nearly 2 million people had been displaced in Gaza – almost the entire population, according to figures from the United Nations.

Green, who served as a medic in his unit, told CNN that prior to October 7 – when he was recruited for reserve duty – he had intended to leave the army, objecting to its conduct in the Israeli-occupied West Bank. He had planned to tell his comrades on October 8, but after Hamas attacked, he felt duty-bound to support them as they were mobilized for the war.

“When the 7th of October struck, it was difficult for me at this time to tell them that I’m not willing to come with them,” Green said. “So I decided to join my friends … I didn’t know what would be the right thing to do.”


Yuval Green, a former Israeli paratrooper, speaks to CNN. - CNN


Atmosphere of ‘demonizing Gazans’

Green told CNN that he served in the Gaza perimeter in November last year before being sent into the strip on December 2, spending 51 days in the city of Khan Younis, in the south. He said that the anger felt by Israelis after October 7 and calls for revenge were expressed openly in his unit, as they waited to be sent into Gaza, and called it the “demonizing” of Palestinians.

“In the days before we entered Khan Younis … there was this atmosphere that was kind of growing of demonizing the Gazans,” he said, adding that he heard people “speaking about killing, ruining all of Gaza. Wiping it out became something that people (were discussing), as if it was some kind of a legitimate idea.”

IDF rules of engagement in Gaza have been under great scrutiny. Green claims that IDF commanders on the ground seemed to acquiesce to soldiers’ desires to have fewer restrictions on their conduct than in previous incursions.

“I felt like my commanders were trying to kind of go with the soldiers and try to say things that they thought … (were) what the soldiers wanted to hear. You know, saying things like, ‘We’re not going to have any boundaries in Gaza this time.’”

Green said he did not serve during earlier cycles of violence in Gaza but took part in guard duty on the Gaza perimeter and in the West Bank, as well as training.


A view of destruction in Khan Younis, in southern Gaza, on December 17, 2023, after weeks of Israeli bombardment. - Mahmud Hams/AFP/Getty Images/File

‘We don’t care enough’ about Palestinian lives

The war in Gaza has caused widespread material destruction to homes, infrastructure, hospitals and schools. Green says he witnessed the “unnecessary” destruction of Palestinian homes.

“We’ve seen a lot of destruction that was not necessarily related to military reasons. Everything tends to (get) really mix up, you know – people are destroying houses because they believe that they should (get) revenge (for) what happened on (October 7) and it mixes up with the reasons to destroy houses for military reasons,” Green said, adding he witnessed “chaos … I could tell you 100% that we’ve destroyed houses at least for reasons that … we don’t care enough about the lives of Palestinians.”

Describing the extent of the damage in Gaza, he said, “You can’t imagine it. Cities that are completely ruined.”


Palestinians carry out search and rescue operations following an airstrike on December 7, 2023, in Khan Younis. - Ahmad Hasaballah/Getty Images/File


Accusations of looting


Green told CNN that one of the things that bothered him most was witnessing what he alleged was the looting of Palestinian homes by soldiers in his own unit.

“You’re seeing looting by your peers all the time. That was something (that) was very difficult for me to see. I mean, people were taking ‘souvenirs’ (from) the Palestinians’ houses, which I think directly relates to the demonization we’ve seen before the entrance to Khan Younis,” he said. “People were taking, you know, necklaces and doing graffiti on the walls and … leaving behind damage to the houses that was just completely unnecessary.”

When asked if he thinks this behavior was condoned by IDF commanders, Green said that officially, they disapproved of such conduct – but were unable to stop it.

“The superior commanders of the IDF, I think they do believe that this shouldn’t happen – looting or graffiti,” Green said. “But I don’t think (the IDF) has the resources to stop it, and I think, you know, it all comes down to the soldiers (in) the field. You can’t stop any soldier from doing things.”

While witnessing the alleged looting, Green said he confronted his peers, which resulted in “a lot of arguments,” but he was unable to sway his superiors to act: “Some of them agreed with me, some of them didn’t – or some of them, you know, were in between.”

“But all of them weren’t able to control our actions.”

The decision to leave


In the end, one specific moment pushed Green to make the tough decision to leave his unit: when a commander allegedly ordered the burning of a Palestinian home they were stationed in.

“At some point, my commander told my platoon to burn down the house we’re staying at,” Green recounted. “And I went to him, I approached him and I asked him, ‘Why are we doing that?’ And he gave me a few reasons, and I think those reasons were just not strong enough.”

“They were, you know, military type of reasons, but they (were mixed up with) the revenge type of reasons. Now, I think this is just what’s going on in Gaza. Israel is doing things because it needs to fulfil a type of military purpose, but it all mixes up with our need for – or the Israeli need for – revenge.”

“I said, ‘I’m not willing to participate in that. I’m not destroying a house that belonged to a few families that would become homeless because of that – and I’m leaving.’ And I just (left) with the next car that went out.”

Green said he decided to speak out publicly to put pressure on the Israeli government to accept a ceasefire and hostage deal. The Israeli government said this week that it was Hamas leadership that was preventing an agreement.

“I think there are concrete deals on the table right now, that Hamas is agreeing to, that make sense. I mean, those deals say that all the hostages would be freed – and Israel is not accepting the ending of the war. And this is crazy,” Green said.

Green added that Israel’s alleged refusal to accept a deal was causing the deaths of hostages. “I’ve seen it from within,” he said. “I mean, we said nothing before we entered Gaza about the hostages. We could have killed them, you know, any moment, and it’s something that has happened. We know about more than 10 hostages that were killed directly from Israeli bombings or, you know, the three hostages that were killed,” referring to an incident of friendly fire by the IDF in December, in which soldiers fatally shot three hostages.

The possibility that hostages have been killed during Israeli bombardments is a sensitive one in Israel. There have been occasions when officials have announced that hostages were believed to have been killed while in captivity, but at no point have any such announcements been attributed to Israeli airstrikes. The Israeli army has not responded to CNN’s request for comment on Green’s claims.

“We have to tell our government to stop the war. This is the only right solution to save the lives of Palestinians that are dying every day and going through a living hell the past few months, saving the lives of soldiers, Israeli soldiers, that are now present in Gaza and dying every day, and obviously the lives of hostages.”

Israeli military vehicles in southern Israel, near the border with Gaza, on December 25, 2023. - Menahem Kahana/AFP/Getty Images/File


Facing criticism at home

In June, Green cosigned a letter with 40 other reservists refusing to serve in the southern Gaza city of Rafah. He is one of only three soldiers who have come out publicly, and his family and friends have voiced concern over his decisions.

“Obviously it’s something very controversial in Israel, but I was willing to sacrifice, you know, my privacy and (to come) out with a topic as controversial as that, because I believe that right now, it’s a matter of life and death.

“When people are criticizing me for that, and I’ve heard people … that said they were worried that I might get hurt in that process – that always felt very weird because, you know, I went inside Gaza. I literally have risked my life. But people are now more afraid that I might get hurt, you know, by just coming out with words,” he added. “It’s part of the problem with our situation right now.”

Reflecting on the violence committed by Hamas, he also urged Palestinians not to support Hamas or call for an intifada: “They don’t understand that those calling for violence are damaging the Palestinian cause, and have been killing Palestinians for years now … I support Palestine too, but don’t confuse between supporting Palestine and supporting the violence of Hamas.”

CNN has reached out to the IDF for comment on Green’s allegations.

Responding to Green’s allegations, the IDF stated: “The actions of the IDF and its operational activity in particular are subject to Israeli law and international law, which is reflected, among other things, in the rules of engagement among other military orders … IDF commanders are guided by values of the IDF ​​and lead the soldiers on the battlefield in a professional manner. When events that defer from the expected conduct occur, they are handled by the commanders as required.

“In some cases, IDF forces are required to act to remove a threat posed to them from buildings located in the territory of the Gaza Strip. The destruction of buildings is done with the appropriate means. Actions done otherwise, and not as a result of operational needs, are contrary to the army’s orders and the IDF’s values ​​and are examined. Taking property that is not in accordance with the army’s orders is prohibited by law and is not in line with the values ​​of the IDF. Incidents in which forces acted not in accordance with the orders and the law are examined and will continue to be examined, including as part of investigations by the MPCID (Military Police Criminal Investigation Division). As a general rule, when details concerning concrete events are given, they are reviewed and dealt with accordingly.”

For more CNN news and newsletters create an account at CNN.com


With Hezbollah and Hamas assassinations, Netanyahu shows willingness to risk regional war for political survival

Asher Kaufman, University of Notre Dame
Wed, July 31, 2024
 
Israel’s apparent assassinations of Fuad Shukr, Hezbollah’s top military leader, in Beirut, and Hamas political leader Ismail Haniyeh, in Tehran, have raised again the specter of a regional war involving regional adversaries – one that could potentially drag the United States into the fray.

By targeting these two leaders, the Israeli government has demonstrated that it is willing to risk an escalation of conflict into new fronts. This comes despite some senior defense chiefs sending, at best, conflicting messages in recent months over whether the Israeli Defense Forces are adequately prepared, after nine months of confrontation in Gaza, for a full-scale war in Lebanon or elsewhere.

As a scholar of Lebanon and Israel, I have followed the recent events in the region with growing concern. Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu may be betting that Iran and Hezbollah have no real appetite for full-scale war and would rather continue a policy of continued attrition against Israel.

If so, it is a risky strategy, and any miscalculation could be catastrophic.
Raising the ante

Shukr was assassinated as part of the tit-for-tat exchanges between Israel and Hezbollah that have been going on since Oct. 8, the day after Hamas terrorists attacked Israel, prompting the heavy and ongoing response in Gaza. In particular, it was in retaliation for the killing of 12 children on July 28, 2024, in the Israeli-controlled Golan Heights, blamed on Hezbollah.


The aftermath of an airstrike in Beirut, Lebanon, on July 31, 2024. Fadel Itani/NurPhoto via Getty Images

The Beirut killing was a bold and risky move by Israel, carried out in broad daylight in the city despite repeated requests by the U.S. and other Western countries not to target Lebanon’s capital.

In carrying through with the Beirut operation, Israel has pushed the limits of the “rules of the game” in its post-Oct. 7 war of attrition with Hezbollah. Until now, the Lebanese capital was targeted only once by Israel with the Jan. 2, 2024, assassination of Saleh Arouri, another Hamas leader, not far from where Shukr was killed.

Back then, it was assumed that Hezbollah would not escalate the conflict for the sake of the death of a Palestinian leader, important as he may have been.

But there is little doubt that Hezbollah will respond to this new attack; the questions are how and when, and whether its response will bring the adversaries another step closer to a full war.

An embarrassment to Iran

The assassination of Haniyeh in Tehran was done in the context of Israel’s declared commitment to kill all Hamas leaders involved in the Oct. 7 massacre, although the country has not officially claimed responsibility for the strike, as is its usual practice.

Israel reportedly guaranteed Qatar, Haniyeh’s host country, that it would not target Hamas leaders within its borders. Israel also chose not to kill him during Haniyeh’s recent visit to Turkey, potentially out of concern of further alienating Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan.

Instead, it appears Israel waited for the right opportunity at a different spot that would send a clear message, not only to Hamas but more broadly to Israel’s main regional adversary, and Hamas’ main sponsor, Iran.

Haniyeh’s killing in Tehran puts the Iranian regime in an embarrassing position. The strike by a foreign country openly violated Iran’s sovereignty at the time when the regime was preparing to celebrate the appointment of a new president. The Hamas chief was among international dignitaries invited to the inauguration.

The attack demonstrates two things: Iran’s vulnerability and Israel’s ability to carry out an attack based on precise intelligence and superior technology. Either way, it exposes the Iranian regime’s weaknesses.

The last time Iran claimed its sovereignty was violated by Israel – during the April 1, 2024, attack on its embassy in Damascus – it responded by launching hundreds of missiles and attack drones against Israel.

Iran could use its proxies, including Hezbollah, this time around, or it could respond directly, using its own military from its own territory, as it did in April. On July 31, it was reported that Iran’s supreme leader, Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, had ordered a direct strike.
Israel’s domestic fissures

The assassinations have, I presume, closed the door on chances of any cease-fire agreement in Gaza, including the release of Israeli hostages, any time soon.

The killings also make the war of attrition between Israel and Hezbollah more volatile and riskier.

All parties, including Israel, are seemingly aware that full-scale war is not in anyone’s interests, which would explain why that level of escalation hasn’t been seen, despite months of provocation by all involved.

But at the same time, the region inches toward that possibility; the Middle East is in a moment of extreme fragility.

And all of this is happening while, domestically, Israel is facing major challenges to its political system and the rule of law. The war in Gaza has brought to the fore forces within Israeli society that are openly seeking to change its political system and challenge both the command structure and combat culture of the military.

A recent mob attack, led by far-right Knesset members, on military police investigating charges of torture and sexual assault of Hamas prisoners in Israel is only one example of the fissures developing within the Jewish-Israeli society.


Right-wing Israeli activists protest the detention of nine military reservists accused of sexual abuse of detainees. Matan Golan/SOPA Images/LightRocket via Getty Images
Toward full war?

Netanyahu, who critics say is mainly motivated by his desire to remain in power, has built his career by capitalizing on internal cleavages. His dependency on far-right members of his government, coupled with his exploitation of internal tensions within Israel, have only exacerbated the divisions.

His decision to authorize the assassinations in Beirut and Iran should be understood in the context of his fight for his political survival.

I believe all Netanyahu’s actions, including the prolonging of the war in Gaza, should be understood in this context. His political survival is reliant on the support of far-right parties that seek the continuation and expansion of the war and who have been openly calling for a more aggressive posture in regards to Hezbollah and Iran.

He is also buttressed by public opinion in Israel that supports confronting Hezbollah in “full force,” without taking into account the fact that such an action would likely be devastating for Hezbollah and Lebanon and would take an enormous human and infrastructural toll on Israel.

Netanyahu may be counting on the fact that so far Iran and Hezbollah have not shown an appetite for a full war, despite the fact that Hezbollah has said it is prepared for it.

So far, Israel also has not shown an appetite for a full war on multiple fronts. But I fear events such as the assassinations in recent days may lead us to a downward spiral that would be difficult to control.

This article is republished from The Conversation, a nonprofit, independent news organization bringing you facts and trustworthy analysis to help you make sense of our complex world. It was written by: Asher Kaufman, University of Notre Dame


Read more:


Assassination of Hamas and Hezbollah leaders is a gamble for Benjamin Netanyahu that buys him time but risks wider wars


Iran has vowed ‘harsh punishment’ for Ismail Haniyeh’s killing, but how likely is all-out war with Israel?


View from The Hill: Dutton tells Netanyahu he’d improve relations with Israel, as danger for Australians in Lebanon rises

Asher Kaufman does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
A pro-Israel super PAC helped defeat one Squad member. Now it's going after another, Cori Bush

JIM SALTER and ANTHONY IZAGUIRRE
Updated Thu, August 1, 2024 




FILE - Rep. Cori Bush, D-Mo., speaks during a news conference, Dec. 8, 2022, on Capitol Hill in Washington. A pro-Israel super PAC is spending millions to try and unseat Bush in the Missouri's Democratic primary on Tuesday, Aug. 6.
AP Photo/Mariam Zuhaib


ST. LOUIS (AP) — A deep-pocketed pro-Israel super PAC that helped defeat one member of the congressional group known as the Squad is now pushing to oust another — Missouri Democrat Cori Bush.

Bush, of St. Louis, has been a vocal critic of how Israel responded when attacked by Hamas in October, calling the Israeli retaliation an “ethnic cleansing campaign,” and she was among the few House members who opposed a resolution supporting Israel. She boycotted Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu's speech before Congress last week, calling him a “war criminal.”

The American Israel Public Affairs Committee’s super political action committee, United Democracy Project, has spent more than $8.4 million to unseat Bush in her Aug. 6 Democratic primary against St. Louis County Prosecuting Attorney Wesley Bell, according to federal campaign finance records.

“AIPAC’s grassroots members are proud to support strong pro-Israel progressive Democrats like Wesley Bell,” an AIPAC statement to The Associated Press read. "Cori Bush has been one of the most hostile critics of Israel since she came to Congress in 2021 and has actively worked to undermine mainstream Democratic support for the U.S.-Israel relationship.”

The race points yet again to the complications the war in Gaza has caused for Democrats in this year’s elections, with core constituencies at odds over how President Joe Biden's administration has responded. The disagreement has implications up and down the ballot and has already cost one incumbent his seat. United Democracy Project spent nearly $15 million against progressive U.S. Rep. Jamaal Bowman, one of the most vocal critics of the Israeli government in the House, in a June primary election he lost to George Latimer, a pro-Israel centrist in New York.

Afterward, AIPAC said the “outcome in this race once again shows that the pro-Israel position is both good policy and good politics — for both parties.”

Bush, in an interview, said the donors behind AIPAC support former President Donald Trump and other Republicans.

“This is only the beginning,” Bush said. “Because if they can unseat me, then they’re going to continue to come after more Democrats.”

Despite the onslaught of money, Bush said she is confident she has the support of St. Louis voters.

“They know that I’ve had this same belief, this pro-peace, pro-democracy, pro-diplomacy, anti-war, pro-humanity — I’ve been this person all along," Bush said.

Soon after the Hamas attack of Israel, Bush wrote on social media that Israel’s “collective punishment against Palestinians for Hamas’s actions is a war crime."

“I strongly condemn Hamas & their appalling violations of human rights,” she wrote, "but violations of human rights don’t justify more human rights violations in retaliation.”

Her comments prompted backlash, even among some supporters in her district. Not long after that, Bell announced he was dropping his plans to run for the Senate against incumbent Republican Josh Hawley to instead challenge Bush in the congressional primary.

Bell, like Bush, is Black and was active in Ferguson, Missouri, after Black 18-year-old Michael Brown was killed by a white police officer in 2014, a shooting that helped launch the national Black Lives Matter movement. After being elected prosecutor in 2018, Bell reopened an examination of Brown’s death but found no grounds to charge the officer, Darren Wilson.

Bell, in an interview, said Bush’s comments about Israel were “wrong and offensive.”

“She has accused the people who have been the target of genocide and ethnic cleansing of doing that, which was just wrong,” Bell said. “Israel was attacked on Oct. 7 by a terror state. They didn’t attack military targets. They attacked (people) at a concert. They attacked women, seniors, children, killed babies.”

Bell said the goal should be to work toward a “peaceful resolution” in the Middle East.

“We don’t want to see any innocent Palestinians, any innocent Israelis, harmed. We want to keep the door open to a two-state solution,” he said.

AIPAC isn’t alone in seeking Bush's ouster. DMFI PAC, which supports pro-Israeli Democrats, is funding TV ads supporting Bell and Yassamin Ansari, an Arizona Democrat running in the primary to replace Rep. Ruben Gallego.

Conversely, nearly two dozen progressive groups have come together to support Bush and other Squad members. The coalition, called Reject AIPAC, includes Jewish peace organizations and Arab American and Muslim groups that have been organizing since the Israel-Hamas war began.

One group that is part of Reject AIPAC, Justice Democrats, has spent around $1.5 million on behalf of Bush in the primary cycle. Justice Democrats spokesperson Usamah Andrabi called AIPAC's record spending in the New York race “an all-out assault on our Democracy” that was being repeated in Missouri.

“Are we willing to let super PACs and lobbies, no matter what interests they represent, purchase elections and congressional seats just because they have more money?” Andrabi asked. “Or are we going to build a Democratic Party that actually reflects the needs and interests of everyday people?”

Bush also is getting moral support from several key Democratic congressional leaders. Sen. Bernie Sanders of Vermont, House Minority Leader Hakeem Jeffries, House Minority Whip Katherine Clark and Caucus Chair Rep. Pete Aguilar are among those who have endorsed Bush.

But the Democratic Congressional Campaign Committee has stayed out of the Missouri race, with no contributions listed for either Bush or Bell.




Cori Bush Primary Race Is Flooded With AIPAC Money Over Her Support for Ceasefire

Jacqui Germain
Thu, August 1, 2024

Joe Martinez

Even before the Supreme Court overturned Roe v. Wade, there was just one clinic providing abortion care left in the entire state of Missouri. The St. Louis Planned Parenthood was recognizable by a bright blue, two-story banner that said simply: STILL HERE. On the day of the expected SCOTUS news, hundreds gathered for a rally outside that same Planned Parenthood building in a show of support.

When Missouri congresswoman Cori Bush (D-MO) was a teenager, she visited this location to secure abortion services after a violent sexual assault. Nearly three decades later, she joined her constituents, clinic staff, and reproductive health advocates, in mourning the ruling when it was announced. Missouri’s Republican attorney general became one of the first in the country to enact the state’s trigger law banning abortion. Bush promised to fill the new chasm of reproductive need with whatever resources she could find.

“My daughter, who is 23 now, has less rights to her own body than I had when I was her age,” Bush tells Teen Vogue. “And I have to fight to make sure she has what she needs and every other person that would need those services.”

“Fighting for something is how we lead,” says Bush. “We lead by showing up. If we really believe in an issue, we put ourselves on the line for that issue. St. Louis means that much to me. I don't want St. Louis and the people across this country harmed. That is the difference between being someone who supports something and someone who will fight for it. I'm fighting to actually see change.”

In Bush’s two terms in Congress, she’s become known for her leadership on reproductive justice and abortion rights. The former activist is one of the most visible, consistent, progressive voices on Capitol Hill, pushing for student debt forgiveness and arguing for the protest rights of young pro-Palestine demonstrators. And that visibility has made her a target.

In a closely contested August 6 primary, she’s facing off against Democratic challenger Wesley Bell, currently the St. Louis County prosecuting attorney. Bell’s campaign is formidable, boasting a long list of endorsements, a flood of campaign money, and a wave of campaign ad funding — primarily funneled through a political action committee run by the controversial electoral heavyweight, American Israel Public Affairs Committee (AIPAC). AIPAC has strongly criticized Bush for expressing support for Palestinian human rights.

“Pro-peace, anti-war, pro-democracy, pro-diplomacy, pro-humanity is a big part of our work because we're fighting for the people of Gaza,” Bush tells Teen Vogue, leaning on a strong humanistic message, and mentioning the Democratic Republic of Congo, Sudan, Haiti, Yemen, Syria, and Lebanon as other places of conflict that deserve attention. “We want them to have their freedom. We want them to be safe and whole.”

AIPAC has been heavily criticized by some on the left for its outsized involvement in elections and lobbying, frequently targeting and undermining progressive Democratic candidates around the country. Bell, who was originally running to oust Missouri’s far-right senator Josh Hawley and abandoned that campaign to challenge Bush, has benefited greatly from the organization’s support. As of Wednesday, July 31, AIPAC’s Super PAC, the United Democracy Project, has spent more than $8 million to oust Bush, according to Federal Election Commission filings.

In the final weeks of the race, Bush and Bell are sparring over their pro-abortion bona fides. Bell told KSDK 5 On Your Side that he would “absolutely” commit to protecting reproductive rights, and he has pledged not to prosecute abortion cases after the Dobbs decision. Still, Bush says her track record is stronger as the only candidate endorsed by Abortion Action Missouri, Planned Parenthood, Reproductive Freedom Missouri, and National Nurses United.

“Showing up to vote and saying that you support abortion access [is] great, but fighting for it is a whole other universe,” says Bush. “Saying, ‘I will support it,’ means that if it arises or if the bill comes up, I will be there. What I'm doing is trying to do the work to prevent loss of rights, and where there are rights, work to protect them.”

At a House of Representatives committee hearing in 2021, Bush was one of three congresswomen to share her abortion story publicly. And after the Dobbs decision, she countered with a steady stream of legislation: the Reproductive Health Care Accessibility Act in 2022, the Protecting Access to Medication Abortion Act in 2022 and 2023, cosponsoring the Reproductive Health Travel Fund Act in 2023, the Protect Sexual and Reproductive Health Act in 2022 and 2023, the Stop Comstock Act in 2024, and others.

“The people need to see that we're fighting because they want to be a part of something,” says Bush. “How do we win anything without working for it?”

Many of those fights are risky, especially for a congresswoman still early in her political career. Bush says she’s okay with going against the grain and occasionally ruffling feathers. Opposing legislation and risking backlash is worth the risk if it’s in service of the communities she represents. The challenges she has faced in her personal life including poverty, homelessness, and living paycheck to paycheck — alongside finding her political footing protesting with her fellow St. Louisans during the Ferguson Uprising — have given her a different approach to electoral politics. For example, sleeping on the steps of the U.S. Capitol to pressure President Biden and congressional Democrats into extending the eviction moratorium was unconventional, but it worked. The stakes are always present, so for Bush, the fight for resources, rights, visibility, and access is always on.

“I've never forgotten what it felt like to be hungry, those days when I only fed my kids [and] I didn't eat,” Bush explains. “I've never forgotten what it felt like to be evicted from my home and have to put all of our belongings in trash bags because I couldn't afford boxes….That's how I approach legislation. That's how I approach being an elected official, doing the work for everybody in this district, but starting with those who have the greatest need, starting with those that people don't talk about or they don't see.”

And this is where Bush starts in her own district of St. Louis. Yes, the congresswoman has been homeless before, but her office’s decision to focus on housing was really at the direction of her constituents. Bush says housing remains one of the top issues for the voters who call into her office. This is the backdrop to her protest on the Capitol steps, her commitment to increasing affordable housing, her staff’s consistent support of struggling renters in St. Louis County, and her motivation to increase shelters and programs to better support the city’s unhoused.

Bush says her office’s top priorities include making sure working-class people have the basics: clean water, clean air, shelter, and food. Medicare for All and mental health-care services are high on her list, too. As are complementing St. Louis mayor Tishaura Jones’s local initiatives around mitigating police violence and supporting reparations through bills like the People’s Response Act and the Reparations Now resolution, respectively. The impact of gun violence hits close to home for Bush, too. She mentions that her car has been shot with bullets while parked in front of her house.

“I'm still a part of the community,” she says. “I weep with the community.… I don't want the things that I've gone through myself…I don't want that to be so far for me that I forget,” Bush adds. “I want to still remember what that's like because it helps me to fight harder.”

One risky House vote in particular still hangs over Bush’s campaign and has become a common talking point for critics and unconvinced constituents: her vote against the 2021 Infrastructure Investment and Jobs Act. Why would anyone vote against money for repairing roads, flood-prone drainage, and other infrastructure improvements that St. Louis so desperately needs? But Bush did vote for what would eventually be called the Infrastructure Bill. The first “yes” vote was cast back when the legislation was called the INVEST in American Act and was full of expanded programs, funding, and social spending. By the time the bill moved through the Senate and back to the House, moderate Senate Democrat leaders had peeled away most of what Bush described as the bill’s most progressive, impactful amendments. Some of them were turned into the Build Back Better Act, but others — like universal paid family leave and free community college — were discarded.

The nearly 100-member Congressional Progressive Caucus, which Bush is part of, opted for a tactical gamble: They announced they would vote against the standalone Infrastructure Bill if it wasn’t linked to the forward-thinking social programs in the Build Back Better Act. “We weren't voting against the bill, we were voting to hold the leverage,” says Bush. “The President asked us to fight for his agenda because that was his legacy. We told him we would. We wanted the full agenda. When SEIU home-care workers said to me at a town hall with secretary of labor Marty Walsh, ‘Don't forget us. Don't forget about us. They just want to push through one bill. We need both bills. Can you please make sure that both bills move together?’ I made them a promise that I would.”

Despite the Congressional Progressive Caucus’s earlier statement, only Bush and five other Democrats voted against the bill. True to their suspicions, the Build Back Better Act was eventually abandoned months later. Despite the recent campaign attacks, Bush stands by her vote. She promised St. Louisans she would refuse half-measures if they have the chance to secure more, so she did. And she says she plans to keep showing her city how loud she’s willing to be, how much she’s willing to risk, and how hard she’s willing to fight to keep the city’s most vulnerable top of mind.

Originally Appeared on Teen Vogue