Saturday, November 16, 2024

PAKISTAN

Mothers in prison
 November 16, 2024 
DAWN




INCARCERATED mothers constitute a rapidly increasing segment of the prison population in Punjab. According to data released by Punjab Prisons, as of last month, the total number of female prisoners stood at 1,218. Of these, 137 are mothers with children and 104 are under trial. The total number of children living in prisons with jailed mothers is 159, including 68 boys and 91 girls.


In 2022, the total number of mothers in Punjab’s prisons was 83. This data shows an increase of 65 per cent in their population across the province from 2022 to 2024.

Children living with incarcerated parents, as well as those left behind when a parent is imprisoned, are among the most at-risk populations. They face social stigma and isolation, with a long-lasting impact on their intellectual growth and emotional development. Despite these challenges, they are not recognised as a vulnerable group and no special initiatives are being initiated to protect their best interests.

Existing prison facilities across Pakistan were designed primarily for male prisoners during the colonial era. However, the number of female prisoners has increased over the years. Prison facilities do not cater to the gender-specific needs of female prisoners, such as pregnancy. Additionally, women are the primary caregivers of children in Pakistani society. Prisons lack the necessary capacity and mechanisms for the adequate educational, health, and psychological development of children.


The primary legislation governing the Punjab prison system includes the Prisons Act of 1894, the Prisoners Act of 1900, and the Pakistan Prison Rules of 1978. The PPR contains specific provisions for the management of female prisoners. Unfortunately, these laws are rooted in colonial-era practices and a retributive approach, lacking sufficient focus on the rehabilitation and welfare of incarcerated mothers and their innocent children. The laws are not in line with Pakistan’s international legal obligations.

The ‘UN Rules for the Treatment of Women Prisoners and Non-custodial Measures for Women Offenders’, also called the ‘Bangkok Rules’ are the universally recognised standards regarding the treatment of female offenders and prisoners, and were adopted by the UN in 2010.

Rule 326 of the PRP allows women prisoners to keep their children with them in jail until they turn six. However, as per Rule 52 (1) of the Bangkok Rules, the decision regarding when a child is to be separated from its mother is to be based on individual assessments and the child’s best interests.

The UN Convention on the Rights of the Child was ratified by Pakistan in 1990. Article 3(1) of the convention provides that “in all actions concerning children, whether undertaken by public or private social welfare institutions, courts of law, administrative authorities or legislative bodies, the best interests of the child shall be a primary consideration”.


Children living with parents in jail face isolation.

The Committee on the Rights of the Child in 2011 emphasised that in “sentencing parent(s) and primary caregivers, non-custodial sentences should … be issued, in lieu of custodial sentences, including in the pre-trial and trial phase. Alternatives to detention should be made available … with full consideration of the likely impacts of different sentences on the best interests of the affected child(ren)”.


Therefore, courts should collect data on the number of dependent children of parents involved in legal conflicts and then take a balanced view, weighing the best interests of the affected children against the severity of the parent’s offence.

Additionally, it is crucial to ensure that “non-custodial sentences for pregnant women and women with dependent children shall be preferred” for non- violent crimes, in line with Rule 64 of the Bangkok Rules.


Punjab has an effective Probation and Parole Service. Several strategic initiatives have been taken to enhance the effectiveness of the service. This includes the Offender Management Information System to centralise and streamline the tracking of offender information. Release on bail at the pre-trial stage along with probation and parole should be utilised as alternatives to imprisonment. The Punjab Legal Aid Agency has also been established under the Punjab Legal Aid Act, 2018. However, it is not effectively working for the protection of the rights of prisoners.

Punjab should establish a provincial hu­­man rights commission similar to Sindh’s, which is empowered by the Sindh Pro­tection of Human Rights Act, 2011. The Sindh Human Rights Commission raises awareness, inspects jails, recommends improvements, and investigates human rights violations by public servants. A similar body in Punjab would enhance prison conditions.

The writer is a barrister of Lincoln’s Inn and an advocate of the high courts of Pakistan.

Published in Dawn, November 16th, 2024
PAKISTAN

Unrestricted freedom of speech contributing to degradation of moral values in societies: army chief

Dawn.com 
November 15, 2024 


Chief of Army Staff (COAS) General Asim Munir speaking in Islamabad on Nov 15, 2024. — @PTVNewsOfficial on X


Chief of Army Staff (COAS) General Asim Munir on Friday addressed the impact of technology in spreading false information, reiterating that unrestricted freedom of speech was “contributing to the degradation of moral values in all societies.”

Gen Munir was speaking on the topic of “Pakistan’s role in peace and stability” at the Margalla Dialogue 2024 in Islamabad, organised by the Islamabad Policy Research Institute (IPRI).

According to a statement issued by state broadcaster PTV on X, the army chief said, “Unrestricted freedom of speech is leading to the degradation of moral values ​​in all societies.”


He said that while technology had played an important role in the dissemination of information, “the spread of misleading and incorrect knowledge was a major challenge”.

“Without comprehensive laws and regulations, false and misleading information, and hate speech will continue to destabilise political and social structures,” he said.

Today’s statement was the latest in a long line of warnings from the army chief and the military about the dangers of misinformation, that particularly spreads through social media posts.

Over the past couple of years, social media campaigns against the army have escalated, reflecting broader tensions within the country’s political and social fabric. The government, often in tandem with the military, has responded with stringent measures aimed at controlling the narrative and stifling dissent.

These measures have led to numerous arrests and legal actions against journalists and social media users accused of spreading “negative propaganda” about the military and the state, resulting in restricted internet access and bans on platforms like X.

Previously, Gen Munir warned that social media was being exploited to spread anarchy and false information aimed at the armed forces, while the term ‘digital terrorism’ is now being used to describe the actions of online critics accused of spreading falsehoods.

In August, during an Independence Day speech, the army chief stressed the importance of investigating and verifying information so as not to cause consternation among the people.

He had said that while the Constitution allowed for freedom of speech, it also contained “clear limits to what constitutes free speech.”

“To the inimical forces, let it be clear; that regardless of the multilayered and multidimensional threats piled up against us we stand united and reassured. Traditional or non-traditional, dynamic or proactive, whatever form of warfare is applied against us, our retribution will be sharp and painful and we will certainly strike back,” he had said.

“For indeed, we know that freedom is not for free, it costs many great sons and daughters, and we are always ready for that. I have full faith and confidence that the people of Pakistan and its security forces will never relent and let anyone cast an evil eye on this great country.”

‘TTP home to all terrorist proxies worldwide’

During his speech, Gen Munir also talked about how violent non-state actors and state-sponsored terrorism had become major global challenges.

“Terrorism is a common challenge for all humanity globally, and Pakistan has an unwavering commitment to the fight against terrorism,” he said.

He also stated that a robust border management system had been implemented to secure Pakistan’s border with Afghanistan against Fitna al Khawarij, who he said was “home to all the terrorist organisations and proxies of the world”.

In July, the government, through an official notification, designated the banned Tehreek-i-Taliban Pakistan (TTP) as Fitna al Khawarij, while mandating all institutions to use the term khariji (outcast) when referring to the perpetrators of terrorist attacks on Pakistan.

The country has lately witnessed a sharp uptick in the number of attacks targeting security forces, other law enforcement agencies, and security checkpoints, particularly in Balochistan and KP.

Attacks escalated after the TTP broke a fragile ceasefire agreement with the government in 2022 and vowed to target security forces.

Islamabad maintains that the TTP uses Afghan soil to launch attacks in Pakistan and has repeatedly asked Kabul to deny safe havens to the outlawed group and to hand over its leadership to Pakistan. Afghanistan has denied the allegations.

“Pakistan expects the Afghan Interim Government not to allow Afghan territory to be used for terrorism and to take strict measures in this regard,” Gen Munir reiterated today.





Mobile internet services suspended in certain areas of Balochistan to ‘ensure public safety’, says PTA


Published November 15, 2024 

The Pakistan Telecommunication Authority (PTA) on Friday announced that mobile internet services in certain parts of Balochistan have been suspended to “ensure public safety”.

Pakistan, particularly the Balochistan and Khyber Pakhtunkhwa provinces, has witnessed a sharp uptick in terrorism-related incidents over the past year.

At least 26 people were killed and 62 injured after a suicide blast ripped through a Quetta Railway Station on November 9, local authorities and hospital officials said.

On September 26, at least two policemen were among a dozen people injured by a bomb attack, which targeted a police vehicle in Quetta.

Officials said that unidentified miscreants had parked an explosives-laden motorcycle in the Bhosa Mandi area of Eastern Bypass. When a police vehicle reached the spot, an explosion was triggered, ostensibly using a remote-controlled device.

“The general public is hereby informed that, under the directives of authorised departments, mobile internet services have been temporarily suspended in certain areas of Balochistan,” Friday’s statement said.

The statement added that the step was taken “to ensure public safety given the security situation in these areas”.

It, however, did not specify the areas where mobile internet services have been suspended or provide details on the duration of the suspension.

To ensure security within the province, the Balochistan government decided to develop a provincial action plan to significantly enhance governance and security across the province.






Balochistan Chief Secretary Shakeel Qadir Khan on Wednesday briefed a high-level meeting, presided over by Chief Minister Sarfraz Bugti, on the proposed plan.

The chief secretary said that a comprehensive strategy is being developed to effectively counter terrorism, crime, extortion and smuggling cases with a focus on enhancing enforcement measures.


Throwing the VPN baby out…


November 17, 2024 
DAWN




THOSE who govern us may have expertise in multiple areas, but their ability and propensity to score own goals seem without parallel. None of us will have to look too hard to find examples. The latest of these are curbs on the internet.

Pakistan often competes with India because it sees its eastern neighbour as a fierce rival and often gives the impression it has the desire and the ability to match it in all spheres. But does any Pakistani who believes this ever reflect with honesty on whether it is true?

India is about four times bigger than Pakistan in terms of land mass and five to six times larger in population. Now, if we were competing like for like, we’d have been justifiably smug if, for example, our trade volume, foreign exchange reserves, GDP and other key development indicators reflected this proportion.

Who doesn’t know the history which tells us that while our eastern neighbour had political (leadership) continuity well past its first decade as an independent state (16 years to be precise), saw meaningful land reforms and investment in education, with at least five world class IITs (Indian Institutes of Technology) set up within the first 14 years of its existence. Not forgetting the passage of its first constitution in 1950.

Hugely power-hungry players and their petty agendas take precedence over what is vital for the collective good.

In our case, a similar period of our existence saw the father of the nation passing away within 13 months of independence, assassination of his political heir apparent a few years later, and then a devastating and debilitating game of thrones which witnessed politicians and civil-military bureaucrats passing through a revolving door in power grabs, sanctioned by a superior judiciary that sullied itself and set the theme for years to come.

While India stayed on the democratic course, Pakistan strayed and strayed and strayed from it, in a tradition that continues to this day. The one area where Pakistan appeared to be ahead was in economic growth and development, funded by throwing in its lot with the West (read: the US) during the Cold War years and beyond.


In different forms, this slight edge continued till the early 1990s, when Manmohan Singh became India’s finance minister and embarked on an unprecedented reform and deregulation plan, which was to transform India’s economy and fate within a few years. There has been no looking back for it since.

Of course, critics of any such analysis would ask if Indian society is any better than Pakistan’s as a result of this economic growth and development. They’d cite the rise of Hindutva ideology and list its negative impact on the country and its unity. That would be valid criticism, as that is true.

Any such analysis does not for a moment suggest that Quaid-i-Azam Mohammad Ali Jinnah was wrong in seeking and securing a separate homeland for the Muslims of the subcontinent. He was right. It was his tragic death soon after independence that pushed Pakistan off track and into the direction in which it finds itself today.

The religious intolerance and strife in society and the extra-constitutional role and transgressions of various power players in the country since Mr Jinnah’s passing would have enraged him no end, and, frankly, they would not have happened had he lived through the initial years of Pakistan. But he did not.

What we have as a result is an unmitigated mess where various hugely power-hungry and self-righteous players and their petty agendas take precedence over what is vital for the collective good of the country and its citizens.

While many executives of Indian origin are now at the helm of global technology giants (a tribute to the quality education imparted by the IITs, 23 of which exist today with an enrolment of nearly 100,000 students at any given time), we are still debating whether free access to the internet is highly desirable or anathema to our society.

I became aware through an anecdote of the quality of IIT education when, in the early 1990s, my nephew, then at MIT (Massachusetts Institute of Technology), told me that he was quite surprised to see some Indian students transferring directly from IITs to MIT undergrad programmes.

The result of this education and Dr Singh’s reform was that the Indian tech sector grew exponentially, like the rest of the economy. India today is home to some of the world’s leading technology companies, and their software exports total more than $200 billion a year, and are likely to grow further. India’s exports are services-led. So should ours.

Pakistan’s software exports are around $3.2bn annually. By no means is this comparison meant to run down our companies and IT professionals but merely to demonstrate the growth potential. Our firms have performed so well even when unsupported by government policy — not just unsupported, but often restricted, as is happening with this new VPN allergy that the rulers have developed.

Whatever the rationale they have cited for restricting free access to the modern tools of communication and information technology, it will not stand the test of time nor sanity. Contentious political issues will not be resolved by turning off the IT tap.

In fact, it is tantamount to turning off the water, food supply (even oxygen) to an entire city’s population because hiding among them are some terrorists. Any law enforcement has to be targeted and pinpointed. This collective punishment is self-defeating.

Instead of scoring own goals, those running the country should reflect and ask themselves whether they wish to see Pakistan as a modern developing/ developed state with its abundant youth talent contributing to its development, earning it billions in badly needed foreign exchange, or a dysfunctional isolationist security state perpetually in need of bailouts with all their negative consequences.

The writer is a former editor of Dawn.

abbas.nasir@hotmail.com

Published in Dawn, November 17th, 2024
BALOCHISTAN IS A COUNTRY

No quick fixes in Balochistan

Rafiullah Kakar 
Published November 16, 2024 
DAWN






THE deadly terrorist attack in Quetta has reignited debates surrounding the security situation in Balochistan. Predictably, hawkish voices have sought to discredit advocates for political reconciliation. This knee-jerk reaction merits a nuanced response.

There is no question that the escalation of violence by Baloch separatists has resulted in appalling attacks against innocent civilians, notably labourers, coal miners, truck drivers and others. These acts warrant unequivocal condemnation, and it is imperative that we stand united in denouncing violence against citizens merely seeking to work and live in peace.

Nonetheless, during such tragic situations, we must also guard against those who push their agenda for intensified repression of the Baloch people. Here’s why we should not adopt their hawkish narrative.

First, the Baloch insurgency is rooted in a deeply entrenched popular grievance stemming from decades of systemic political exclusion and socioeconomic marginalisation and exploitation. This grievance is pervasive, resonating across the spectrum of pro-state Baloch leaders, nationalists, and insurgents alike. Baloch grievances have historically been met with a combination of political engineering — co-optation and installation of pliant political voices — and coercion. This dual strategy may have produced an illusion of stability, but it has reinforced the underlying resentment and perception of disenfranchisement.

The reality is that insurgents have drawn strength from the very policies intended to curtail them.

The post-18th Amendment period presented a critical opportunity to foster political reconciliation and stability. Yet this opening was largely squandered. While the amendment was inadequate in its ability to address the underlying institutional drivers of Balochistan’s marginalised status, it still represented a major step towards federal harmony.

Through political and fiscal decentralisation, the amendment briefly pacified tensions, as Baloch nationalists largely engaged in the parliamentary process with renewed hope. However, this optimism was short-lived. The establishment’s de facto power at the provincial level not only endured but expanded.

Indeed, political developments since the 18th Amendment have only amplified grievances. Over the past decade, the province has seen a rapid turnover of six elected chief ministers (excluding caretaker leaders). At least two exited through the threat of no-confidence votes, allegedly backed by powerful elements in the establishment. The irony is that, despite the frequent reshuffling, the principal actors have remained nearly the same, though the political parties involved have changed because this cohort of ‘electables’ shifts political allegiances every five years at the behest of the state. This cycle of political musical chairs has left governance and public service delivery in a shambles, with little accountability.

Public procurement, jobs, and development funds have become prime conduits for rent-seeking and corruption. Street-smart politicians have adopted a simple formula for securing and retaining the chief minister’s post: the development budget is effectively parcelled out to MPAs, with the largest shares allocated to key ministers, heads of coalition partners, and non-elected ‘notables’. This approach has proven so effective that MPAs have often disregarded party lines to support the treasury benches, even when in opposition. Hence an elite class of ever-green politicians, along with their allies in the military and civil bureaucracy, have allegedly accumulated wealth and influence.

In the past, my critique of the corruption and misgovernance in Balochistan has been used by some to argue against the 18th Amendment and the seventh NFC Award. However, these issues are not a failure of decentralisation per se. Rather, the situation is an indictment of elite capture perpetuated primarily by state-sponsored political engineering.

The practice of political engineering has only intensified. The current provincial government, brought to power after the widely criticised elections of February 2024, arguably stands as one of the least legitimate coalitions in the last three decades. This persistent installation of pliant figures has eroded the legitimacy of parliamentary politics in the eyes of citizens. At the same time, state heavy-handedness has grown more pronounced: enforced disappearances of Baloch students and activists, mistreatment of peaceful protesters, and the recent strong-arming of BNP-M senators have fuelled distrust.

What state officials fail to realise is that such tactics serve only to bolster the Baloch insurgents’ narrative, who adeptly exploit these actions to portray the federal parliamentary system as ineffective and indifferent to Baloch grievances. Akhtar Mengal’s resignation from parliament stands as a striking illustration of this unfortunate reality.

In light of these realities, any strategy for peace that fails to address the foundational grievances underlying the insurgency is bound to fail.

Secondly, those advocating a more aggressive response appear to suffer from political amnesia. This hawkish stance has been the prevailing strategy for over two decades. The outcomes speak for themselves. The bitter reality is that insurgents have drawn strength from the very policies intended to curtail them.


Genuine political reconciliation, with few exceptions, has rarely been given a chance. One notable instance was the short-lived efforts of Dr Abdul Malik Baloch, whose tenure as chief minister saw an attempt at reconciliation undermined by the establishment, whose reliance on their Baloch protégés took precedence over fostering an authentic dialogue with Baloch nationalists.

The oversimplified question posed by hawks —‘how can one negotiate with those who don’t want to talk?’— obscures a more complex reality. In the climate of alienation, we may be approaching a point of no return. The situation has been compounded further by the changed character of the Baloch insurgency, where a younger, educated and more radical cadre calls the shots. The insurgency’s increasingly urban and decentralised nature renders traditional reconciliation efforts insufficient, even if all other factors were conducive.

Clearly, there are no simple solutions or quick fixes. However, confidence-building measures could help lay the groundwork for future political engagement. At a minimum, such CBMs should achieve these objectives: ensuring genuine political representation, ending enforced disappearances, and reducing the reliance on force. CBMs along these lines could open the door to a path of political reconciliation. Short of such CBMs, the future of Balochistan looks bleak.


Balochistan politics

Rafiullah Kakar 
Published November 16, 2023
DAWN

BALOCHISTAN has again captured the spotlight, courtesy of Nawaz Sharif’s strategic foray into the province to court electables from BAP and other parties in a bid to solidify PML-N’s position ahead of the polls. The influx of over two dozen electables into PML-N begs a critical evaluation of Islamabad’s approach towards Balochistan. The national discourse has almost always attributed the plight of Balochistan to its own predatory and corrupt political elite, particularly the tribal sardars. While Balochistan’s people generally agree with this assessment, they stress a crucial exception: these predatory elites owe their sustenance primarily to the patronage emanating from Islamabad.

The genesis of the predatory political behaviour of traditional elites in Balochistan can be traced to the tribal governance system of the British. Popularly known as the ‘Sandeman system’, the colonial frontier governance model corrupted tribal social structures and fortified the position of tribal sardars by extending to them patronage in exchange for performing specific administrative functions. Tribal sardars thus became integral to a two-way patron-client relationship, acting as both clients of the colonial state and patrons of their tribal subjects.

The postcolonial state perpetuated this policy of ‘indirect rule’ through the tribal sardars. Although the introduction of representative democracy opened avenues for commoners to enter the political arena, the de facto power of the sardars endured, courtesy of the patronage received from Islamabad. The Islamabad-sardar alliance symbolises a marriage of convenience, with the state providing patronage in return for sardars’ countering assertive Baloch nationalists and downplaying thorny issues straining Baloch-Islamabad ties.

Since Balochistan’s establishment as a province in 1970, it has predominantly witnessed rule by Islamabad-backed tribal elites. In the period from 1970 to 2023, Balochistan experienced civilian rule for only 28 years, with countrywide parties governing for approximately 22 years (82 per cent), leaving ethno-regional parties with a mere six years (18pc). Countrywide parties like the PML-N, PPP, and PTI have remained primary conduits for the traditional sardars and newly emerging electables, generally hailing from the mercantile class. They have switched political allegiances frequently. Despite their penchant for political nomadism, these turncoats find ready acceptance in the very parties they had deserted previously.

Ruling through electables has hindered parties’ organic growth.

In the current scenario, the influx of electables into the PML-N raises eyebrows about the party’s strategy for the restive province. Given the proclivity, and proven track record, of these electables to change political loyalties opportunistically, the PML-N leadership should prioritise the medium- and long-term goal of cultivating a genuine support base among the masses. Of all the parties, the PML-N should know better that these electables are trustworthy neither in the short nor medium term.

It was only in 2018 that the PML-N chief minister in Balochistan, Nawab Sanaullah Zehri, was deserted by more than two-thirds of his own party members in support of a no-confidence motion filed by the opposition. Requiring a simple majority (33 votes) to continue as Leader of the House, the PML-N, with 21 members in the provincial assembly, should have comfortably thwarted the motion with the support of coalition partners whose combined strength was 25. However, it couldn’t retain the loyalty of even nine out of 21 members and collapsed like a house of cards. Despite this experience, the PML-N leadership appears reluctant to learn from the past. The opportunistic and inconsistent behaviour of countrywide parties to­­wa­rds political turncoats ren­­­ders them susceptible to ex­­ternal ma­­­nipulation when political fortunes reverse.

This policy of ruling the province through electables has hindered the organic growth of political parties and fostered the growth of non-partisan, predatory political behaviour in the province.

Further, it has fostered and cemented patronage-based provision of public goods and services at the expense of systemic reforms and service delivery. Lastly, it has weakened the public accountability of elected representatives, who increasingly rely on state patronage rather than popular support to enhance their chances of re-election.

In conclusion, the embrace of proven turncoats carries damaging implications for both political culture and public service delivery. Moving forward, the countrywide parties and the ruling elite in Islamabad, at the minimum, must acknowledge their complicity in Balochistan’s crisis of political leadership rather than shifting the blame onto the province’s citizens.


The writer is a public policy and development specialist from Balochistan.

X: @rafiullahkakar

Published in Dawn, November 16th, 2024
What Kamala’s loss portends

The scale of Trump’s resurgence confirms that his 2016 victory wasn’t a fluke.

OPINION
Anis Shivani 
November 16, 2024
DAWN

MUCH of the election postmortem predictably focuses on the mistakes made by Kamala Harris, but I want to take a step back for a big-picture explanation of the Democrats’ across-the-board losses in the 2024 elections.

No doubt Joe Biden and his quick-fix successor’s missteps contributed to the wipeout, but the fundamental reason for the latest liberal setback against the ballooning hypernationalist threat is the political paralysis the declining empire confronts in its last days.

Running with discredited neocons like Liz Cheney, refusing to let a Muslim American speak during the convention, and hoping to run on vibes and joy alone were terrible concessions to the consultant-driven politics of corporate empowerment, but why did the Democratic Party prefer self-marginalisation rather than make any real effort to address economic pain and end the wars?

The scale of Donald Trump’s resurgence is confirmation that his initial 2016 victory wasn’t a fluke. Rather, the Obama era of strident identity politics plus pint-sized economic initiatives has received a definite rebuke. The 2024 election bears comparison to 1980 and 2000 for the working class’s rejection of the very policies neoliberals thought would benefit them. I wouldn’t describe it as realignment, which was mistakenly applied to 2004 and 2008 as well. This designation is thrown around by political operatives every few years, and except for 1968, in the wake of the Vietnam debacle and the South’s backlash towards civil rights legislation, is rarely applicable.

Trump will probably overreach in dismantling the administrative state as per Project 2025. The attempts to finish off the regulatory state in every sphere of life will cause unbearable pain. He will also try to impose stiff universal tariffs and implement mass deportations through administrative means and actual roundups. As these measures reignite inflation, his newly assembled coalition of working-class voters will shatter. By the next electoral cycle, they will be eager to move on, not that there will be any help forthcoming from the De­­m­ocrats in alleviating their declining quality of life.

Trump 2.0 is a different beast than the first incarnation. Inchoate isolationist tendencies — really, the desire of empire to terminate itself — have lately merged with the billionaire class’s overt interest in returning to the pre-New Deal era of zero regulation, buttressed by the state’s muscular punitiveness in keeping the working class in check.

Trump arrives infinitely better prepared than the last time, with loyalists ready with det­ai­led plans to have an immediate go at everything that makes life worth living. Even accomplishing a fraction of these aims, particularly with respect to migration and tariffs, will cause an upheaval, lea­ding to another oscillation in political fortunes.

The scale of Trump’s resurgence confirms that his 2016 victory wasn’t a fluke.

Every election now seems to be a change election. The last time there was any substantive bip­artisan legislative progress was when Bill Clinton put in place the foundations of neoliberal globalisation, followed by George W. Bush’s implementation of the surveillance state. Obamacare, a form of privatised medicine, yielded the Tea Party, and in part Trumpism. Each time there is a grassroots progressive upsurge, as with Ralph Nader in 2000 or Bernie Sanders in 2016 and 2020, the final result seems to be a massive rightward shift. The electorate has endorsed the same move this time.

Although much of the criticism of Harris’s loss will rightly focus on her unwillingness to offer any coherent economic message to alleviate the cost of living beyond bits and pieces, neither Biden nor Harris touted the progressive milestones they did achieve. It might sound surprising to praise Biden, but he was undoubtedly far to the left of Obama, and a down payment was made on clean energy, infrastructure rebuilding, industrial policy, and anti-trust regulation. Biden’s precipitous slide in popularity began when he rightly followed through on withdrawing from Afghanistan.






The original Build Back Better plan, whose care economy components were mostly removed, seems like an impossible dream in the wake of Harris’s rightward lurch. The Biden presidency can also be interpreted as a managed letdown from the peak of progressive enthusiasm, as social safety measures to soften the pandemic were abolished, but at least there was rhetorical fidelity to­­w­ards strengthening worker rights.

Immigration was rightly loosened up, to meet the enormous shortfall of workers, and the rate of growth of inflation, to which Trump’s previous tariffs and immigrat­­­ion restrictions contributed as much as pandemic-era supply chain shortages, were down considerably.

But why would Biden and Harris never run on the back of these initiatives? Why did Trumpian xenophobia and cultural paranoia, exemplified in the fear of transgendered people, so completely push Biden’s legislative efforts to the background? I don’t believe that the outcome of the election was inevitable, despite the ravages of inflation. Harris could have built on Biden’s rudimentary economic progressivism, and offered young people hope for a financially sustainable future and a way out of the dual wars of choice. But she didn’t, and it wasn’t coincidental.

There seems to be more soul-searching on the part of liberals than after 2004, and certainly 2016, when it was all too easy to blame Trump as an outlier and his voters as deplorables, and then spend years trying to disqualify him and his movement as criminal enterprises.

But what do you do when large numbers of working people of all races gravitate towards the party whose tariffs and migration crackdowns will cause enormous economic disruption? Is there even a language that exists to speak to such voters about the benefits of openness, after four decades of the neoliberal zero-sum game pitting individual against individual? Perhaps there is, but it wasn’t tried.

The healthiest outcome for the rest of the world would be for the MAGA movement to actually disengage from international linkages. This is the fatal blow the empire seems determined to inflict upon itself and it ultimately explains why progressive initiatives, large or small, cannot satisfy the rotten emptiness at the core. It was, finally, less a failure of strategy or tactics that doomed Harris than the downward trajectory of empire that now seems unstoppable.

The writer’s political books include Why Did Trump Win?

Published in Dawn, November 16th, 2024

Dutch govt could fall over handling of Amsterdam PROTEST  violence: media report

Reuters | Dawn.com | Anadolu Agency
Published November 15, 2024 
A man carries Palestinian flags in Dam Square in front of the Royal Palace of Amsterdam on November 15. — AFP

The Dutch cabinet met in an emergency session on Friday amid reports the coalition could implode over the government’s handling of violence linked to a Europa League football match involving an Israeli team, local media reported.

Nora Achahbar, junior finance minister in the coalition led by anti-Muslim populist Geert Wilders’ PVV, had earlier resigned over remarks by ministers on Monday about clashes around the match between Ajax Amsterdam and Maccabi Tel Aviv, several media reported, citing sources in the ongoing cabinet session.

Achahbar’s resignation led to the crisis cabinet meeting on Friday afternoon in which other cabinet members of her centrist NSC party also threatened to quit, broadcasters NOS and RTL said, citing government sources.

Achahbar felt several cabinet members had “crossed a line with hurtful and possibly racist comments about the attacks on Israeli football fans” in Amsterdam and riots in the days after the match, Dutch paper De Volkskrant reported.

Wilders has repeatedly said, “Dutch youth of Moroccan descent were the main attackers of the Israeli fans”. But the police have given no details about the background of the suspects.

Neither Wilders nor Achahbar, who was born in Morocco and served as public prosecutor before she joined the government in July, were available to comment as the cabinet meeting was ongoing on Friday afternoon.

Party leaders have been summoned to join the cabinet meeting on Friday evening, media said. Achahbar’s office and government spokespeople could not be immediately reached by Reuters.

If the NSC party pulls out, the other three coalition members would either have to go ahead as a minority coalition or call early elections.

Achahbar’s resignation follows a turbulent week in Amsterdam, where the local police department has said Maccabi fans last week attacked a taxi and burned a Palestinian flag before being chased and beaten by gangs on scooters.

While unanimously condemning the violence, left-wing parties have called for dialogue with the Muslim community instead of “dividing the country”.

“I share the condemnation of the violence in Amsterdam and yes, there was indeed anti-Semitic violence,” left-wing opposition leader Frans Timmermans said.

“You are simply stoking the fires while this country has a need for politicians to unite people and find solutions,” Timmermans told Wilders.

According to social media videos, eyewitness accounts, and pro-Palestinian activists, the Maccabi supporters had armed themselves with sticks and rocks earlier in the day and shouted provocative anti-Arab chants.

Jazie Veldhuyzen, a senior city councillor, had earlier confirmed that Israeli hooligans instigated the violence in Amsterdam. He stressed the need for a thorough and objective examination.

He said that on Wednesday night, “Maccabi hooligans had initiated to attack houses with Palestinian flags and pro-Palestinian Amsterdammers. That’s when the violence started.”

Amsterdam’s Police Chief Peter Holla had also confirmed that Maccabi supporters attacked a taxi and set a Palestinian flag on fire on Wednesday, according to the BBC.

Prime Minister Dick Schoof on Monday said the incidents showed that some of the youth in the Netherlands with a migration background did not share “Dutch core values”.
GAZA:  Genocidal violence

Editorial
Published November 16, 2024 
DAWN


A RECENTLY released UN report confirms what many around the world already know: that Israel has been using genocidal violence to wipe out the Palestinian population in Gaza. As per the findings of the UN Special Committee to Investigate Israeli Practices, Tel Aviv “is intentionally causing death, starvation and serious injury” in the besieged Palestinian territory. Moreover, the report finds that Israel’s practices in Gaza “are consistent with the characteristics of genocide”. This is no empty rhetoric, as the UN body has documented several examples of Israeli savagery in Gaza ever since the events of Oct 7, 2023. For instance, the UN committee says by February, Israel had dropped over 25,000 tonnes of explosives on the tiny Strip; this is the equivalent of two nuclear bombs used against defenceless people. Israel is often hailed by its admirers for its tech savviness; it turns out that Tel Aviv is using its tech know-how with murderous precision in Palestine. The UN report highlights that Tel Aviv is using “AI-assisted targeting, with minimal human oversight”. This means that machines are drawing up ‘kill lists’, which the Israelis are adhering to faithfully. An earlier UN investigation had also found there are “reasonable grounds” to believe Israel was committing genocide in Gaza.

Damning as these findings are, Israel has little consideration for what the UN or the world community has to say. Israel has already declared the UN secretary general ‘persona non grata’. The Zionist state knows it has the world’s sole superpower in its corner, and come January an array of pro-Israel hawks will take the reins in the Trump administration, further emboldening the extremists in Tel Aviv. European states mouth occasional entreaties about protecting the Palestinians while solidly backing Israel; on their part, the Muslim-Arab bloc can only issue strong statements in solidarity with Palestine. Is it any surprise, then, that Israel can get away with a modern, live-streamed genocidal campaign?

Published in Dawn, November 16th, 2024


With Trump, already negligible US distance with Israel to vanish

Biden admin's stance had already shifted to unwavering support for Tel Aviv after the Oct 7 attacks, despite growing criticism.




Published November 16, 2024

For more than a year, the United States has steadfastly backed Israel in its invasion of Gaza while quietly counselling restraint on occasion. With Donald Trump’s return, the little nuance present will vanish, although his hunger for deal-making makes him less predictable.

Trump, unlike every other recent president, has not even paid lip service to a fully sovereign, independent Palestinian state.

He leads a Republican Party so pro-Israel that some local offices handed out Israeli flags alongside Trump yard signs — a far cry from President Joe Biden, whose support for Israel faced fierce criticism from the left of his Democratic Party.

And while Biden’s two ambassadors to Israel were Jewish Americans who would occasionally nudge Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, Trump’s pick is evangelical Christian pastor Mike Huckabee, a former governor who sees biblical reason to champion Israel.

Other Trump nominees include Senator Marco Rubio — a hawk on Iran — as secretary of state, and Representative Elise Stefanik, who made waves by assailing universities’ handling of pro-Palestinian protests, as US ambassador to the United Nations.

“They’re, like, more pro-Israel than most Israelis,” said Asher Fredman, director of the Misgav Institute for National Security and Zionist Strategy, an Israeli think tank.


He expected Trump to take an “America First” approach aimed at reducing US military resources and refocusing on countering China — which means both empowering Israel to fight enemies and encouraging its normalisation with Arab states, notably Saudi Arabia.

“There is really tremendous paradigm-shifting potential in a number of realms, such as advancing regional cooperation and putting maximum pressure on Iran,” Fredman said.
End of Biden’s approach

According to Anadolu Agency, while the Biden administration had previously balanced its approach by supporting Israel’s defence against Iran and endorsing a two-state solution, its stance shifted to unwavering support for Tel Aviv after the attacks, despite growing national and international criticism.

During the October 18, 2023 visit to Israel, Biden expressed unwavering support for Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, affirming the US’ solid backing.

Biden sought an additional $17.9 billion in military aid for Israel upon his return, supplementing the annual $3.5bn it already receives.

While Biden issued a memorandum in February requiring Congress to be notified if any US-funded country deliberately blocked humanitarian aid, the administration faced scrutiny for its response to humanitarian concerns in Gaza.

Blinken told Congress in May that Israel was not intentionally preventing humanitarian aid, despite reports from USAID suggesting that Israel was hindering the delivery of food assistance to Gaza.

The State Department’s Bureau of Population, Refugees, and Migration also recommended freezing funds to Israel because of humanitarian concerns, though the calls were ultimately unheeded.

Additionally, Biden’s administration vetoed three UN Security Council resolutions calling for a cease-fire in Gaza, which heightened international criticism.

Biden has also criticised Netanyahu on occasion for the heavy toll on civilians in the relentless bombardment in Gaza and unsuccessfully sought to prevent the Israeli invasion of Lebanon.

But Biden has only once exercised the ultimate US leverage — holding some of the billions of dollars in military aid to Israel — with officials insisting their quiet approach has paid off.

Secretary of State Antony Blinken and Defence Secretary Lloyd Austin in a mid-October letter gave Israel a month to allow more assistance into Gaza or face cutoffs of some US weapons.

They ultimately decided not to take action, despite Israel not meeting metrics on the number of aid trucks and a new UN-backed assessment warning of imminent famine in Gaza.

Blinken told reporters Wednesday that the letter succeeded in injecting a “sense of urgency” to Israel, which addressed 12 of the 15 listed areas of concern.

Allison McManus, managing director for national security and international policy at the left-leaning Centre for American Progress, said the letter had offered an opening but that Biden wanted “near unconditional support” for Israel to be his legacy.

“Biden was very risk-averse — not wanting to rock the boat too much in terms of the traditional US support for Israel,” she said.

“He was dogmatic and quite orthodox in approaching the US-Israel relationship. Trump is, certainly, neither of those things,” she said.

Despite Trump’s stance on a Palestinian state, he has also boasted of seeking historic deals.

“There is certainly a world in which, if Netanyahu is obstinate, as he has been in reaching a ceasefire, then I wouldn’t be surprised if we actually see Trump applying some pressure,” she said.

“What that would look like, I don’t know.”


Deal not easy

Aaron David Miller, a longtime State Department advisor on the Middle East, said that Trump’s previous term showed a foreign policy that was “opportunistic, transactional and ad hoc.”

He said that Huckabee could turn out to be a “performative appointment” for political reasons, as top officials in Washington often work directly with their Middle Eastern counterparts.

But Miller said that even if Trump sought a Gaza deal, he would face some of the same impediments as Biden — the risk of Hamas surviving and the lack so far of a new security architecture.

“He cannot end the war in Gaza and won’t pressure Netanyahu to do so,” said Miller, now at the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace.

Elie Pieprz, director of international relations at the Israel Defence and Security Forum, said that Trump’s victory had already yielded wins for Israel, including Qatar distancing itself from mediating with Hamas and a more conciliatory tone from Iran.

As Biden had a “difficult” relationship with Israel, Trump will likely seek to ease friction, Pieprz said.

“Trump likes to see things in comparison to his opponents,” he said. Much like his domestic slogan, Pieprz said, Trump wants to “make the US-Israel relationship great again. “

Header image: Donald Trump meets with Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and his wife Sara at the Mar-a-Lago resort in Florida, US, on July 26, 2024. — screengrab via Reuters

COP29 and the quest for an accord acceptable to all

Zaki Abbas in Baku
Published November 16, 2024 
DAWN

At COP29, every day is a ‘leg day’, at least for journalists, who have to run from one block to another, trying to keep up with the various sessions going on simultaneously, all the while trying to get hold of their respective countries’ delegations.

The negotiations, on the other hand, are going nowhere, as the developed and developing worlds bicker over the new climate finance goal, aka the New Collective Quantified Goal.

COP29 was off to a bumpy start since the very first day, and the little headway that has been made is on standards to boost the global carbon market under Article 6.4 of the historic Paris Agreement signed in 2015.

Some of the countries were unhappy with how these guidelines were rushed through without any debate, which may pose a problem at a later stage.

There is, however, little progress on what the carbon markets will look like and how countries will evolve a consensus on carbon credits, which supposedly provide solutions to climate problems.

Controversial carbon markets, non-operationalisation of Loss and Damage fund among key sticking points

By the evening, after a delay of several hours, parties managed to agree in principle on a draft for the new finance goal, but it will be a long time before any final agreement is reached.

Supposedly, the money earned from carbon markets will be part of climate finance — a contentious issue between the North and South — as even after over a decade, its modalities still need to be hammered out.

Interestingly, some Latin American countries such as Venezuela and Ecuador who had opposed such schemes at every climate conference, seemingly gave in this time.

Activists and civil society members at COP29 see these credits as ‘false solutions’, which are not acceptable to them.
Whither loss and damage?

Let’s set aside this controversial topic for a minute. Even the Loss and Damage (L&D) Fund — which was operationalised at COP28 in Dubai — has not picked up steam.

Out of over $700 million in pledges made at the last COP, only $10 million materialised which came from Japan, according to the Loss and Damage Collaboration.

The fund was established at COP27 after 31 years of “inaction, delay and obfuscation by developed country parties since the first proposal for a Loss and Damage finance mechanism was tabled by Vanuatu on behalf of the Alliance of Small Island States (AOSIS) in 1991”.

At present, the fund is empty.

The World Bank, which maintains the secretariat of this fund, says it has no control over the money supposed to be contributed to the account.

Arif Goheer, executive director of the Global Change Impact Study Centre, told Dawn at the Pakistan Pavilion there were losses to the tune of trillions, and the L&D Fund was not equipped to deal with that.

“Loss and Damage does not have even procedures,” Mr Goheer, who is privy to negotiations, said, adding that the fund should be topped up with ample amount of money keeping in view of vulnerabilities of different, especially the most-affected states with no coping capacities.

According to Mr Goheer, since the L&D Fund is for emergencies and natural disasters, it should be given instantly to help the countries cope with it instead of linking it to the project-based funding.

About the negotiations, he said G-77 and China block, which also includes Pakistan, want easy to climate funds as well as easy procedures for accessing them. The talks to agree on a climate finance goal will continue on Saturday, the official added.
Global Stocktake

Similarly, in the first week of COP29, the countries have failed to take the Global Stocktake, which could potentially delay the new NDCs (Nationally Determined Contributions) which all parties are expected to submit by February 2025.

The global stocktake takes a look at the performance of countries with regard to their NDCs as well as set the stage for the more ambitious ones.

The Adaptation Fund has also hit a stonewall due to significant disagreements between developed and developing countries on adaptation-related matters, particularly the provision of Means of Implem­entation (MOI).

Concerns have been expressed by activist groups at COP29, who believe the presence of fossil fuel lobbyists at the venue is counterproductive as they step up their campaign ‘Weed Out the Snakes’ and ‘Let’s Kick Big Polluters Out’.

According to Rachel Ross, there are almost 1,700 fossil fuel lobbyists at the venue who are “poisoning” climate action.

On the third day of COP29, the Argentine delegation was abruptly pulled out of the conference on the orders of its president, who is a climate denier.

Its neighbour, COP30 host Brazil, has submitted its NDCs and is poised to host the next conference, which is evident from the massive pavilion in Baku.

On Monday, the conference enters its second phase with ministers from different countries coming together to hammer out an agreement acceptable to all.

Produced as part of the 2024 Climate Change Media Partnership, a journalism fellowship organised by Internews’ Earth Journalism Network and the Stanley Centre for Peace and Security.

Published in Dawn, November 16th, 2024

Fragile countries make $20bn climate finance push at COP29, letter says

Reuters Published November 15, 2024 
Emergency physician Joe Vipond, a member of Canadian Association of Physicians for the Environment (CAPE), poses for photographers with a model of the globe as he stands for support of climate agenda during the United Nations Climate Change Conference (COP29), in Baku, Azerbaijan on November 15. — Reuters

A group of conflict-affected countries is pushing at COP29 to double financial aid to more than $20 billion a year and combat the natural disaster and security crises facing their populations, a letter seen by Reuters showed.

The group is one of several pitching at the climate talks in Azerbaijan this week for funds to better prepare for the impacts of extreme weather as countries seek to agree to a new annual target on financing.

Island nations, for example, argue climate change threatens their very existence as seas rise, while rainforest nations say they need more money to protect their vast carbon sinks.

Countries mired in conflict and its aftermath say they have struggled to access private investment, as they are seen as too risky. That means UN funds are even more critical to their populations, many of whom have been displaced by war and weather.


In response, the COP29 Azerbaijan Presidency on Friday will launch a new ‘Network of Climate-vulnerable Countries’, including a number of countries that belong to the g7+, an intergovernmental group of fragile countries, which first sent the appeal.

The network aims to advocate as a group with climate finance institutions; build capacity in member states so they can absorb more finance; and create country platforms so investors can more easily find high-impact projects in which to invest, said think tank ODI Global, which helped the countries create the network.

Burundi, Chad, Iraq, Sierra Leone, Somalia, Timor-Leste and Yemen have already joined the initiative, but all 20 members of the g7+ have been invited. “My hope is it will create a real platform for the countries in need,” said Abdullahi Khalif, chief climate negotiator for Somalia on the sidelines of the Baku talks.

The move follows a letter sent by the g7+ to the United Nations, World Bank Group, International Monetary Fund and COP presidencies last month, and shared exclusively with Reuters, asking for more support.

In it, the group demanded an explicit commitment in any final deal on finance at COP29 that would double financing to help them adapt to climate change to at least a collective $20 billion per year by 2026.

While 45 of the world’s least developed countries have their own UN negotiating group, which includes some of the g7+ countries, conflict-affected states face distinct struggles, advocates said.

“A flood situation in South Sudan or Somalia creates more catastrophe than it would in any other developing country,” said Habib Mayar, g7+ deputy general secretary, who helped coordinate the letter.

A child born in South Sudan, which has been mired in war since 2013, was 38 times more likely in 2022 to be internally displaced by climate-related disasters than a European or North American child, according to Unicef data.

Yet conflict-affected countries received only $8.4bn in climate funding in 2022 about a quarter of what was needed, according to a 2024 analysis by ODI Global.

“It’s clear that climate funds aren’t doing enough to support the world’s most climate vulnerable people,” said Mauricio Vazquez, ODI Global’s head of policy for global risks and resilience, said.

Climate ambition gap
Published November 15, 2024 
DAWN

AS the world inches closer to catastrophe, all eyes are on the Conference of Parties (COP) taking place in Baku, Azerbaijan.

The opening speeches from the COP28 UAE presidency, COP29 Azer presidency, and the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC) executive secretary all made the links between climate action and finance needs.

Climate finance was at the heart of the agenda, with parties eager to discuss means of implementation to support delivery of the Global Stock-take outcome. Political engagement to break the gridlock on the New Collective Quantified Goal (NCQG) will be crucial for countries to enhance ambition on Nationally Determined Contributions (NDC) 3.0 to meet mitigation and adaptation targets.

The NDC announcements from the UAE and Brazil are welcome signals from two of the COP troika on their commitments to multilateral climate action. However, the troika countries collectively plan to expand oil and gas production by 32 per cent by 2035 (Brazil 36pc, UAE 34pc, and Azerbaijan 14pc).

With a packed agenda and only two weeks to move the needle on critical and contentious issues, it is important to reflect on facts and figures to develop a better understanding of the state of play and what’s at stake.

It is important to reflect on facts and figures to develop a better understanding of the state of play and what’s at stake.

The report on Doubling Adaptation Finance, released by the developed countries, states that the developed countries provided and mobilised a total of $32.4 billion in adaptation finance in 2022, including a total of $28.9bn in international public finance, an increase of nearly 23pc over 2021 levels and 54pc over 2019 levels. According to the report, significant progress has been made towards doubling adaptation finance from 2019 levels in the first three years of available data, and efforts are on track to reach $40bn by 2025.

The International Energy Agency acknowledges the momentum on decarbonisation, with record rollout of renewable energy and a scaling-up of electric vehicles, but expresses concern that the progress is not enough to keep the 1.5 degrees Celsius threshold alive. The IEA finds that governments are still responsible for around $1 trillion of energy sector investment today and will need to increase net-zero investments by about 40pc by 2035.

The World Meteorological Organisation report outlines that CO2 concentrations have increased 11.4pc in just 20 years, with the long lifetime of CO2 in the atmosphere locking in future temperature increase.

The Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development reports that in 2022, developed countries provided and mobilised a total of $115.9bn in climate finance for developing countries. This occurred with a delay of two years from the original 2020 target, but public finance accounted for close to 80pc of the total in 2022, and increased from $38bn in 2013 to $91.6bn in 2022. Mitigation continued to account for 60pc of the total and public climate finance grew by 52pc following several years of stagnation.

The Biennial Assessment of Climate Finance Flows prepared by the UNFCCC Standing Committee on Finance states that global climate finance flows in 2021-2022 increased by 63pc compared to those in 2019-2020, reaching an annual average of $1.3tr, and tracked adaptation finance increased by 28pc to an annual average of $63bn in 2021-2022. The report acknowledges that more than half of the global climate finance was provided in the form of debt instruments, while grant finance more than doubled in absolute terms but still accounted for only 6pc of the total flow.

The UN Trade and Development report on the NCQG outlines the climate finance needed from the developed countries to developing countries to meet the Paris Agreement goals. It concludes that the developing countries require $1.1tr in climate finance from 2025, rising to around $1.8tr by 2030. Based on these numbers, developed countries should anticipate a funding equivalent of three quarters of the investments needed in developing countries for climate mitigation and adaptation, as well as supporting response to climate-induced loss and damage.

Accordingly, the NCQG contribution target for developed countries should be around $0.89tr in 2025, reaching up to $1.46tr by the fifth year of implementation. This would imply a target for around 1.4pc of developed countries’ GDP per year from 2025 until 2030, and then reviewed to make it equivalent to around 2pc of developing countries’ GDP.

And finally, the United Nations Environment Programme’s Emissions Gap Report 2024 raises alarm with its findings that greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions grew by 1.3pc year-on-year to 57.1 gigatons of carbon dioxide equivalent in 2023. The mitigation pledges for 2030-2035 are not on track and need to be 26 gigatons of carbon dioxide lower for a warming limit of 1.5ºC.

Clearly, the ambition gap is widening, the need gap growing and the window of opportunity shrinking. GHG emissions are dangerously high and cash flows dismally small and slow. It is unlikely that COP29 will succeed in issuing a declaration that satisfies everyone. However, the goal of 1.5 still remains within reach but delay in action is not an option.

For Pakistan, the current temperature trends mean an increase in climate-induced hazards, more loss and damage, and a higher risk of sinking deeper into a debt and poverty trap.

It is time to reconcile with reality and accept the fact that total reliance on external support for succour is not a gamble that the country can afford.

Pakistan needs to reset its priorities and align them with the national security policy, making geo-economics and governance reforms its top action agenda. Now is perhaps the last opportunity for making long-term strategic choices to prepare the country for a future with a new socioeconomic and political climate.

The writer is the chief executive of the Civil Society Coalition for Climate Change.
aisha@csccc.org.pk

Published in Dawn, November 15th, 2024

Optimising COP29
Published November 14, 2024 
DAWN

THE global demand for skilled workers in green technologies is growing. This is important for Pakistan, where climate change and environmental degradation are urgent concerns. Green Technical and Vocational Education and Training is vital for developing skills needed to make key industries sustainable. However, substantial challenges remain in fully integrating Green TVET into the national development framework.

With COP29 in Baku focused on climate action and sustainable workforce development, Pakistan has an opportunity to formalise Green TVET strategies. Indeed, the country’s vulnerability to climate change underscores the need for Green TVET. Pakistan is among the top 10 countries most affected by the impact of climate change. It accrues an annual loss of $3.8 billion due to extreme weather events. The industrial and agricultural sectors, contributing more than 40 per cent of GDP and employing over 60pc of the workforce, are heavily reliant on obsolete, environmentally damaging practices, thus making it critical to transition to eco-friendly methods.

However, in adopting Green TVT, Pakistan will face several structural and economic hurdles, one challenge being the absence of a comprehensive national policy connecting green economic goals to vocational training. Although environmental concerns have been partially addressed in the National Climate Change Policy, the latter does not prioritise workforce development for green sectors. This indicates an institutional disconnect with organisations that are attempting to bridge the gap by integrating green skills into their programmes.

Incorporating green skills requires strategic focus and institutional coordination. For instance, the National Vocational and Technical Training Commission has introduced some foundational green skills, aimed at building awareness of sustainable practices. However, these efforts require substantial expansion.


Industry demand for green skills remains low in Pakistan.

At COP29, where global leaders are discussing climate action and workforce development, Pakistan can advocate for Green TVET on an international platform. Efforts of organisations, such as the NAVTTC, could benefit from aligning with frameworks emerging from the climate conference, potentially securing commitments for funding and support from international partners. Such alliances could enable them to expand Green TVET programming and help Pakistan achieve both its climate and economic objectives.

There is also not much awareness of or demand for green skills among employers. Many industries lack an understanding of the benefits of green skills; their motivation to adopt sustainable practices is thus reduced. Critical sectors, including the construction industry and agriculture, still depend on resource-intensive methods, as they perceive the transition costs to be high. For instance, the construction sector, which contributes over 2pc to GDP, often resorts to energy-inefficient practices, while agriculture — the largest employment sector — has been slow to adopt climate-smart techniques.

These challenges deter TVET institutions from investing in green training programmes as industry demand for these skills remains low. Creating awareness and a demand for green skills within industries requires focused outreach and partnerships to educate employers on the long-term economic benefits of sustainable practices.

Many vocational institutions also lack modern equipment, which is essential for teaching technologies, such as those related to solar panel installation or sustainable agriculture practices. Nearly half our TVET institutions are under-resour­c­­ed, highlighting an immediate need to upgrade facilities to meet the demands of a green economy. Securing these up­­grades is challenging as budget allocations are limited. Pakistan’s TVET se­­­ctor receives around 2.5pc of the national education budget, which would need to be scaled up in order to match countries that prioritise vocational training. Private sector investment in green skills training is also minimal, and although international funding options, such as the Green Climate Fund, exist, Pakistan has to do much more to access these resources.

Investing in Green TVET can speed up both economic growth and environmental resilience. By establishing cohesive policies, raising industry awareness, securing funding, and promoting TVET, Pakistan can build a workforce capable of supporting sustainable development in core sectors of the economy. This shift will not only reduce Pakistan’s environmental footprint but also position the country as a proactive participant in the global green economy, aligning with COP29’s objectives and working towards a more sustainable future.

The writer is the chairperson of the National Vocational and Technical Training Commission.

chairperson@navttc.gov.pk

Published in Dawn, November 14th, 2024

Stricter lockdown in big cities as Punjab declares smog emergency

Zulqernain Tahir 
November 16, 2024
DAWN

A street is shrouded in smog amid air pollution, during a morning in Multan on November 15. — Reuters

LAHORE: Hundreds of people offer Namaz-i-Istisqa (prayers for rain) for some respite from the smog afflicting the Punjab province, at Badshahi Mosque on Friday. A spokesperson for the provincial environment department attributed this year’s severe pollution to a lack of rain in September and October.—PPI


• Schools closed for another 10 days across the province
• Marriyum says arrangements made in hospitals to treat patients
• Govt holds ‘successful’ cloud seeding trial in Jhelum, Gujar Khan



LAHORE: The Punjab government has declared an emergency in Lahore and Multan, where a “complete lockdown” will be imposed from Fridays to Sundays due to the intensity of smog.

Dense smog, caused by toxic pollutants, has engulfed several cities in Punjab over the past few weeks, with Lahore and Multan being the worst hit. The AQI reading in Multan has already crossed 2,000 twice, setting a new record for air pollution.

“We are declaring a health emergency in Lahore and Multan,” provincial minister Marriyum Aurangzeb told a press conference on Friday.

The minister said a complete lockdown will be enforced on Fridays, Saturdays, and Sundays in both cities.

Construction activities in Lahore and Multan have also been suspended for 10 days, and vehicles carrying construction materials will be stopped at the entry points of the cities.

Ms Aurangzeb said the closure of schools has been extended while colleges and universities will hold online classes in Lahore and Multan.

Private and government offices would operate with 50 per cent of staff working from home, while restaurants would operate till 4pm with takeaway services allowed till 8pm.

“We are not imposing restrictions on weddings during this smog season but are preparing for next year,” she said, adding that citizens have been advised to avoid outdoor events.

Late, on Friday, the provincial Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) notified these restrictions.

It said the smog situation is “likely to prevail for a few weeks”; hence, there was a need to “reduce the number of vehicles on roads and restrict construction activities”.

Schools across Punjab, which are already closed, would remain shut till Nov 24, according to the EPA notification.

There will be a complete ban on the entry of heavy transport vehicles in Lahore and Multan.

The vehicles carrying fuel, medicines and food supplies; buses with official certification; ambulances; fire brigades; and vehicles of Rescue 1122 and police will be exempt from the ban.

The lockdown restrictions will not apply to pharmacies, medical facilities, petrol pumps, oil depots, tandoors, flour mills, dairy shops, call centres, postal services and utility companies.

Health crisis

The minister admitted that smog has resulted in a sharp uptick in the number of patients with respiratory illnesses.

The timing of the outpatient department (OPD) has been extended till 8pm in hospitals where essential medicines for respiratory illnesses have also been supplied, the minister said.

Ambulances have been equipped with breathing apparatus and hospital staff leaves have been cancelled. Citizens are advised to wear masks and avoid unnecessary travel on motorcycles.

According to the EPA notification, special counters for smog-related diseases will be established in all government and private hospitals.

Rescue 1122 will “prioritise the calls related to smog diseases” while the health department will ensure an adequate supply of medicines to treat respiratory and other smog-related diseases

10-year policy

While calling smog a “health crisis”, she said the pollution is now affecting other districts in Punjab.

The minister claimed that a 10-year policy had been formulated and government departments have been given specific targets to combat this crisis.

“Twelve AQI calculators have been installed in Lahore, and 50 more will be deployed across Punjab this year,” she added.

The minister lamented Lahore has only 3pc green cover compared to the required 36pc. “The government plans to launch a citywide green plantation drive.”

She said smog would not disappear in six months or a year, and the government is using both short- and long-term strategies to address the issue.

The minister, once again, reiterated that smog was cross-border and urged Pakistan and India jointly “address this environmental crisis, which concerns lives and health”.

The minister said she would like to brief the Lahore High Court on the policy to curb smog, which, she said, was caused by “transport, agriculture, energy, our habits, our behaviour and our actions towards nature”.

She said a number of measures have already been taken to curb smog.

For the first time, the agriculture department has provided 1,000 super seeders to farmers to dispose of their stubble instead of burning it.

Around 800 brick kilns have been demolished, and efforts to expand Lahore’s forest cover are ongoing, she added.

Three vehicle fitness certification stations have been established at Kala Shah Kaku and Thokar Niaz Baig, and smoke detectors have been provided to traffic police to identify vehicles with high emissions.

Cloud seeding

On Friday, the Punjab government also held a successful trial of artificial rain using local technology.

“The cloud seeding experiment conducted in Jhelum, Chakwal, Talagang, and Gujar Khan resulted in rainfall in Jhelum and Gujar Khan on Friday,” the Meteorological Department confirmed.

The experiment was conducted at 2pm, and “within hours, it [rained] in Jhelum and Gujar Khan”.

“There is also a strong likelihood of rainfall in Lahore after this experiment. The artificial rainfall will significantly help reduce smog,” the Met Department said.

The experiment was done in collaboration with Army Aviation, Punjab EPA and Suparco, as per the officials.Ms Aurangzeb and CM Sharif have congratulated all institutions and scientific experts involved in the cloud seeding experiment.

Published in Dawn, November 16th, 2024


Breathless Punjab

DAWN
Editorial 
Published November 16, 2024 

PUNJAB’s smog crisis has effectively spiralled out of control, with air quality readings shattering all past records: Multan’s AQI surpassed 2,000 recently and Lahore’s is consistently exceeding the 1,100 mark. While the two cities have now been put under a nine-day lockdown, such high levels of air pollution have taken a terrible toll on the population. Nearly 2m citizens sought medical attention for respiratory ailments in just 30 days. Hospitals are reporting patients of asthma, conjunctivitis and heart disease in overwhelming numbers. While the provincial government is running helter-skelter closing schools, banning recreational activities and demolishing non-compliant brick kilns, these steps amount to little more than crisis management. The distribution of super-seeders and installation of emission control systems, though welcome, cannot mask the absence of deep reform. It is not with seasonal firefighting that Punjab can deal with this recurrent problem. It must address primary pollution sources: a rickety transport infrastructure, industrial emissions and urban sprawl.

Across the border, Delhi faces a similar crisis, with schools shutting down and flights disrupted. In Pakistan, the Punjab information minister says that while 70pc of Lahore’s smog is generated locally, around 30pc wafts in from India. This makes bilateral cooperation essential. In addition, the Lahore High Court’s call for a decade-long policy framework merits attention. With 70-80pc of environmental pollution stemming from transport emissions, particularly substandard fuel, any meaningful solution must prioritise public transport and stricter emission standards. The government’s plan to introduce electric buses by June 2025 is promising but insufficient. The path forward requires painful but necessary reforms: relocating industries outside urban centres, enforcing Euro-V fuel standards, expanding green coverage beyond the current 3pc in Lahore, and creating air quality monitoring networks. While these may seem economically burdensome, the cost pales in comparison to the rapidly rising healthcare costs and the undeniable loss of productivity. For citizens caught between unaffordable air purifiers and deteriorating health, the government must provide relief through subsidised protective gear, such as N95 masks, and expanded healthcare access. However, the public too must recognise their role in this crisis. It must adopt greener lifestyles and reduce personal emissions. Ultimately, tackling smog requires unwavering political will, regional diplomacy, public participation, and a rethink of our urban development.

Published in Dawn, November 16th, 2024