It’s possible that I shall make an ass of myself. But in that case one can always get out of it with a little dialectic. I have, of course, so worded my proposition as to be right either way (K.Marx, Letter to F.Engels on the Indian Mutiny)
Nuclear scientists using lasers the size of three football fields said Tuesday they had generated a huge amount of energy from fusion, possibly offering hope for the development of a new clean energy source.
Experts focused their giant array of almost 200 laser beams onto a tiny spot to create a mega blast of energy -- eight times more than they had ever done in the past.
Although the energy only lasted for a very short time -- just 100 trillionths of a second -- it took scientists closer to the holy grail of fusion ignition, the moment when they are creating more energy than they are using.
"This result is a historic advance for inertial confinement fusion research," said Kim Budil, the director of Lawrence Livermore National Laboratory, which operates the National Ignition Facility in California, where the experiment took place this month.
Nuclear fusion is considered by some scientists to be a potential energy of the future, particularly because it produces little waste and no greenhouse gases.
It differs from fission, a technique currently used in nuclear power plants, where the bonds of heavy atomic nuclei are broken to release energy.
In the fusion process, two light atomic nuclei are "married" to create a heavy one. In this experiment scientists used two isotopes of hydrogen, giving rise to helium.
This is the process that is at work in stars, including our sun.
"The NIF teams have done an extraordinary job," said Professor Steven Rose, co-director of the center for research in this field at Imperial College London.
"This is the most significant advance in inertial fusion since its beginning in 1972."
But, warned Jeremy Chittenden, co-director of the same center in London, making this a useable source of energy is not going to be easy.
"Turning this concept into a renewable source of electrical power will probably be a long process and will involve overcoming significant technical challenges," he said.
There is a green gold rush going on in Australia at the moment. Billions in investment is flowing into the production of green hydrogen. Before you reach for your keyboard, let me stress this hydrogen is green. The plans include massive wind and solar farms. And I am not suggesting it is for use in cars. It will mainly be for our export partners in Asia, particularly Japan, which is pushing for a hydrogen-powered economy.
Although the vast majority of current hydrogen is grey, produced from fracked natural gas, this will be green and some of the current fossil fuel incumbents will be caught with their pants down.
Let’s start with Western Australia.
In the Pilbara, $36 billion is being invested to create the Asian Renewable Hub. Not only will they use solar and wind, but they are also planning to manufacture wind turbines on site. This is cost effective because of the huge distances involved in transporting the massive steel structures. The nearest port is 250 km away. The plan is to produce over 10 million tons of it a year using the power generated by 1743 wind turbines and 25 million solar panels. It is at least a 10 year project. They are going to need a large water source also.
A $94 billion energy hub is being proposed for the Nullarbor (no trees) Plain. This is serious money. The same companies that are behind the Pilbara project are expecting to produce 50 GW of wind and solar power to make 3.5 million tonnes a year of green hydrogen for the export of 20 million tonnes of green ammonia. The traditional owners of the land, the Mirning people, will also hold a stake creating a brighter future for their young people.
Even BP is getting involved, recently doing a feasibility study for a green hydrogen and green ammonia project in Western Australia just north of Perth. They note that costs of production and of providing the infrastructure are still a problem.
Queensland, NSW (they’re going to be using treated wastewater as part of the process) and Tasmania are starting to get interested, but nothing like the scale of Western Australia. Not only are the states racing each other, they must also compete with the EU and the USA. Every country has the ingredients — water and wind and sun. It will be about who can scale up the fastest, who has the will and the determination.
Bosses from all corners of the energy sector have shared their thoughts on the UK Government’s flagship Hydrogen Policy.
The long-awaited programme was eventually published on Tuesday, with ministers hailing it as the “start of the UK’s hydrogen revolution”.
It sets out how Westminster plans to lay the foundations for a domestic low carbon hydrogen economy to “transform” the way the country’s energy sector functions.
Government currently has a target of 5 gigawatts (GW) of low carbon hydrogen production capacity by 2030.
And if the sector flourishes as planned, it’s hoped hydrogen could leverage £4 billion in investment, create over 9,000 jobs and open up new export opportunities, all by 2030.
Unsurprisingly for a programme of this magnitude, the Hydrogen Policy has drawn mixed reactions from the energy industry.
Many have toasted the arrival of the publication, praising it for setting a “clear roadmap” for the development of the fuel.
Meanwhile others feel it falls short on ambition, with some criticising its plans to pursue different forms of low carbon hydrogen.
‘At the moment, we are massively lagging behind Europe’
One person urging the government to go further with its pledges is Tom Crotty, corporate affairs director for Ineos, one of the UK’s largest producers of hydrogen.
The petrochemical giant is calling on the government to move “quickly and decisively” in its support of the hydrogen economy.
Mr Crotty said: “The development of the hydrogen economy is the UK’s best chance of reaching its carbon reduction targets and INEOS stands ready to play its part.
“But the government must start to commit to investment in the development of the UK’s hydrogen infrastructure to enable the zero CO2 energy source to be used in feedstocks, transport and homes. At the moment, we are massively lagging behind Europe and words are not enough.”
‘Critical issues should have been ironed out’
Criticism of the policy also came from within the government itself, with Philip Dunne, Conservative MP for Ludlow and Environmental Audit Committee chairman, underlining issues that are yet to be addressed.
As part of the strategy, Westminster committed to holding a number of discussions on specific areas of the hydrogen economy.
Most notably, it has launched a public consultation on a preferred hydrogen business model, designed to bring down the cost of the fuel.
Mr Dunne said: “I welcome the eagerly awaited Hydrogen Strategy, which finally gives industry some clarity on the Government’s intention for hydrogen in our low carbon energy mix. When our committee undertook work on hydrogen last year, we heard that the UK is ahead in terms of technology and understanding, but lacked demand signals from Government through a Hydrogen Strategy required to compete in the global hydrogen economy.
“While I welcome this step forward, I have to say it is disappointing that only now – after being promised the strategy in November last year – are the necessary consultations being launched on how to overcome funding issues and how to define ‘low carbon’ hydrogen. These critical issues should have been ironed out in advance of this strategy.
“I urge the Government to act swiftly on the outcomes of these consultations. The UK has a strategic advantage from the prospect of generating green hydrogen from surplus offshore renewable energy generation, but the opportunity should not be missed.”
‘It’s critical to question the government’s ‘twin track’ approach’
UK Government has also been criticised for its commitment to develop a “twin track” approach to support both green and blue hydrogen.
Much debate currently rages in the sector around whether both types of fuel should be given a vote of confidence, or if it would be better for ministers to put all their eggs in one basket.
Low carbon hydrogen is divided into green, which is made using water and renewable energy through a process called electrolysis, and blue, which comes from natural gas, with carbon capture and storage (CCS) used to deal with emissions.
But he questioned certain aspects of Westminster’s plans.
Mr Jackson said: “While there are components within the UK’s first hydrogen strategy that the industry should welcome today, it’s critical to question the government’s ‘twin track’ approach. By investing in blue hydrogen, the government will ensure that the UK is locked into a fuel import strategy, that by design cannot be a net zero solution and that will channel billions to the largest energy companies on earth instead of supporting and growing leading UK SMEs.
“Innovators from the UK have been at the forefront of hydrogen technologies and the UK industry has an enormously exciting opportunity to continue paving the way in this field. While this strategy is not necessarily worse than what we had been hoping to have confirmed by the government, it has not introduced a long list of upsides and offers little to support the SME space.
“As we delve deeper into this ‘strategy’ only one week after the IPCC’s report was published, what has become clear is that irrespective of today’s news, now is the time to accelerate action and we hope the government strengthens its support for green hydrogen in years to come.”
‘A clear roadmap’
Nevertheless, many industry leaders have praised the Hydrogen Policy, pointing to the crucial role it will play in turning ambition into reality.
Steve Scrimshaw, vice president at Siemens Energy UK&I, said: “We welcome the publication of the Hydrogen Strategy which sets a clear roadmap for the development of this important sector. In order to make this a reality, we now need to see a real pipeline of projects come to life.
“Not only will this action start us on the path to deep decarbonisation across many sectors, but it will also provide certainty to the supply chain that the UK is a good place to invest.”
‘An important signal of the UK’s commitment’
Dalia Majumder-Russell, a partner in global law firm CMS’ Energy & Climate Change team, described the strategy as a “key plank” in moving the conversation from the “theoretical aims” to a “more real policy framework”.
She added: “Clearly significant work remains ahead – as the strategy recognises with key developments (such as the UK standard for low carbon hydrogen) due to be published later this and next year.
“Given that hydrogen straddles the regulatory regimes governed through gas and electricity legislation, to name but two, and needs its own framework within which to work. At present, the piece-mend approach resembling a mend and do attitude leaves gaps and risks which act as unnecessary hurdles in the development of this sector.
“Given the role that hydrogen is meant to play in the industrial sector, heating and transport, as well as in electricity grid system management, the need for a holistic review and approach to setting the frameworks within with hydrogen projects can develop and operate is critical to achieving the aims the UK government has set itself.
“Still, with this publication the UK joins the 30+ other countries which have hydrogen-specific strategies and this is an important signal of the UK’s commitment to achieving its net-zero greenhouse gas ambitions.”
‘This strategy can help energy communities realise the full potential of this alternative fuel’
Mike Tholen, sustainability director at trade body Oil and Gas UK (OGUK), said: “We welcome the publication of the UK’s much awaited Hydrogen Strategy, which will enable hydrogen to be a vital resource as one of the multitude of low-carbon solutions we now require.
“This provides a clear long-term signal that government is committed to building a world-leading UK hydrogen economy and sets out how it will work with industry to achieve this.
“Consistent with the Prime Minister’s Ten Point Plan, our North Sea Transition Deal, and our Methane Action Plan alike, this strategy can help energy communities realise the full potential of this alternative fuel.
“The recognised need for the development of green and blue hydrogen is a sentiment we echo – all options should be made viable if we are to transform the UK’s energy system to a sustainable one.
“We look forward to working with the UK Government to consult on this and help develop hydrogen, as well as the other necessary low-carbon solutions we know will be needed to reach ne
Within the policy, the UK Government listed several examples of hydrogen projects that are already “kickstarting Britain’s world-leading low carbon hydrogen economy”.
The initiative is exploring repurposing North Sea oil and gas infrastructure to assist in the capture and storage of carbon emissions, a fundamental part of the blue hydrogen process.
Given its location, Acorn is also looking to use natural gas to create the fuel, which could then be exported across Europe.
Commenting on the strategy, Nick Cooper, CEO of Storegga and lead developer of the Acorn CCS and Hydrogen Project, said: “Hydrogen is crucial to rapidly support our low carbon transition and is a major tool in the UK reaching Net Zero. The ambition of the UK’s first Hydrogen Strategy is encouraging and more definition of the details in the 10 Point Plan is welcome.
“The Scottish Cluster is expected to provide 1.3 GW of low-carbon hydrogen production by 2030 (ca 25% of the UK Government’s 5 GW 2030 target), and to further scale up to 3.7 GW by 2050. With approximately 35% of the UK’s current natural gas supply arriving at St Fergus, the co-located Acorn Hydrogen Project will provide the foundations for wide scale hydrogen adoption across the UK.
“History shows that the adoption of new fuels such as hydrogen normally takes decades; however the pace of climate change is such that we do not have the luxury of time.
“Blue hydrogen, utilising the Acorn CO2 Storage Site (the UK’s most advanced CO2 store), is rapidly available, cost effective and scalable: enabling customers to begin switching to hydrogen as early as possible.
“The Scottish Cluster is critical to enable and accelerate low-carbon hydrogen deployment; without the Scottish Cluster, hydrogen adoption in Scotland and across the UK will be significantly delayed. The IPCC report last week has evidenced that we do not have time for any more delays.”
Kedar Pandya, director for cross-council programmes at the engineering and physical sciences research council, part of UK Research and Innovation, added: “The UK is internationally recognised for hydrogen research and innovation, and it will play a key role in delivering Government’s strategy. Decades of investment have developed our understanding of production, storage and integration technologies.
“Convergence of UK academic strength, policy need, technology maturity and business readiness in the UK means we are very well placed to realise its potential as an alternative fuel source as part of a Net Zero energy system.
“The latest IPCC report has reaffirmed the need for vital work to meet our net zero commitments and EPSRC will be launching further investment in hydrogen production and integration to better understand our options across the whole hydrogen value chain.”
SHILLING BLUE H2 & CCS FOR BIG OIL Heavy on hydrogen: A look at the Conservative platform on energy and climate change
Five takeaways from the opposition party's energy plan for Canada
Author of the article:Geoffrey Morgan Publishing date:Aug 18, 2021 •
The Conservative platform specifically goes after the Liberal government on the issue of plastic waste by blasting the government’s decision to label plastic as “toxic."
PHOTO BY SEBASTIAN GOLLNOW/AFP/GETTY IMAGES
CALGARY — Unlike past iterations of the Conservative Party of Canada’s climate change plan, the version unveiled Monday has teeth.
Erin O’Toole’s Conservative Party unveiled its full platform at the beginning of Canada’s federal election campaign this week and it contained multiple promises on how the party would tackle climate change and protect the environment.
The Conservatives have pledged to protect up to 25 per cent of the country’s surface area and its water by banning raw sewage dumping in waterways by municipalities and cruise ships. They would study a carbon border adjustment tariff to tax goods made in jurisdictions without carbon taxes and by taxing “frequent flyers” and buyers of gasoline-burning luxury cars while encouraging more electric car purchases.
The issues where the Conservatives could potentially have the biggest impact on climate and the environment are outlined below. The Financial Post will highlight the policy points from each of the major parties that have a chance at forming government and how they would affect the energy and power industries in Canada during the election campaign.
#1 Plastics as a wedge issue
The Conservative platform specifically goes after the Liberal government on the issue of plastic waste by blasting the government’s decision to label plastic as “toxic,” which had ignited a sharp disagreement between the federal government and Alberta, which has tried to encourage additional petrochemical investments.
The Liberals had previously said that labelling products as toxic is necessary to ensure they’re managed to prevent those products being discarded into the environment. The Conservatives say they would ban the export of plastics from Canada, unless the exporter could show the products would be recycled. They would also try to encourage more “value recovery from plastics” within Canada, including by turning plastic waste into chemicals.
#2 A fuel standard by a different name
The Liberal government’s Clean Fuel Standard was opposed by integrated oil companies with refining operations in Canada, which said the policy could result in refinery shutdowns in Canada.
The Conservative’s Low Carbon Fuel Standard promises to “finalize and improve” the regulations in the Clean Fuel Standard to “reduce carbon emissions from every litre of gasoline” burned in Canada. Based on British Columbia’s existing fuel standard, the Conservatives aim to achieve a 20 per cent reduction in carbon intensity for fuel, while allowing the agricultural and forestry sector to earn land-based credits “by improving the carbon sequestration of agricultural lands and managed forests.” MIGHT AS WELL SPEND IT ON FINDING BIG FOOT #3 Money for carbon capture
The Conservatives are pledging to invest $5 billion in carbon capture, utilization and storage (CCUS). The platform promises also promises a tax credit “to rapidly accelerate the deployment of CCUS technology in the energy sector and in important industries that have few alternatives to bring fossil fuels, like fertilizer and chemical production.”
The oil and gas industry has been asking for direct assistance on CCUS investments after receiving assurances there would be tax incentives for investing in the CO2-limiting technology. #4 More renewable natural gas
The Conservative election platform mentions methane twice and both times in relation to capturing methane emissions from landfills and farms and using it as renewable natural gas. The party says it would introduce a renewable natural gas mandate requiring 15 per cent of all downstream natural gas consumption to be renewable by 2030.
Like the low-carbon fuel standard, the party’s plan for a renewable natural gas mandate is based on a target already in place in British Columbia.
#5 Heavy on hydrogen
In many cases, Canada’s various provincial electric grids are better connected with the states down south than they are with their neighbouring provinces. The Conservative platform promises a clean energy strategy that would boost connections between the provinces, increase the use of mass storage and encourage more nuclear, hydrogen and renewable power. Hydrogen is a major talking point in the platform, garnering 17 mentions in the document, and a key part of the party’s clean energy strategy. In addition, or possibly in conjunction, the Conservative platform also describes a “hydrogen energy strategy that rapidly increases the use of hydrogen — especially green hydrogen — in Canada and builds our export capacity.”
The toughest carbon emissions for companies to capture have climate experts worried
Scope 3 carbon emissions, or those not part of operations or under direct control, represent the majority of the carbon footprint for most companies, in some cases as high as 85% to 95%.
As companies lay out ambitious carbon reduction targets and net-zero pledges for the decades ahead, slow progress on tracking Scope 3 emissions has climate experts worried. “They are not ready for this,” said one environmental data expert who worked on the GHG Protocol.
A majority (up to 85%) of the emissions from a barrel of oil come when transportation, such as your car, is driven, according to Carbon Tracker. It’s a stark example of how difficult the net-zero goal will be for companies, but far from the only one. Red Huber | Tribune News Service | Getty Images
Securities and Exchange Commission Chair Gary Gensler is moving the market regulator closer to requiring carbon disclosures from companies as investor concerns about the material impact of climate change on financial performance continue to escalate.
Major companies, including Apple, are on board, with its vice president of environment, policy and social initiatives, and former Environmental Protection Agency Administrator, Lisa Jackson backing a comprehensive carbon disclosure requirement in April.
But in Gensler’s recent outline of his thinking on how to go about mandating carbon disclosure, he made an important caveat: the SEC may still opt to not include Scope 3 emissions in any forthcoming regulation.
That’s an indication of just how hard it is for companies to track all Scope 3 emissions, the greenhouse gas emissions of other companies in a company’s value chain. But it is also an admission that if it’s “code red for humanity” in slowing climate change, the corporate world has not come nearly far enough in recent decades in figuring out how to track carbon emissions through the entire supply chain. And that is a point of frustration for climate experts who have been working on science-based carbon targets, tracking and accounting for decades.
In a speech he gave in late July, Gensler noted that some companies currently provide voluntary disclosures related to what’s called Scope 1 and Scope 2 greenhouse gas emissions. Scope 1 are the direct emissions from a company’s operations, owned or controlled sources. Scope 2 refers to how corporations measure indirect emissions from purchased or acquired electricity, steam, heat and cooling. But Gensler noted many investors are looking for information beyond Scope 1 and Scope 2, to Scope 3. “Thus, I’ve asked staff to make recommendations about how companies might disclose their Scope 1 and Scope 2 emissions, along with whether to disclose Scope 3 emissions — and if so, how and under what circumstances,” the SEC chair said. Majority of industrial carbon emissions are Scope 3
That “whether to disclose” looms large because the majority of carbon emissions from industrial sources don’t occur in what are called Scope 1 and Scope 2, but the Scope 3 emissions farthest away from a company’s operations. Carbon Trust research shows that for most companies, Scope 3 emissions represent from 65% to 95% of a company’s broader carbon impact.
But it would put the SEC in line with the existing GHG Protocol — which provides tools for businesses to track and calculate emissions — and advises all organizations to quantify scope 1 and 2 emissions when reporting and disclosing GHG emissions, while Scope 3 emissions quantification is “optional” even though it notes that Scope 3 emission sources may represent the majority of an organization’s GHG emissions.
Being the largest source of emissions means Scope 3 is also the broadest opportunity for carbon reduction. And it implies that as more companies set ambitious targets for carbon reduction and the “net zero” goals in the decades ahead, there will be no way to hold them accountable if Scope 3 tracking and disclosure does not improve.
“Companies will eventually be held accountable for these targets, and they usually include Scope 3, so this has to be solved,” said Cynthia Cummis, director of private sector climate mitigation for the World Resources Institute. Other climate experts are even less confident.
“They are not ready for this,” said Angel Hsu, assistant professor of public policy and the Environment, Ecology and Energy Program at the University of North Carolina, and founder of the Data-Driven EnviroLab. “It is frustrating and surprising,” said Hsu, who worked on the GHG Protocol. “If companies are not reporting Scope 3 they are missing a huge part.”
Apple and Exxon and carbon reduction
Apple’s embrace of emissions reporting would include Scope 3, according to the company, though the statement was not explicit. ExxonMobil released Scope 3 emissions for the first time in 2021, but noted that the data “is less certain and less consistent because it includes the indirect emissions resulting from the consumption and use of a company’s products occurring outside of its control.” In disclosing the number — 540 million tonnes of CO2 from upstream production, to be exact — the oil giant took multiple digs at the accounting, also stating that “Scope 3 emissions do not provide meaningful insight into the company’s emission-reduction performance and could be misleading in some respects.”
Many companies are reporting to the level of Scope 3 already, and the standard has been available for roughly a decade. According to investor sustainability advocate Ceres, over 3,000 companies have reported Scope 3 under the Carbon Disclosure Project.
WATCH NOW VIDEO01:35
Where companies and politicians stand on the SEC climate risk disclosure
Some companies also have begun to develop their own approaches to Scope 3, and behind the scenes, they have questioned the approach from the “academics and NGOs” that developed the original methods, which companies worry could force them to push supply chain partners to change, rather than work in coordination to reduce their carbon footprint.
Climate advocates like Ceres aren’t buying that, but say there is more work to be done across the many companies that don’t report on Scope 3 yet.
“It does involve emissions outside of the control of a company in the supply chain and does require engagement with suppliers,” said Steven Clarke, director of corporate clean energy leadership at Ceres. “And we do know suppliers, particularly small and medium-sized ones, are overwhelmed by requests from bigger partners.”
One example is industrial giant Honeywell, which earlier this year announced its own Scope 3 carbon accounting and coordination project for its supply chain. The company also noted the effort provides an opportunity for it to sell its own energy efficiency products to the supply chain.
Ceres officials say the corporate-led approach is becoming more common, and not just within one company’s supply chain, but among competitors, too. That has led to things like the Sustainable Apparel Coalition, with companies within a sector coming together on Scope 3 targets, acknowledging they don’t know how to meet the requirements today but since they all use the same contract manufacturers and logistics providers, it makes sense to come together to develop technology and engage suppliers so they are not overburdened with surveys and questions.
“We are getting good ambitious commitments, but the realty is Scope 3 is a challenging area to measure and that puts people off,” said Tom Cumberlege, who leads Carbon Trust’s work on value chains. “What Scope 3 really means as far as a main effort is the gap between pledges and calculation. Once it is measured, we’re only at the starting line of action.” He added, “Retailers say they desperately need to figure out science-based targets, that customers are demanding it. It is definitely there and significant in the marketplace.”
Net zero can’t happen without changed supply chains
The efforts are increasing across sectors, too, with coalitions like Transform to Net Zero, in which Microsoft and Starbucks were among the companies that came together in 2020, and the Amazon-led Climate Pledge.
“The data is still hard to ‘wrap their heads around’ for many companies,” said Clarke, but he added, “If you want to thrive in a decarbonized future, you need to address it.”
Cummis noted it’s not as if a ton of work hasn’t been done already. There are 600 valid Scope 3 targets aligned with the GHG Protocol — she was part of the team that developed them. She is most frustrated that there is still an imbalance between the data and the demand, and it is one that has to be fixed for the carbon reduction targets that companies are issuing to be verified.
“We assumed 10 years ago we were creating demand for high transparency data and supply chains, and the companies would be willing to pay for the data and data providers would generate it, or trade groups,” she said.
While the action is picking up from tech giants like SAP to start-ups like Persefoni, so far, Cummis said, third-party databases offering broad estimates for sectors and kinds of businesses are more common. “It is fine to get an estimate to understand a relative proportion of emissions by activity, but now we have targets and we have to track progress, and it is hard to use average emissions databases for that.”
You don’t even know if you’re on a path to net zero without better data. Cynthia Cummis, director of private sector climate mitigation for the World Resources Institute It is not a surprise to the climate experts that some companies are trying to figure out the best way to tackle Scope 3 on their own, and companies like Apple and Amazon and its Climate Pledge may be up to the challenge, but that also runs the risk of falling short of the collective action that will be required.
“Amazon wanting to lead on this would be great, because they cover so many product categories,” Cummis said. “But whatever they develop needs to be fully open source so others can have access to the data as well. It will be a higher quality tool that’s more usable if it’s developed in partnership with other companies in the value chain, and not just at the retailer level.”
Food, energy emissions climate challenges
Food companies are a good example of the challenge companies face. Their biggest emissions sources come from primary suppliers like farms where it is difficult to get data, and so they may not know what farms are buying and how to trace those inputs, especially when it comes to commodities.
In work it did with the GHG Protocol, Kraft found that 90% of its emissions were from the supply chain and at the Scope 3 level.
“If there were tools to support them, that would be helpful,” Cummis said, “but the farmers need more incentives, and there are many middlemen in there too if they are buying commodities. It’s not buying direct.”
The oil and gas sector is one of the more stark examples of the Scope 3 issue.
According to Mike Coffin, oil & gas analyst at Carbon Tracker, 85% of the emissions from a barrel of oil come when transportation, such as your car, is driven. When you look at a company like ExxonMobil, Scope 1 and Scope 2 together are a minority of total emissions.
“We really look at if from that lens, and upstream oil and gas companies, whatever targets they do, need to be done on an absolute basis rather than intensity of operations basis,” he said.
“We think it’s crucial that any goals have an absolute basis rather than just intensity basis, but getting their heads around that means producing less of their core product,” Coffin said.
Occidental, seen as an early leader among U.S.-based oil and gas companies on carbon strategy, is still going to fall far short of the mark unless its most ambitious carbon capture technologies are proven.
“Say Oxy reduces emissions intensity by 50%, it’s still just 50% of that 15% that is Scope 1 and does nothing for the 85%,” Coffin said. “The planet doesn’t care about how much energy is used, but reducing CO2, and that’s why it is critical to have absolute targets,” he added.
BP has said it will reduce emissions on an absolute basis, and that can only mean one thing: producing less oil and gas. “That’s what we need,” Coffin said. “Reducing Scope 3 for them is moving away from being an oil and gas producer and it’s really the only option they have, just become smaller or do something else in renewables, or whatever. It doesn’t matter, maybe give money back to shareholders.”
The clock is ticking
Where the corporate world stands today in terms of carbon emissions disclosure is pretty simple.
Scope 1 and Scope 2 — a company better know. How much refrigerant it is buying and the electricity it is using, which they get a bill for every month, is the easy part.
Scope 3 remains complicated, but it could be solved faster if there was more effort. “It’s a solvable problem,” Cummis said.
But so far, even if more players, and some of the right players are stepping up, they haven’t stepped forward fast enough.
“For too long we’ve said if the Apples, Walmarts, and Amazons support this it will happen,” she said. “We’ve made great progress in getting companies to measure Scope 3 and set science-based targets, but there is a big gap in data quality.”
Even if the net zero targets are laid out over decades, the clock is ticking today.
The real crunch time, according to Cumberlege, will come in the decade between 2030 and 2040, the net-zero goal for many companies, but which as a timeline makes him critical of what they are doing today to “realistically and programmatically” tackle the data challenge.
“Lots of companies have spent lots of effort collecting data and setting targets, but they are really only at the start of the race in terms of the effort needed on how data informs the decision-making and what the business would look like in a net-zero world and how to transform the supply chain to fit with that,” Cumberlege said.
The near-term science-based targets need to be measured over a 5- to 15-year timespan, not 20 to 25 years, for companies to be on a path to net zero. “But you don’t even know if you’re on a path to net zero without better data,” Cummis said.
Hsu is encouraged by the fact that the companies now reporting on Scope 3 are no longer the extreme exception to the rule. But the fact that most companies do not mention Scope 3 explicitly in net-zero commitments, and the fact that the total number of companies reporting Scope 3 is “nowhere near complete,” leaves her concluding carbon disclosure will remain an area of major uncertainty.
Research in recent years from the Carbon Disclosure Project on companies reporting Scope 3 showed that even among this group, the data covered less than one-quarter of Scope 3 emissions.
Andrew Behar, a shareholder advocate and CEO of As You Sow, which has long led climate disclosure efforts among investors pressuring companies, and is involved in the Say on Climate initiative, says using the 2050 net zero target as an example — which is the timeline for many companies — means a net 50% reduction by 2030 because once the low-hanging fruit is taken care of, the percentage goals get harder to reach. “That means 5% every year for the next 10 years, and it means Scope 3, and they need to actually report that.”
But he does see the message getting through at some big companies. A recent vote at GE to require net zero goals and Scope 3 emissions on products including traditional power generation, jet engines and wind turbines received 98% support, and the company announced last month it is moving forward with the plan. “It’s real and they are going to do it,” Behar said.
There is a chicken-or-egg issue among the broader set of companies in the slow pace of progress, which is part of what makes it challenging to solve.
“Part of the problem is we can’t expect all the companies to follow through until all the data is available, and we can’t get all the data until more companies disclose,” Hsu said.
HEAVY HAND OF THE STATE
Protesters arrested as Halifax police clear shelters from city land
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Dozens of tents and some wooden shelters were removed Wednesday
Multiple people have been arrested as Halifax municipal staff and police cleared dozens of tents and shelters from encampments Wednesday morning, with officers physically moving back protesters from at least one downtown site.
Just before 10 a.m. local time, videos on social media from various journalists showed tense moments between Halifax police and protesters who were supporting people who were being evicted at the old Spring Garden Road library site
2 hours ago
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Video from CBC reporter Nicola Seguin shows tense moments between police and protestors who were supporting people being evicted at the old Halifax library site. 0:36
Police forcibly moved back a group of protesters before a heavy piece of machinery was brought in to haul one shelter away. People linked arms and stood behind the police officers to block the machine's pathway to the street.
Police then arrested and handcuffed at least five people, placing them on the ground by the library.
A second shelter remained, with a protester sitting on the roof surrounded by a ring of police officers. He refused to leave when an officer climbed a ladder to speak with him.
The crowd, which shouted at police, grew to nearly 200 people around the one remaining shelter by Wednesday afternoon.
Provincial NDP Leader Gary Burrill also appeared at the protest in support of those being forced out.
Some Halifax police officers appeared to have removed their name tags from their uniforms.
Police were also seen directing journalists to move away from the area as the journalists filmed the evictions.
The Canadian Association of Journalists (CAJ) tweeted that they were "concerned about the limits police are placing on reporters covering the dismantling of these shelters," and emphasized that reporters have the right to be there.
By the early afternoon, dry patches of grass dotted Halifax parks and the Common where tents once sat.
In the city's west end, at Horseshoe Island Park on the Northwest Arm, Matthew Smith said he was awoken at 6 a.m. by a group of about 20 police and city bylaw officers. He has been living in a tent for the past two weeks with his girlfriend and their cat.
He said they told him he and anyone else in nearby tents had to leave the area within an hour.
"They said if I didn't pack up my stuff they would physically confiscate my stuff, confiscate my animal, and arrest me and take me to jail," Smith said.
Smith said he and others were ticketed $237 for breaking the bylaw.
"Which, obviously no one can pay, because we're living in a park," he said.
Smith said they were told that the city would store belongings for free. He said he didn't want to hand anything over and give them "the chance to just take everything."
"We really don't have anywhere to go," Smith said.
He said a woman living next to the tent encampment had brought food every night and had left a note offering to help when everyone was evicted.
He said his plan is to move to another park further from public view, but predicts the same scene will likely repeat in a couple of weeks.
Smith said he wasn't offered any temporary housing options on Wednesday. "When it comes to housing there's just nothing available," he said.
Smith said he works 60 hours a week, but still can't afford rent in Halifax and is his family's sole earner. "Someone needs to do something," he said.
Premier-designate Tim Houston, whose PC Party won a majority government Tuesday by defeating the governing Liberals, said during a news conference Wednesday that the housing crisis is "very real" in the province and did not develop overnight.
"We didn't have tent cities eight years ago in this province. We have them now, so we need real solutions for housing," he said. "We're going to work with people to make sure that people can access housing."
He added that the PC Party's transition team will be looking closely at the briefing notes around homelessness and housing in general to understand all angles of the situation.
The PC election platform included affordable housing. Part of the plan includes selling or leasing public land for developers to build on, with the caveat that a portion has to be affordable housing.
The PCs also suggested new taxes for non-resident property owners, which is the proposal that takes up the bulk of their housing plan.
The Tories have also said they will not extend rent control beyond the COVID-19 state of emergency. Houston repeated that stance on Wednesday morning and said increasing the housing stock is a better approach.
At the Peace and Friendship Park on Hollis Street, Thomas Johnstone and Kaileigh Bruce said they were awoken around 6 a.m. by others pointing out that a large group of police had arrived.
They have been staying in the park for the past two months, and also said the lack of housing in the area is why they've been living in a tent.
Bruce said others expect everyone to have a job, and a "nice life" with two kids and a car, when in reality not everybody can find work, or is ready for that step.
"I could go get a job, but I'm not ready because I'm constantly moving places because I'm constantly getting kicked out of my home," Bruce said.
The city delivered about 40 notices to people living in tents across the municipality on Monday, according to a statement from city spokesperson Laura Wright.
The notice stated people living on municipal land were violating a bylaw, and they must vacate and remove all belongings from municipal property immediately.
Photos from the Halifax Mutual Aid group, which has provided wooden "crisis structures" for some people that sat alongside the tents in some areas, showed notices taped to the sides of tents.
On Wednesday morning, a release from Halifax Regional Municipality said municipal compliance officers are "following up" with tent occupants to aid the safe removal of tents from municipal parks.
Staff from the parks and recreation department and Halifax police are assisting "with removal efforts if required," the release said.
"The situation at a number of parks, due to the recent proliferation of tents, has created an increased risk to the health and safety of both the tent occupants and the public, and must be addressed," the statement said.
The municipality said it has received numerous reports from residents about the tents, including public nuisance complaints and concerns for public safety.
Last month, similar notices appeared on crisis shelters around the city, saying that after July 13, city officials would remove the shelters and anything in them.
"I'm not going to force a deadline and say if people aren't out by this point in time then they're going to be forcibly removed. That's not my intent," Savage said July 13.
"We're not intending to have any kind of a confrontation over this. We don't want to criminalize homelessness. We just want to find a solution that's safe for everybody."
Ardath Whynacht, volunteer spokesperson for Halifax Mutual Aid, said the group was "very surprised" by the evictions Wednesday in light ot Savage's comments last month.
She pointed to the evictions coming on the morning after a provincial election, and suggested the city planned to act at that time to avoid media and public attention.
Moving people out of public areas doesn't solve homelessness, Whynacht said, and only shifts them into more dangerous areas.
"This is a life-and-death crisis, especially during summer heat," Whynacht said.
The municipality has said it is making sure those using the wooden shelters and tents work with street navigators, the provincial Department of Community Services and support workers to find a housing option that works for them.
Wright said that since July 1, about five former occupants have accepted a housing option.
One of those options could be a local hotel, but 10 community groups have denounced the city's "heavy-handed" approach and noted hotels are not appropriate for everyone.
Halifax police use force, make arrests, as dismantled temporary shelters torn down
Halifax Regional Police officers were dismantling tents and temporary shelters and telling occupants to immediately vacate an encampment near the old Spring Garden Road Memorial Library early Wednesday.
Police were met with anger from a large group of people in the area, with several people later arrested after a protective wall was formed in front of the crisis shelters. The people could be heard telling police that the occupants had no other housing options.
Police officers eventually forcibly moved the wall of people, and could be heard telling them that contractors had been ordered to remove the shelters.
The number of arrests appeared to be higher than 10.
Officers were waiting outside each of the temporary crisis shelters and tents until the occupants left Wednesday morning. Most occupants were still sleeping.
One remaining shelter remained at the old library site during the noon hour Wednesday. Police circled the structure, which saw someone sitting on top, and with growing crowd gathering nearby.
More than 10 officers stood by as several youths tore down their tents at Peace and Friendship Park in Halifax also on Wednesday. One of the older occupants, whom Global News was told is also a military veteran, said he was “yanked” out of his tent when officers first arrived.
Another 22-year-old occupant, who goes by the name Thomas, was issued a $237.50 ticket at 7:30 a.m. by police officers for “camping in parks without permission.”
He said he was issued this ticket despite willingly gathering his belongings and vacating his tent.
Global News reporter Alexa MacLean took footage of the protest and police from the steps of the old Spring Garden Road Memorial Library, but was told by police that if she and other reporters moved off those steps they would be arrested for obstruction.
Halifax Regional Municipality trucks and staff have also arrived to load up occupants’ belongings. Many occupants say they have nowhere to put their belongings, so had to leave them behind.
HRM said the situation at a number of parks due to these tents has “created an increased risk to the health and safety of both the tent occupants and the public, and must be addressed.”
The municipality said it has received many reports from residents, including public nuisance complaints and concerns for public safety.
“In light of this, steps were taken earlier this week to provide tent occupants with written notice to vacate and remove all belongings from the municipal property immediately,” HRM said.
“The municipality is hopeful that occupants of homeless encampments will voluntarily vacate and remove their belongings from the parks,” it added.
As of Wednesday morning, HRM said it is following up with tent occupants “to aid the safe removal of tents from municipal parks.”
Sarah Plowman Video Journalist Samantha Long CTVNewsAtlantic.ca writer Published Wednesday, August 18, 2021
NOW PLAYING Halifax City Hall was met with protests Wednesday as staff and police began to remove homeless shelters in the city.
HALIFAX -- Police and city staff in Halifax were met with protests as they began removing several temporary homeless shelters Wednesday morning.
In a statement, the city said compliance officers, as well as police officers, will begin enforcing the removal of tents from public parks due to the "increased risk to the health and safety of both the tent occupants and the public."
"The municipality has received numerous reports from residents including public nuisance complaints and concerns for public safety," says the release.
But protests broke out shortly after police and city staff began removing the shelters.
People on site against the action strongly disagreed, leading to several arrests.
The city says it began giving out written notices to tent occupants earlier this week, stating that they must vacate and remove all belongings from municipal property immediately.
Officials say the removal of the shelters comes after both the city and province have offered support, services, education, and warnings for several months.
"The municipality has worked with the Province of Nova Scotia as well as community-based partners including the Street Outreach Navigators and housing support workers, to offer those experiencing homelessness with support – including a range of housing options and/or temporary accommodation," says the statement.
"The province continues to work to secure temporary accommodation options that can bridge to permanent housing. Temporary accommodation options – including hotel stays and shelter beds – are being made available to occupants of encampments located on municipal property.
In a statement issued early Wednesday morning, the city said compliance officers, as well as police officers, will begin enforcing the removal of tents from public parks due to the "increased risk to the health and safety of both the tent occupants and the public." (Photo courtesy: Sarah Plowman/CTV)