Monday, September 16, 2024

An olive oil war rages between Italy and Spain

Thanks to a clever marketing campaign, Italy has convinced the world that it is the king of liquid gold – hiding the fact that a significant proportion of "Made in Italy" olive oil comes from Spain.

Published on 16 September 2024
Osama Hajjaj | Cartoon movement

“It would have been more logical for a Spaniard to go to Italy to sell and not for an Italian to come here”.

Wearing a flowered shirt and horn-rimmed glasses, Leonardo D'Errico, an Italian who has lived in Spain since the 1990s, looks back over his career surrounded by oil samples and hunting trophies that decorate the walls of his office in Torredonjimeno (Jaén, Andalusia). His story is also the story of the olive oil trade. It is the story of a powerful Italian industry that built an empire based on mass production in Spain, a neighbour that has now overtaken it in global export markets.

He is an oil broker, an intermediary who puts traders in contact with mills. Italy has always needed oil to export, and Spain, which normally produces about half of the world's olive oil, has a surplus. This imbalance has caused a dependency whereby Italy buys, bottles under its own brands and sells back, at a higher price, large quantities of Spanish oil. And it is not exactly small fry (if you pardon the pun). Italy has been the destination of nearly half of Spanish exports, the vast majority of which it resells, at least since the 1990s.

But it is a business model that is becoming obsolete: "Our work has started to diminish because the big Spanish groups have direct relations with the producers," says D'Errico. In 2023, Italy accounted for only 22% of Spain's olive oil sales, a figure that was unthinkable a decade ago, when it still accounted for 47%. The commercial chain has shortened and cheap bulk sales via Italy are giving way to packaged oil of good quality and value.

Yet despite this, the Spanish oil sector continues to speak Italian. Andalusia's liquid gold is flooding international markets, yes, but with names such as Pompeian, Carapelli or Bertolli. “Made in Italy is untouchable", warns Leonardo D'Errico.

40% of worldwide production

With 283 million olive trees, Spain dominates the global olive oil market: in the 2021/22 season, the last one before drought destroyed its harvest, it produced 44% of the world's oil and accounted for 59% of international sales, according to the International Olive Oil Council. Italy, meanwhile, produced barely 10% and exported 20%, although with a nuance: its sales, despite being overwhelmingly of Spanish oil, were 41% more expensive, according to Eurostat. The Spanish brand is struggling to compete with the Italian one.

More : Who should speak for Europe’s farmers?

Carbonell came up against this reality in the early 2000s: the brand landed in the United States with the Deoleo group - then called SOS, based in Córdoba - and set out to conquer a market that was clearly on the rise but, at the time, monopolised by Italy. It did not work. For Americans, as for many Europeans, olive oil is an Italian product.

The reasons for this association are historical. In the words of Teresa Pérez, Director of the Spanish Olive Oil Trading Association, "Spain was very well positioned before the Second World War and the dictatorship, but it was closed as a market and Italian immigration acted as an ambassador for olive oil". Spain's isolation also coincided with the creation of the European Economic Community, which in 1957 liberalised trade between its members and subsidised agricultural production, including Italian olive groves. Spain meanwhile had to pay tariffs to export to the rest of Europe.
0il produced in Córdoba is marketed worldwide under names such as Bertolli, Carapelli and Sasso, without even passing through Italy

"He who strikes first strikes twice", remarks Rafael Pico, Director General of the Spanish Olive Oil & Pomace Olive Oil Exporters’ Association (ASOLIVA), a phrase recognisable across the sector. Italy arrived first and conquered the international markets.

But its production has stagnated since the 1990s and barely covers its domestic demand, so it was forced to turn to the Mediterranean basin to supply its export industry, which has tripled its sales in the last three decades. And in this search, Spain is the source of up to 90% of its imports, along with other markets in Greece, Tunisia, Portugal, Turkey and Syria.

In contrast to Italy's stagnation, Spanish production has tripled since the 1990s. Entry into the European Economic Community in 1986 boosted the modernisation and competitiveness of its olive groves thanks to aid from the Common Agricultural Policy, but also its commitment to intensive and irrigated cultivation. As a result, whereas previously less than 100,000 hectares of olive groves were irrigated in Spain, by 2023 there were almost 900,000, and production in the province of Jaén alone has exceeded that of the whole of Italy.

"Spain has done a great job in agronomy and Italy has done a great job in marketing. We have dedicated ourselves to producing cheaply, to mechanising large areas and to irrigation," says Rafael Gutiérrez, Director of Bulk Operations at the Dcoop cooperative, the world's leading olive oil producer. Based in Antequera (Málaga), his company exports around half of what it produces, mainly in bulk to Italy. But Gutiérrez warns: "There are Italian names but not Italian brands".

More : Europe’s desert mirage: how olive-oil fever is drying out Spain’s ancient aquifers

Dcoop itself has gone from being just a supplier of bulk oil to competing for its marketing abroad. To do so, it has Italianised its sales with the Pompeian brand, founded by Italian emigrants in 1906 in Baltimore: Dcoop partnered with Pompeian’s owners in 2015 to sell Andalusian oil in the United States under their seal and has ended up becoming the leading brand with a market share of 20%. "Pompeian realised that it needed solid production and now boasts 75,000 farmers in Andalusia behind it. It is not an Italian middleman who buys from all over the world, and this has caught on in America", explains its bulk sales manager.

Something similar was done by Deoleo, the world's largest olive oil bottler, which, although owned by the British investment fund CVC Capital Partners since 2014, maintains its headquarters in Spain. After the Carbonell fiasco, they changed their strategy and pulled in large-scale liquidity to buy the Italian brands Minerva (2005), Friol (2006) and Bertolli (2008). As a result of these acquisitions, oil produced in Córdoba is marketed worldwide under names such as Bertolli, Carapelli and Sasso, without even passing through Italy.

For Rafael Pérez, Deoleo's Quality Director, his group has "turned the tables". "We buy between 70-90% of our oil in Spain, we use Italian brands and distribute them to the rest of the world". Through this, Spain has come to control the marketing world, and has taken advantage of its commercial pull to sell more, albeit at the expense of the Spanish brands themselves.

Thanks to these changes, Spain has become the undisputed leader in trade outside Europe since 2014 and in imports to the United States since 2016, which is already the second largest importer in the world and will soon become the leading consumer. In Mexico and Asia, emerging markets in which it has competed on equal terms with Italy, Spain practically monopolises sales, while Deoleo (Córdoba), Dcoop (Málaga), Sovena (Seville), Migasa (Seville) and Acesur (Jaén) are the major players in Spanish oil exports.
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"This has not been achieved overnight: profits from the Spanish industry has been invested in growing olive plantations, better industries and greater distribution in the markets. We have been able to invest, which the Italian sector has not," argues Rafael Pico, Director of ASOLIVA.

Despite this, Italy is still the destination for a quarter of Spanish exports, something for which Pico blames farmers and cooperatives: "The philosophy of the industry is focused on the margins and the brand of the future to create a value chain for the whole sector, but the farmers and cooperatives don't care, they only think about today".

Cristóbal Cano, Head of Olive Oil at the Small Farmers’ and Ranchers’ Union, defends the agricultural sector, saying that the farmers "don't actually sell the oil", but that it is the Italians who come to buy from the mills and use their "position of power" to fix the price. And, he counters: "It is those higher up in the industry that focus on the short term, taking advantage of Italian brands without seeking a change that would benefit our country more".

Quantity and quality


With 1,842 mills and around 400,000 olive growers, the atomisation of the sector has been one of the major stumbling blocks for the Spanish industry. At the other end of the chain, however, large Spanish supermarkets like Mercadona account for three quarters of sales and have a great capacity to influence price setting at source.

The production chain is built upon strong cooperatives, which account for around 70% of production, but the chain loses density when it comes to the marketing sector, the opposite problem to Italy. For this reason, in order to sell produce in numbers usually three times higher than national consumption, Spain is forced to resort to bulk sales, which account for around two thirds of exports.

"When you see the business from the production side you can see we have a problem, because we often have so much oil that we don’t know what to do with it, so we end up practically giving it away," says Rafael Pérez of Deoleo. Nevertheless, others, such as the Managing Director of the Seville cooperative Oleoestepa, Álvaro Olavarría, laud "the luck of having a deficit market" such as the Italian one that covers Spain's sales needs, although he prefers to diversify his business: "Bulk is a commodity and to depend exclusively on it is to put yourself in the lap of the gods".

Oleoestepa, which has 7,000 members and only works with extra virgin olive oil, has prioritised its bottling business this year - which is more profitable - over its bulk business due to the lack of olives, so sales to Italy have been insignificant. But its Managing Director makes it clear: "If the weather is good, we tend to go to international bulk markets such as Italy".

More : Fighting fires with fires – and pasture, in Spain

The commitment to quality and own brand is replicated by Aires de Jaén, which exports between 60% and 70% of its harvest from Jabalquinto, only in packaged formats. For Ichun Lin, Export Manager for the Jaén company, "your business is only worth as much as your brand is worth", so it is important to "give reasons for them to choose you and tell a story behind the product". "If you only sell in bulk, strategically you don't add value. You have to go for the packaged product just like Italy did fifty years ago," says Lin.

But the battle for quality is not being won by the Spanish, as shown by the difference in prices and the number of designations of origin; Italy has twelve more than Spain. The picual variety of olive is the most common in Spain and also the most celebrated and awarded in the world, but if it is harvested after October it acquires a flavour that is not usually appreciated abroad. Yet in Spain, many farmers leave the olives to ripen on the tree in search of a higher yield.

"Spanish oil has to be corrected with other sweeter oils. In Italy it is often said that it tastes like cat piss and they prefer to buy it in Greece", says the intermediary Leonardo D'Errico, who accuses Spanish producers of putting "kilos" before quality. Deoleo takes the same line: "The average quality of Argentina and Chile is superior to that of Spain, and - of course - so is Italy’s. We are one step behind in terms of quality and we cannot afford to miss the boat here".

Towards “Made in Spain”

Since 1990, olive oil consumption has doubled worldwide. Despite this, the liquid gold still accounts for just 1% of global vegetable oil consumption, which is dominated by palm, soybean, rapeseed and sunflower oil. The scope for growth is therefore enormous.

The concern now is supply, according to Jaime Lillo, executive director of the International Olive Council. The olive tree needs less water than most crops, but "the big question is how the Mediterranean basin is going to adapt to climate change". With increasingly scarce and erratic rainfall, access to water will be a key issue for the competitiveness of olive groves, especially in Spain, which is the European country with the highest percentage of its territory at risk of desertification, at 74%. Meanwhile, 31% of its farms are already irrigated and olive groves continue to spread along the banks of the Guadalquivir.

More : Europe’s food giants turn a blind eye to deforestation in Argentina

The potential for olive oil production in Spain is 2.2 million tonnes, when taking into account the increase in plantations since the production peak of the 2018/19 season, when 1.8 million tonnes were harvested. Despite this, not everyone looks favourably on this scenario. For Dcoop, in fact, "the lean season will come when it rains". A record harvest would knock down sales prices and force them to resort to bulk sales and Italian re-exports.

Meanwhile, Italian farmers are crying out against the "iberisation" of their olive production, railing against Spain's "super-intensive, single-variety" model. The battle for numbers has long since been lost, but Italy remains top dog in marketing and has clung to the quality of its limited harvest.

The oil wars, far from being history, are intensifying as the business grows and the challenges increase. For now, the Spanish brand continues to follow the Made in Italy’s lead.

👉 Original article on El Orden Mundial

ECOWAS was a Pan-African non-aligned organisation. That has all changed.

ECOWAS was built on the principles of Pan-Africanism and non-alignment, but geopolitics and coups have challenged both of those pillars of the organisation, writes Abubakar Usman.


Abubakar Usman
September 16th, 2024

The Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) is currently facing an existential crisis. Military coups in the member states of Burkina Faso, Guinea, Mali, and Niger have sparked division within the bloc. In response to these coups, ECOWAS imposed stringent sanctions and suspended the affected countries from the organisation. These military-led governments retaliated by withdrawing from ECOWAS and forming a rival organisation known as the Sahel Alliance.

As ECOWAS approaches its 50th anniversary, why are these divisions appearing now and why weren’t they sparked by earlier military coups in the region?

The answers lie in two key factors. First, the region’s drift away from Pan-Africanism has weakened the ideological foundation that previously unified the region. Second, shifting global political dynamics and the alignment of ECOWAS members with major world powers has introduced new external influences, exacerbating divisions within the organisation.

Pan-African multilateralism


The wave of African independence that began in the 1950s was largely driven by the Pan-African movement. This was a collection of beliefs, actions, and movements aimed at promoting the liberation and unity of people of African descent. Prominent figures such as Marcus Garvey, George Padmore, W.E.B. Du Bois, Kwame Nkrumah, and Jomo Kenyatta were at the forefront of advocating for Pan-Africanism. Nkrumah, a founding father of the Organisation of African Unity (OAU), emphasised the importance of African unity, famously stating:

“I can see no security for African states unless African leaders, like ourselves, have realised beyond all doubt that salvation for Africa lies in unity…for in unity lies strength, and as I see it, African states must unite or sell themselves out to imperialist and colonialist exploiters for a mess of pottage, or disintegrate individually.”

This commitment to Pan-African ideals inspired the formation of regional blocs aimed at accelerating African development, enhancing security, and resisting foreign interference. These efforts led to the establishment of regional organisations such as the OAU (later the African Union), ECOWAS, the Southern African Development Community (SADC), and the Intergovernmental Authority on Development (IGAD).

Kwame Nkrumah, a towering figure in the promotion of Pan-Africanism, was also a key advocate for non-alignment. He called for balanced superpower influences, seeking aid for Africa’s development without political conditions, and promoting peace and cooperation. The twin principles of Pan-Africanism and non-alignment were instrumental in the formation of African regional blocs, including ECOWAS.

Nkrumah, along with other notable African leaders, envisioned a united Africa where nations could achieve prosperity together. Nkrumah went beyond rhetoric, insisting that Ghana’s Constitution include a provision for surrendering national sovereignty in favour of regional integration. It was this vision and aspiration, championed by leaders like Nkrumah, that ultimately led to the establishment of ECOWAS.

Togo’s President Gnassingbé Eyadéma, alongside Nigeria’s President Yakubu Gowon, toured West Africa to garner support for the formation of ECOWAS, echoing Kwame Nkrumah’s sentiments on African unity. Emphasising the importance of regional cooperation, President Eyadéma warned:

“In this world where the rich countries are not yet prepared to lend an attentive ear to the legitimate demands of our states, African countries must become conscious of the fact that their development can be assured only by themselves and that each of our economies considered individually is not capable of achieving this ideal. We are therefore destined to live together if we really want to prosper.”

Alignment


Established in 1975 during the height of the Cold War, ECOWAS emerged as a unifying force for West African nations striving for economic and political solidarity. Despite the polarised global landscape dominated by the US-led West and the Soviet-led communist bloc, ECOWAS member states remained committed to the principles of Pan-Africanism and non-alignment. All ECOWAS members became signatories to the Non-Aligned Movement (NAM), underscoring their collective desire to steer clear of superpower influences and focus on regional self-determination and cooperation.

The conclusion of the Cold War at the end of the 20th century caused a significant evolution within ECOWAS, expanding its mandate beyond economic integration to encompass security and political governance. This transformation was formalised through the ECOWAS Revised Treaty ratified in 1993, likely influenced by the West’s triumph and the US’s emergence as the sole superpower. The revised treaty introduced the promotion and consolidation of democracy within member states as a fundamental principle of the organisation.

In 2001, ECOWAS further solidified its commitment to democratic governance by adopting the Protocol on Democracy and Good Governance. This protocol established a zero-tolerance policy for any power obtained or maintained through unconstitutional means, emphasising the organisation’s dedication to upholding democratic standards and ensuring political stability across West Africa.

However, the organisation’s increasing alignment with Western-liberal values has come under scrutiny with the recent resurgence of global power politics. Russia, intent on rekindling its Cold War rivalry with the US, along with China’s growing economic influence, has brought the politics of alignment back to West Africa. Through the Wagner Group, Russia has aided military coups in Burkina Faso, Mali, and Niger—three ECOWAS member states—and helped establish a rival regional bloc known as the Sahel Alliance. This development has introduced alignment politics to a region that avoided such dynamics during the height of the Cold War.

Unsurprisingly, the US and Western powers have aligned with ECOWAS in its conflict with the military-led member states. Russia has openly supported these regimes, effectively dividing the region along the lines of US-Russia rivalry. Both superpowers have been actively working to secure African allegiances, with the US hosting the US-Africa Leaders’ Summit in December 2022, attended by 49 African nations, including all ECOWAS members. Meanwhile, Russia held its first Africa Summit in 2019, drawing 43 heads of state, including 10 from West Africa. However, as the rivalry escalated, particularly in the wake of ongoing military coups with alleged Russian backing, the second Russia-Africa Summit in July 2023 saw significantly lower participation, with only 15 African heads of state in attendance, and just four from West Africa.

ECOWAS now faces an existential threat from ongoing military coups and the emergence of the Sahel Alliance, formed by military-led states. The organisation’s current crisis can be traced back to its departure from the Pan-African values and non-alignment principles championed by its founding fathers—a departure that seems to fulfil Nkrumah’s prophecy that without unity, African states would disintegrate individually.

To ensure its survival, ECOWAS may need to reassess its strict stance on military coups, refocus on economic cooperation, security, and other forms of regional integration, and avoid entanglement in alignment politics. By improving governance and performance in democratic regimes, the organisation can strengthen the appeal of democracy.

Photo credit: Africa Renewal used with permission CC BY-NC-SA 2.0

About the author

Abubakar Usman


Abubakar Abubakar Usman is a lecturer in the Department of International and Strategic Studies at Universiti Malaya. He serves as the coordinator of the African Studies Circle at the Asia Middle East Centre for Research and Dialogue where he is a Senior Research Fellow. He can be reached at abubakar.usman@um.edu.my or ummsad@gmail.com.
Shogun’s Hiroyuki Sanada delivers Emmy acceptance speech in Japanese.


Anna Sawai became the first actor of Asian descent to win an Emmy for best actress. 


Emmy ratings pick up with historic 'Shogun' wins

Los Angeles (United States) (AFP) – Television's Emmy Awards enjoyed a sizeable audience boost, with viewership rising by more than half from the previous edition's all-time low, network ABC said Monday.


Issued on: 17/09/2024 - 
'Shogun,' a show about warring rivals in feudal Japan, became the first non-English-language show to claim the highly coveted Emmy for best drama series
 © Apu GOMES / AFP

Some 6.87 million tuned in on Sunday night to watch Japan-set historical epic "Shogun" smash the record for most Emmy wins in a single season, picking up 18 awards at the small-screen version of the Oscars.

The show about warring rivals in feudal Japan also became the first non-English-language show to claim the highly coveted best drama series prize.

The audience jump is a welcome boost for a show that -- like many award ceremonies -- has struggled to retain viewers in recent years.

"The '76th Emmy Awards' telecast on ABC posted the award show's largest overall audience in 3 years, since the show's airing on CBS (in 2021), which enjoyed an NFL football game lead-in," said an ABC statement.

Father-and-son duo Eugene and Dan Levy were broadly praised for their co-hosting of Sunday night's event, which channeled nostalgia with multiple segments honoring television's past, including a "West Wing" cast reunion.

Still, the ratings are historically low. As recently as 2018, the Emmys telecast regularly topped 10 million.

Since then the Emmys have had to contend with the Covid-19 pandemic, which required a socially distanced ceremony.

And last summer's Hollywood strikes meant pushing back the 2023 edition into the following January for a ceremony watched by only 4.46 million -- meaning this year enjoyed a 54 percent rise.

Awards shows generally have struggled to attract viewers over the past decade or so, as audiences fragment and younger demographics skip linear television in favor of streaming and social media.

But several shows including the Oscars have enjoyed a small uptick in their most recent editions.

In Sunday night's biggest surprise, "Hacks" was named best comedy, besting previous winner "The Bear."

"Baby Reindeer" triumphed in the limited series section.

In addition to winning best drama, "Shogun" earned best actor and best actress awards for Hiroyuki Sanada and Anna Sawai.

© 2024 AFP
Saving humans is not enough. Humanitarian purpose needs to change

‘There can be no human life without other life. This resets the core humanitarian challenge.’




Composite image using Mikhail Nilov/Pexels

Senior Research Fellow at the Las Casas Institute for Social Justice at Blackfriars Hall at the University of Oxford. His new book is Humanitarianism 2.0 – New Ethics for the Climate Emergency



Humanitarian action is not just for humans.

The world will soon be swerving full speed toward a universal climate emergency. Better described as an Earth emergency, the potential devastation of humans and nature makes it blindingly obvious that there can be no human life without other life. This resets the core humanitarian challenge: How do we find life-saving harmony between humanity and nature?

Simply put, saving humans is not enough; humanitarian purpose needs to change. This calls for major top-line changes in humanitarian principles and purpose to get our moral compass pointing in the right direction for an Earth systems crisis that will last for decades. We also need radical changes to humanitarian practice and the rapid merger of humanitarian and ecological agencies.

Updating humanitarianism’s ethics, operations, and institutions requires four big changes to our purpose and practice, to create a Humanitarianism 2.0 that is fit for the long Earth emergency of the 21st century.
Renewing humanitarianism: The core principles

First, we need a new doctrine of humanity that recognises humans as part of a wider Earth community.

In this all-life emergency, it will not do to work with humanitarian principles devised in 1965, largely for war, and just bolt on extra environmental principles as subsidiary policies.

A great achievement of the last 250 years has been to recognise humanity as a single moral community across the world in which every human matters. However, this single-species focus has ethically detached humanity from other life, and imagined that our particular superspecies floats free from nature.

But humanity does not exist in isolation, as every humanitarian worker struggling to connect suffering people to life-giving aspects of nature – water, food, shelter, cooling, and good health – knows. We are earthlings, and it is self-defeating to prioritise humanity alone. We can only live as humans because of other life and the environment that sustains it.

Survival is a joint project between humanity and nature. Each helps the other in forms of interspecies mutual aid. The principle of humanity must be revised to reflect this truth.

A new version might read: “To alleviate human suffering wherever it may be found in the Earth emergency by protecting and adapting human life in harmony with nature.” This signals a deepening of our humanitarian purpose to respect all life and protect the life-giving mutualism between humanity and nature.

The principle of impartiality should also be revised to take nature’s needs seriously and fairly alongside human needs in the allocation of humanitarian aid.
Caring for the future: Precautionary ethics

As a long emergency, the Earth emergency demands that humanitarians take more account of the future in our work. Focusing only on saving life in the present is not enough, when we know that conditions will worsen over time. This knowledge means the future becomes part of the emergency of the present.


Planning from the future, rather than the past, needs to become the norm in humanitarian action if aid is to be timely and relevant to communities struggling to cope and adapt.

This temporal shift in humanitarian perspective is well underway in humanitarian aid’s new emphasis on precautionary ethics. New progress in Disaster Risk Reduction (DRR) and Anticipatory Action sees humanitarians spending money forward to protect people and nature from things that have not yet happened.

Anticipatory aid, informed by early warning and impact forecasting, operates days, weeks, and months ahead. Much DRR is focused on longer-term adaptation. This sees humanitarians rightly investing in new infrastructure, ecosystem protection, and nature-based solutions that may take years to build, and which target the protection of life in the next generation that is not yet born.

Planning from the future, rather than the past, needs to become the norm in humanitarian action if aid is to be timely and relevant to communities struggling to cope and adapt. This will see humanitarians more involved in people’s spontaneous adaptation, like cooling and livelihood changes, and formal government adaptation, like energy transition and planned relocation.
A landscape approach: Beyond people in need

Operationally, this new humanitarian purpose – which includes humans, nature, and the future – demands significant changes in humanitarian assessment and response. Instead of focusing solely on human lives and assessing humanitarian need by counting millions of individual people in need, humanitarians need to assess the needs of nature, and anticipate future needs as well.

This means shifting the humanitarian unit of analysis from the individual human to a landscape approach. The humanitarian gaze must look at the integrated needs and capability of humans and nature together across a geography at risk of drought or floods, or suffering in the wake of wildfire, storm, or war. The needs of animals, plants, and ecosystems must be seen alongside the needs of humans, and drive a landscape-based response.

In the drought-affected Horn of Africa, for example, this might mean single humanitarian appeals for all life and ecosystems with estimates of the suffering, need, and necessary response for oceans, rivers, lakes, vegetation, animal life, and human life.

“But this is massive!” I hear humanitarians say as they feel their institutions already at breaking point with human needs alone. They are right, which is why we need the fourth big change.
Change the system: New mandates and new agencies

Humanitarian agencies need to break open their institutions and merge with ecological organisations. Together, these new combined human-and-nature agencies need to scrap their siloed mandates that work in parallel on humans and nature, and commit to new integrated human-and-nature mandates that match the challenge of the Earth emergency.


Like today’s humanitarian principles, our institutions were designed for earlier problems.

We urgently need this shake-up of international mandates and institutions to create a new set of agencies for the Earth emergency.

Like today’s humanitarian principles, our institutions were designed for earlier problems. In his important analysis, Long Problems, Thomas Hale talks about “institutional lag”, when society faces new challenges with institutions bogged down in old practices. We must avoid this, and build new international organisations with 21st century mandates.

For example, if an organisation like Médecins Sans Frontières really wants to work beyond borders, they should work beyond human health and adopt a “one health” approach to the Earth emergency. MSF could merge with animal and plant health agencies to care for all life in a landscape. A key part of this would be to reduce the climate-related spread of diseases like dengue fever, and to stop zoonotic diseases crossing from animals to humans and vice versa.

Such integrated human-and-nature agencies will offer much better value for money for the governments and individuals who pay for them. More rationalised and streamlined agencies would score the win-win of ecological and human goals that is so hard to find in parallel programming, which also duplicates so much bureaucracy in the process.

New integrated ecological and humanitarian agencies also fit the geopolitical moment. The rigorously individualistic humanitarian ethics of the West have never chimed convincingly with the more collective development policies championed by China, India, and other BRICS powers. These major powers may find common cause in updating multilateral institutions towards a Humanitarianism 2.0 focused on finding harmony between humanity and nature.

If we want to live through the Earth emergency, we must show humanity to other life around us.

We must build new ethics, operations, and international institutions that emphasise the mutualism between humans and nature.

We must build toward a new humanitarian purpose: to protect the life of humans and nature simultaneously.
Hundreds killed in flooding disasters around the globe


A spate of flooding disasters in Asia, Europe, and Africa has led to hundreds of deaths, thousands of injuries, and mass displacement events across three continents, underlining the global scale and humanitarian impact of extreme weather events.

In Myanmar, Typhoon Yagi has claimed at least 113 lives and displaced more than 320,000 people, with unconfirmed reports indicating that hundreds more may have been killed in more rural areas, some of which were cut off by floodwaters.

The aid response in Myanmar, where the military rulers are under heavy international sanctions as they face down several armed opposition and separatist groups, is likely to be hampered by insecurity and access restrictions.

Vietnam, Laos, Thailand, China, and the Philippines also all felt the deadly effects of Yagi, the strongest typhoon of the year so far, as it swept across East Asia over the last week. At least 292 people were killed in Vietnam, with dozens still missing. More than 230,000 homes were damaged, and the economic cost was put at $1.6 billion, according to state media.

Austria, the Czech Republic, Poland, Romania, and Slovakia bore the immediate brunt of Storm Boris in Europe, with the death toll from flooding and landslides standing at 16 by Monday, and hundreds of thousands of people having been evacuated from their homes.

After declaring a national emergency on Monday, Polish Prime Minister Donald Tusk announced $260 million in aid for people affected by Storm Boris.

In Hungary, 12,000 soldiers were placed on standby amid fears that the River Danube could burst its banks. The Mayor of Budapest, Gergely Karacsony, warned the capital’s residents that the nation is expected to experience the largest floods in decades in the coming days.

In Austria, the province surrounding the capital, Vienna, has been declared a disaster area, with leaders calling it "unprecedented”, and parts of the Czech Republic experienced three months’ worth of rain in just three days.

In Nigeria, meanwhile, aid agencies and the government are still scrambling to respond to a major disaster in Maiduguri, where at least 30 people were killed and tens of thousands displaced when a regional dam burst and flooded half the city.

The climate crisis is blamed for the prevalence of extreme weather events, prompting leading humanitarian ethicist Hugo Slim to suggest that this “Earth emergency” demands a radical overhaul of humanitarian action. For more, read his recent opinion:

Saving humans is not enough. Humanitarian purpose needs to change
New principles, new ethics, new mandates: Hugo Slim’s radical call to reinvent humanitarianism for the climate emergency.

US sanctions entities associated with Intellexa Commercial for role in spyware tech

Spyware attacks provide operators access to sensitive information on victim’s device -- photos, geolocation data, personal messages, microphone

Ovunc Kutlu |16.09.2024 - TRT

The US Treasury Department said Monday it imposed sanctions on five individuals and one entity associated with the Intellexa Consortium, a spyware firm, for their alleged role in developing, operating, and distributing commercial spyware technology.

The technology presents a significant threat to the national security of the US, it said in a statement.

The Treasury Department said the Intellexa Consortium is a complex international web of decentralized companies, which built and commercialized highly invasive spyware products, primarily marketed under the brand-name “Predator.”

Predator spyware is used to gain access to data stored and transmitted from the target’s device, such as a cellphone, through one-click and zero-click attacks that require no user interaction for the spyware to infect the device, it said.

Successful spyware attacks by Predator can provide the spyware’s operators with access to sensitive information on the victim’s device, including photos, geolocation data, personal messages, and microphone records, it added.

"The United States will not tolerate the reckless propagation of disruptive technologies that threatens our national security and undermines the privacy and civil liberties of our citizens," Acting Under Secretary of the Treasury for Terrorism and Financial Intelligence Bradley Smith said in the statement.

"We will continue to hold accountable those that seek to enable the proliferation of exploitative technologies, while also encouraging the responsible development of technologies that align with international standards," he added.


US imposes sanctions on a spyware firm behind a tool used to spy on dissidents and journalists

The United States is placing new sanctions on a spyware firm and its executives after its tools were used to spy on journalists, dissidents and public officials around the world

David Klepper
The Independent. 

The United States announced new sanctions Monday against a commercial spyware company headed by a former Israeli military officer whose program allowed easy access to almost any information stored on a smartphone.

U.S. officials and private researchers say Intellexa Consortium's products have been used for mass surveillance campaigns around the world, allowing unscrupulous users to track and obtain sensitive information from dissidents, journalists, political candidates and opposition figures.

The penalties target five people and one organization connected to Intellexa, a Greece-based network of companies with subsidiaries in North Macedonia, Hungary, Ireland and the British Virgin Islands. The company developed and sold a suite of spyware tools known as Predator that allowed entry into a target's device without requiring them to click on a link or attachment.

The program would then grant access to the camera and microphone as well as any data or files stored on the compromised phone.

“The United States will not tolerate the reckless propagation of disruptive technologies that threatens our national security and undermines the privacy and civil liberties of our citizens,” said Bradley T. Smith, acting undersecretary of the Treasury for terrorism and financial intelligence.

Several subsidiaries of Intellexa and two employees, including its founder, were sanctioned earlier this year by the Biden administration. Last year, the Commerce Department blacklisted Intellexa and one of its subsidiaries, denying them access to U.S. technology.

The five people subject to the new penalties each held senior positions at Intellexa or one of its subsidiaries, U.S. officials say. The Aliada Group, another subsidiary based in the British Virgin Islands, also was sanctioned over allegations of enabling financial transactions for Intellexa that totaled tens of millions of dollars, officials said.

Messages left with Intellexa and its executives were not immediately returned Monday.

Intellexa was created in 2019 by former Israeli military officer Tal Dilian. Dilian and Sara Hamou, a corporate offshoring specialist who has provided managerial services to Intellexa, were penalized earlier this year in what Biden administration officials said was the first time sanctions were issued over the misuse of spyware.

Individuals and organizations under sanctions are prohibited from engaging in business or financial transactions within the U.S. or with U.S. entities.

Amnesty International’s Security Lab published a report last year that found Predator had been used to target but not necessarily infect devices connected to the president of the European Parliament, Roberta Metsola, and the president of Taiwan, Tsai Ing-Wen, as well as Rep. Michael McCaul, R-Texas, and Sen. John Hoeven, R-N.D.

Europe also has faced a number of spyware incidents. Predator spyware was reportedly used in Greece, a revelation that helped precipitate the resignation in 2022 of two top government officials, including the national intelligence director.

How Olmec elite helped legitimize their political power through art


How Olmec Elite Helped Legitimised their Political Power Through Art
Monument 19 from La Venta (National Museum of Anthropology, Mexico City). Credit: Marco M. Vigato in Uncharted Ruins

In an article recently published in Latin American Antiquity, Dr. Jill Mollenhauer argues that the Gulf Lowland Olmec, one of Mesoamerica's earliest major civilizations, sometimes incorporated aesthetic and ritual practices associated with their rock art into their sculptures. She argues that this allowed Olmec elites to harness the spiritual and natural potency of the wild and sacred landscape and bring it into the domestic and urban centers, where it legitimized their political power.

The Olmec were an early Mesoamerican civilization that existed during the Formative period (1800BCE–300CE). While they are often associated with producing colossal heads, they also engaged in creating rock art.

Dr. Mollenhauer recalls how surprised she was at the sheer abundance of rock art when she first started her research. "I was surprised to find an incredible amount of rock art in and around the Gulf Olmec region (particularly in the Tuxtlas) that is known locally but rarely reported. It showed me how much work needs to be done to better document and understand its production and use (although I also came to understand the challenges that come with its study, including the problems of dating and chronology for many rock art sites). I'm incredibly grateful to the many archaeologists and local experts that shared their knowledge of regional rock art sites with me."

Rock art and  are distinct forms of art. While rock art is made in situ (original position), sculptures were quarried and brought in from different areas. In fact, because very few suitable stones exist within the , large volcanic blocks had to be imported from far away.

Olmec rock art is inherently linked to the landscape in which it was made, demarcating the inherent sacredness of the landscape. Often found along travel routes, caves, and rocky hillsides, it was linked to the wild and the dangerous, often demarcating the sacred homes of spiritual forces.

Meanwhile, sculptures were often part of the built environment and thus associated with domestic spaces, morality, government, and cosmic order, making them, in some ways, an antithesis to the rock art associated with the wild, dangerous, and sacred.

Yet many Olmec sculptures share aesthetic and ritual practices with rock art. For example, many of the La Venta sculptures preserve the natural irregular surfaces and outlines of the stone from which they are carved. Instead of shaping the rock to their needs, the sculptors adapted their images to the natural contours, just as they would for rock art.

This same preservation of the natural contours of the rock can be found in boulder sculptures. These not only preserve the rock's natural outline but also its mass. Such boulders were placed in areas associated with the gods and ancestors, such as cave entrances.

Some contemporary Maya groups still make pilgrimages to such sites, which they perceive as entrances to the home of the earth lord.

Dr. Mollenhauer elaborates on this, saying, "There are several works that document both ancient and contemporary Maya rituals at rock art sites. I was told that there is still ritual activity carried out at the Cobata petroglyphic field (where the Cobata colossal head was recovered), and there is documentation of pilgrimage to the Olmec sculpture originally located at the San Martin Pajapan volcanic peak before it was moved to the state anthropological museum in Xalapa.

"So there is evidence of continued pilgrimage and ritual activities around both Olmec-style rock art and Olmec sculptures, although it's hard to trace a direct line from the Formative period ritual practices to these more modern iterations."

Additionally, some rock art contains pits and grooves, frequently associated with ritual activity in the vicinity of rock art. These same grooves and pits are found on many of the sculptures. While initially believed to have been the result of later cultures resharpening their tools, it has also been suggested they, too, like rock art, were linked to ritual practices. Finding such grooves and pits on Olmec stone monuments may indicate that people started treating freestanding sculptures conceptually similar to rock art.

Although not entirely clear, there are some indications for the significance of these pits and grooves, says Dr. Mollenhauer. "There are some interesting ethnographic trends in the production of cupules and grooves that often relate them to rain and fertility. That is a possibility, but another is the collection of potent substances (i.e. pulverized rock dust) from the sculpture as a part of pilgrimage practices, as Joel Palka suggests, although these aren't mutually exclusive."

"There is also documentation in the mid-20th century of local Popoluca hunters striking one of the sculptures from Estero Rabon with machetes before searching for game before it was again removed to the state museum."

One of the questions Dr. Mollenhauer wanted to answer was why rock art aesthetics and ritual practices were adapted into sculpture. She argues that in adapting rock art aesthetics and ritual practices, the lines between the wild periphery and the domestic center were deliberately blurred.

One way Mesoamerican elites established power and legitimacy was by establishing ancestral ties to the landscape. By co-opting rock art aesthetics and rituals inherently linked to the landscape into the sculptures on the borders of their territories and within their urban centers, they were positioning themselves within that symbolic landscape. The landscape's ideological and spiritual potency would be brought into the civic center and directly associated with the Mesoamerican leaders and elite.

Just as pilgrimages to rock art sites demarcated humans as subordinates to the deities, pilgrimages to the sculptures were linked to humans being subordinates to their political rulers.

By creating sculptures that referenced these locations, the Olmec weren't merely producing art; they were constructing tangible spaces for spiritual and social engagement within their cities.

While later Mesoamerican societies continued this practice, it was to a lesser degree, says Dr. Mollenhauer. "Rock art and sculpture continue to coexist in later Mesoamerican societies, but there does seem to be less intentional appropriation of rock art aesthetics as free-standing sculptures start to incorporate text, calendrical information, and elements like celestial and basal registers to create a bounded narrative field that frames the imagery."

Dr. Mollenhauer hopes her work does two things: "1) allow us to recognize the intentional choices of Olmec sculptors, in this case to connect their works to the ritually-charged spaces of rock art and its associations of sacred landscape and pilgrimage and 2) highlight the importance of  as a distinct and impactful form of art in its own right, one that continued to be produced and used by later Mesoamerican cultures alongside other forms of art-making."

More information: Jillian Mollenhauer, Implications of Rock Art Aesthetics in Olmec Sculpture, Latin American Antiquity (2024). DOI: 10.1017/laq.2024.11.

© 2024 Science X Network


Germany returns 3,000-year-old wooden Olmec busts to Mexico
Women’s (LACK OF) rights in Afghanistan: An ongoing battle


This briefing analyses the current situation of women’s rights in Afghanistan, taking a long view. Women’s rights have been an intense battleground between different actors for over a century, with periods of promising reforms followed by resistance and often reversals of progress.

© Savvapanf Photo / Adobe Stock

Written by Gabija Leclerc and Rosamund Shreeves.
By Members' Research Service/ September 16, 2024

Since the Taliban regime overtook the country in mid-August 2021, Afghanistan’s record on women’s rights has been one of the worst, if not the worst, in the world. Despite promises to ‘uphold women’s rights in line with Sharia law’, the Taliban have suppressed the rights of their citizens, with women the main target of restrictions. As well as prohibiting women and girls from travelling without a male relative, the Taliban have denied them post-primary education, banned them from numerous public places, and restricted their employment to healthcare and primary education. In December 2022, women were banned from working for non-governmental organisations in most sectors. In April 2023, the ban was extended to include Afghan women working for the United Nations mission in the country. In August 2024, the Taliban published a law codifying existing norms and introducing new ones, including a prohibition on women’s voices being heard in public.

This crackdown on women’s rights has attracted considerable international condemnation, including from Muslim states. In response to the regressive policies, many international donors have reduced or threatened to halt their humanitarian assistance, upon which the country is strongly reliant. It is feared that women could, unintentionally, be the worst affected by this reduction or suspension of humanitarian aid. The Taliban nevertheless appears inflexible, leaving international actors with a dilemma as to how to proceed.

The European Union (EU) has been engaged in Afghanistan since the mid-1980s and has prioritised the advancement of Afghan women’s rights. While changing its terms of engagement, it has continued to provide humanitarian aid and to support civil society. The European Parliament has followed the situation closely and recommended further action to support Afghan women and girls.

This briefing analyses the current situation of women’s rights in Afghanistan, taking a long view. Women’s rights have been an intense battleground between different actors for over a century, with periods of promising reforms followed by resistance and often reversals of progress. This helps to explain how a country where women won voting rights in 1919 – earlier than in most of the Western world – has ended up treating its female population in a manner that possibly amounts to a crime against humanity.

This briefing updates an earlier one written by the same authors in April 2023.

Read the complete briefing on ‘Women’s rights in Afghanistan: An ongoing battle‘ in the Think Tank pages of the European Parliament.



Members' Research Service
The central task of the Members Research Service is to ensure that all Members of the European Parliament are provided with analysis of, and research on, policy issues relating to the European Union, in order to assist them in their parliamentary work.

UN Security Council to hold meeting on Afghanistan amid concerns over women’s rights

The United Nations Security Council has announced a meeting on Wednesday, September 18, to discuss the situation in Afghanistan.

The session will include briefings from Roza Otunbayeva, head of the U.N. Assistance Mission in Afghanistan (UNAMA), Sima Bahous, executive director of U.N. Women, and a representative from Afghan civil society.

The meeting comes amid growing international concern over the Taliban’s treatment of women and girls. On September 6, in response to the Taliban’s newly announced morality law, members of the Security Council urged the group to swiftly reverse policies that curtail women’s rights in Afghanistan.

The Council expressed deep concern over the ongoing restrictions on women’s education, employment, and freedom of movement, calling on the Taliban to respect the rights of Afghan women and girls. “The Taliban must listen to and respond to the voices of Afghan women and girls by respecting their rights to education and work, as well as their freedoms of expression and movement,” read a joint statement issued by 12 Council members, including the United States, the United Kingdom, France, and Japan.

The statement condemned the Taliban’s systemic gender discrimination and warned that the new morality directive would deepen the already severe restrictions imposed on Afghan women. The decree gives inspectors broad powers to enforce policies that limit women’s participation in public life.

“This latest decree deepens the already unacceptable restrictions on the human rights and fundamental freedoms of all Afghans,” the statement said, adding that these policies will have long-lasting negative effects on Afghanistan’s future.

Since the Taliban’s return to power in 2021, the Security Council has repeatedly raised alarms over Afghanistan’s deteriorating humanitarian situation. In April 2023, the Council unanimously passed Resolution 2681, which called for the full, equal, and meaningful participation of women and girls in Afghan society. The upcoming session is expected to renew that call, with a focus on reversing policies that threaten Afghanistan’s stability and prosperity.

 

Despite the enactment of a law granting women the right to share in family property, Nigerian women still face barriers to land-sharing

Rumuwhara community land. Photo provided by The Colonist Report Africa, used with permission.

This story was written by Elfredah Kevin-Alerechi and was originally published by The Colonist Report Africa, with additional reporting by Faith Imbu and Kevin Woke. Ikwere language transcription was done by Kevin Woke. A shortened version is republished on Global Voices as part of a content-sharing agreement.

Women in Nigeria’s Rivers State continue to struggle for land despite the Prohibition of the  Curtailment of  Women’s Right to Share in Family Property Law No. 2 of 2022,  an investigation by The Colonist Report Africa has found.

At the time of the law’s passage, the International Federation of Women Lawyers (FIDA) stated that the new law would allow women in Rivers State to fully realise their potential and inherit their entitlements while also paving the way for discrimination to be challenged in court.

The Colonist Report visited three communities in Rivers State to assess whether community leaders were adhering to the law. However, we found that some leaders have yet to comply. 

All of the communities we visited were agrarian, with most women relying on farmland to plant crops and support their families by selling produce in markets.  

We discovered that, despite being denied farmland, some women had acquired land for farming or building a house by purchasing it from teenagers who had been allocated land but lacked the resources to develop it.

Furthermore, we found that women are hesitant to share their land-related issues for fear of reprisals from in-laws or community leaders.

Existing traditions that suppress women

In Ogoni custom, every female firstborn is traditionally not allowed to marry but is permitted to have children while living in her parents’ house. These children automatically belong to the woman's family, not their biological father — a tradition known as Sirah Syndrome.

Susan Serekara-Nwikhana, whose mother, Salome Nwiduumteh Nwinee, was affected by Sirah Syndrome at the age of 15, explains:

“In the end, all of these children belong to her extended family rather than the man or men who impregnated her.”

According to  Serekara-Nwikhana, despite her mother being pretty and attracting many suitors, she was not allowed to get married.

“Even though the tradition has deprived the girls of marrying, land is not shared with these women, which they depend on to cater for their immediate family. When family lands are not allocated to them, the women and their children suffer a lot. They have no choice but to buy land for farming,” she said.

Rumuwhara community

Justine Ngozi Orowhu , a farmer in the Rumuwhara community in Obia-Akpor, told us that she inherited 14 plots of land from her father, which she used for farming. However, after he died, community leaders seized the land and sold it to local men because she had no male siblings.

Orowhu had to resort to petty trading to make ends meet. But she later stopped trading after her husband fell ill. In 2014, she sued the community leaders for taking her land, but according to her, justice was never served. She now farms on government land, aware that she will have to leave whenever the government reclaims it.

Her hope lies in a law signed by former Rivers State Governor Nyesom Wike, granting women the right to inherit their father's land. “If I see an advocate to fight for me, I will reopen the case again in court,” she said.

Chris Wopara, the youth secretary in Rumuwhara. Photo provided by The Colonist Report Africa, used with permission.

Chris Wopara, the youth secretary in Rumuwhara, explained that according to community tradition, women cannot inherit land and men must be over 25 and involved in family activities to qualify. “The sharing of the land with the male usually happens after a year of continuous work for the family,” he said. 

“The government doesn’t have the right to force us to give land to our daughters because the daughters will eventually get married,” said another elder, Fineface Wopara.

He added, “If a woman is given property in her father’s house, “it means she will benefit more than the male. The properties of her husband belong to her.”

Omuanwa community

Omuanwa community women. Photo provided by The Colonist Report Africa, used with permission.

In the Omuanwa community, every male child, even a one-year-old, is allocated a plot of land during the annual land distribution. However, women are not given land for building; instead, land can be leased to farmers, which they would have to vacate after harvesting.

We interviewed six women and two male elders at the same time to gain a better understanding of the situation and whether the community had started allocating lands to women since the 2022 law was passed.

According to the women interviewed, in 2023, lands were shared among men, including kids in the Omuanwa community, but no woman, whether, “single, widow, or married, was allocated a land,” said Florence Ejinya, a farmer struggling without access to land. “In the Omuneji community, there is no more land for the women to farm,” she said.

Omuanwa community women. Photo provided by The Colonist Report Africa, used with permission.

When asked if there had been any protests against this discrimination, the women said they had never demonstrated. Elder Gibson Ajoku explained that the practice of not allocating land to women has persisted since his grandfathers’ time and “cannot be changed.” He added that women are expected to rely on their husbands’ land shares. When asked about the new law granting women inheritance rights, he said he was unaware.

Another community member, ThankGod Ejiowhor, acknowledged the existence of the state law but confirmed that women are still prohibited from inheriting or being allocated land, as well as from partaking in bride price distributions.

Rumukurushi community

Unlike Omuanwa, the Rumukurushi community in Obio Akpor Local Government Area, Rivers State, is located in the state's urban metropolis. The Oil Mill market, a major hub, draws people from within and outside the state to trade a wide range of goods. However, women continue to struggle for land, with urbanization worsening the issue.

Blessing Amam recalled that the last land distribution in 2021 excluded women entirely.

Amam said: “As a woman, if you don’t have a male child, no property will be given to you unless you have a good brother-in-law who will give you some portion of his land for you to farm on.”

Government and rights groups’ intervention

Roseline Uranta, Rivers State Commissioner for Women’s Affairs, clarified that the denial of land to women is a cultural tradition, not due to government policies or laws, which do not prohibit women from owning land.

In an interview with us, Uranta urged women who are denied their property to report the issue to the Women’s Affairs Ministry. She noted that some women do come forward, and investigations are conducted to resolve these cases. “If the situation is