Friday, May 17, 2024

 

Permafrost Showdown


“Deep below the glistening surface of a frozen Arctic lake, something is bubbling—something that could cause global warming to accelerate beyond all previous projections… Now the freezer door is opening, releasing the carbon into Arctic lake bottoms. Microbes digest it, convert it to methane, and the lakes essentially burp out methane.’ Scientists estimate that permafrost holds up to 950 billion tons of carbon. As it thaws, 50 billion tons of methane could enter the atmosphere from Siberian lakes alone. That’s ten times more methane than the atmosphere holds right now,” (Katey Walter Anthony, biogeochemist, National Geographic Explorer Since 2011)

Rapid warming of Arctic permafrost has brought a significant threat to all life forms. Consequently, The Royal Society (est. 1660) felt compelled to support publication of a new video that exposes this threat: What Happens When the Permafrost Thaws? BBC in partnership with The Royal Society by Daniel Nils Roberts, British-Norwegian director, April 15, 2024.

“Thermokarst lakes (formed when permafrost melts) are projected to release approximately 40% of ancient permafrost soil carbon emissions this century.” (Source: K.M. Walter Anthony, et al, “Decadal-scale Hotspot Methane Ebullition Withing Lakes Following Abrupt Permafrost Thaw”, Environmental Research Letters, Vol. 16, No. 3, 2021).

“The Tibetan Plateau is the largest alpine permafrost region in the world, accounting for approximately 75% of the total alpine permafrost area in the Northern Hemisphere. Similar to high-latitude permafrost regions, this region has experienced fast climate warming and extensive permafrost thaw, which has triggered the widespread expansion of thermokarst lakes and other types of abrupt permafrost thaw. The number of thermokarst lakes in this permafrost region is estimated to be 161,300.” (Source: Guibiao Yang, et al, “Characteristics of Methane Emissions from Alpine Thermokarst Lakes on the Tibetan Plateau”, Nature Communications 14, Article No. 3121, 2023).

Ecosystems throughout the planet are rapidly transforming because of human-generated global warming. After all, what does the formation of 161,300 thermokarst lakes in only the Alpine permafrost region alone say about the impact of global warming?

Scientists are expressing renewed concerns about monster climate events lurking beneath the frozen ground of permafrost, which is 15% of the exposed land surface of the Northern Hemisphere (MIT Climate Portal). And monsters lurk above solid grounding in Antarctic glacial formations, starting to fracture as fissures widen like ogres of the deep.

From the Arctic to Antarctica the planet is sagging, dripping, slouching, changing the face of 10,000 years of nature coexisting with humanity side-by-side until only recently as it transforms into an adversarial relationship. Permafrost ranks alongside the Arctic, Antarctica, Greenland, The Great Barrier Reef, and the world’s three largest rainforests as the most important determinates of this changing future. Within permafrost’s confines exist thousands of years of latent ingredients that have the potential to set the world on fire. Its impact could be transcendent.

“Most of Earth’s near-surface permafrost could be gone by 2100, an international team of scientists has concluded after comparing current climate trends to the planet’s climate 3 million years ago… The team found that the amount of near-surface permafrost could drop by 93% compared to the preindustrial period of 1850 to 1900. That’s under the most extreme warming scenario in the latest report of the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change.” (Source: Study: “Near Surface Permafrost Will Be Nearly Gone by 2100″, Geophysical Institute, University of Alaska, Fairbanks, September 15, 2023).

What Happens When the Permafrost Thaws (the film): “Permafrost is of huge importance to the entire planet… including one-half of Canada and two-thirds of Russia… and the Tibetan Plateau… permafrost is rock, sediment or ice that remains at or below zero degrees Celsius for two or more consecutive years… depending upon where it is found, permafrost can be millions of years old.”

Interviews in the What Happens film, living in permafrost regions, like Svalbard, Norway, when discussing noticeable climate change: “This kind of weather, it’s not supposed to be like this in October, it’s supposed to be minus 15°, clear, dry climate, and it’s not. It’s a rainstorm.”

As a result of abnormal climate behavior, especially where permafrost hangs out, the “active layer” of permafrost is getting deeper and deeper throughout the world. This is bad news. This creates more and more exposure to thousands of years of accumulation of “who knows what?”  It’s happening at a fast enough rate now that it could expose 10,000,000 woolly mammoths (a very rough estimate by somebody?) as well as ancient viruses, and who knows what else?

Moreover, aside from 10,000,000 woolly mammoth skeletons with some of them kinda well-preserved skin, fur, etc., a unique study claims up to 20,000 toxic contamination sites could be exposed: “Here we identify about 4500 industrial sites where potentially hazardous substances are actively handled or stored in the permafrost-dominated regions of the Arctic. Furthermore, we estimate that between 13,000 and 20,000 contaminated sites are related to these industrial sites.”  (Source: Moritz Langer, et al, “Thawing Permafrost Poses Environmental Threat to Thousands of Sites with Legacy Industrial Contamination”, Nature Communications, March 28, 2023).

“But there’s something else that concerns scientists much more. The scariest thing that is happening with permafrost is what it is doing to the climate itself… permafrost acts as a storage… it locks up the carbon from dead vegetation quite effectively, and it’s accumulated over many thousands of years.” (What Happens).

Now, the freezer door is open. Nobody knows for sure what’ll come through. But the biggest concern is permafrost competing with human-driven carbon emissions like CO2. This could drive global warming to unspeakable levels.

“There’s estimated to be four times the amount of carbon in permafrost than all the human-generated CO2 emissions in modern history. The release into the atmosphere of even a fraction of this as carbon dioxide and methane will have a profound impact on the climate.” (What Happens)

“What can be done” is an open question that’s semi-addressed in the film What Happens: We can make more informed decisions and build communities that are resilient to changes, highlighted by the ways that humans are entangled with nature. In other words, adaptation is the most realistic solution, other than stopping fossil fuels, which is not happening.

Meanwhile, the backup position to frustration over ongoing CO2 emissions that are continuing to ratchet up, now at all-time highs, scientists are increasingly calling for “adaptation to climate change” instead of pounding the table for a halt to emissions. For example, a recent report by the prestigious Columbia Climate School makes the case: “Experts are warning that policymakers should consider adaptation to sea-level rise a primary concern.” But, how to adapt to permafrost thaw is an altogether different matter… the most challenging of all.

In truth, climate change is far ahead of schedule, as scientific models of yesteryear look like distant history. It’s likely that history will designate the 21st century “The Age of Adaptation” by default as countries react, after the fact, to collapsing ecosystems, which guarantees a future full of surprises beyond wildest imagination.

There are scientists who believe permafrost thawing will accelerate global warming beyond the comfort zone of life in several regions of the planet; in fact, it’s already very close to a large scale event in Pakistan, India’s Indus River Valley, eastern China, and sub-Saharan Africa.

Still, regardless of circumstances, finding a way forward to the future is in the lifeblood of humanity. In that regard, there is some good news (kinda good): According to the International Energy Agency (IEA) renewables will meet 35% of “global power generation” by 2025, thus a significant rise in CO2 emissions from global power activity is unlikely over the next few years. However, global power generation is not the full enchilada of world energy: Along those lines, coal consumption is expected to drop 13.5% by 2030 but natural gas and oil will both rise as renewables, alongside fossil fuels, experience strong growth to meet increasing levels of demand. According to the IEA, fossil fuels will still account for 70% of world energy, down from today’s 82%, by 2030. This is progress but is it too slow, not enough soon enough? Moreover, and as endorsed by several oil CEOs, the IEA expects oil supply to remain robust into 2050. Hmm -global warming is all about excessive levels of fossil fuel CO2 emissions. Those emissions are not going away anytime soon, which will please the permafrost thawing gods.

As for US influence to lessen the impact of permafrost thawing, although not expressly stated as such in the legislative bill, the Inflation Reduction Act (IRA) provides $370 billion in clean energy investments. But can Biden’s IRA survive political wars? Is IRA bulletproof? More importantly, is it enough soon enough?

According to Barron’s d/d April 1, 2024: “Trump Is Taking Aim at Biden’s Climate Law”: He calls it a waste of money, and instead, has promised oil and gas CEOs favorable treatment, including scrapping Biden’s IRA, if elected, assuming they pony-up $1 billion for his campaign. Is this a bribe? It’s MAGA’s BMGW “Buy More Global Warming” to subsidize thawing of permafrost.Facebook

Robert Hunziker (MA, economic history, DePaul University) is a freelance writer and environmental journalist whose articles have been translated into foreign languages and appeared in over 50 journals, magazines, and sites worldwide. He can be contacted at: rlhunziker@gmail.com. Read other articles by Robert.
Palestinian BDS National Committee: Supporting the student-led solidarity mobilizations in their demands for boycott and divestment and against repression

Palestinian BDS National Committee
18 May, 2024


First published at BDS Movement.

Palestinians in Palestine and in exile, as represented in the undersigned grassroots networks, coalitions and organizations, are deeply grateful to the thousands of students who are building an unprecedented mass movement on US, European, Latin American, Australian and other campuses in solidarity with Palestinian liberation. We are inspired by this movement’s boldness, creativity, inclusiveness and diversity. Signs hand-painted on the tents of displaced Palestinians in Rafah thanking the student-led uprising speak volumes in this regard.

Trust and care for each other and for the broader solidarity movement, as well as maintaining the focus on the oppressed and their genuine demands have been central to this mobilization. This has also been crucial to ensure that it can continue to grow in a sustainable way in order to eventually achieve its goals: ending the complicity of universities in Israel’s #GazaGenocide, including scholasticide, and in its underlying 76-year-old regime of settler-colonial apartheid. To this end, and recognizing the comprehensive rights of the Indigenous Palestinian people, especially the right of our refugees to return, this student-led uprising is upholding the most important and effective BDS measures Palestinians have called on universities to heed:

Divestment from complicit companies and


The academic boycott of Israel and all its complicit institutions.

Ending state, corporate and institutional complicity in Israel’s regime of settler-colonialism, apartheid and genocide is the most important form of solidarity that Palestinians are calling for. In campus settings, this demand is rightfully grounded in recognition of Israel’s scholasticide and the moral, and arguably legal, responsibility of universities in the colonial West, that is a partner in Israel’s genocide, to disengage from institutions and corporations that are implicated in these crimes.
Threats to the movement

As movements grow and their impact expands, threats and attacks on them increase. Hegemonic powers understand how impactful student movements have been in struggles for justice, and do everything they can to quell them. Columbia University Palestine solidarity activists, among others, have recently raised the alarm about attempts to sabotage their inspiring protests. Indeed, Israel and its agents – as well as the anti-Palestinian racist and deeply complicit mainstream Western media and some influential donors and politicians – are all working overtime to pressure co-opted university administrations to crush the protest encampments and other peaceful protests. They are the true “outside agitators” that are spreading propaganda and engendering insecurity and repression. Media in particular is zooming in on individuals who raise racist, inflammatory, or dangerous slogans to imply that they represent the principled student protest while deliberately ignoring the overwhelming evidence of the inclusive, progressive, and anti-racist student mobilizations against Israel’s genocide and their institutions’ complicity.

It has also been revealed lately that groups supporting Israel’s genocide and apartheid are offering payment to individuals who can blend into Palestine solidarity protests, specifically seeking to recruit those with “Middle Eastern appearance” for “deeper infiltration.” Cori Bush, a leading progressive member of the US Congress, has reacted saying, “As a Ferguson activist, I know what it’s like to have agitators infiltrate our movement, manipulate the press, & fuel the suppression of dissent by public officials & law enforcement. We must reject these tactics to silence anti-war activists demanding divestment from genocide.”

Columbia University Students for Justice in Palestine activists have warned of this serious threat in an important recent statement: “We are frustrated by media distractions focusing on inflammatory individuals who do not represent us…Our members have been misidentified by a politically motivated mob. … We firmly reject any form of hate or bigotry….”

Other than trying to incriminate Palestine solidarity activists, especially Students for Justice in Palestine (SJP) and Jewish Voice for Peace (JVP), saboteurs of different ethnicities and faiths in effect help the repressive authorities and the racist mainstream Western media in diverting attention from Israel’s ongoing genocide in Gaza and the demands of the movement for universities to divest to end their complicity.

This further attests to the campus mobilizations’ impact. Israel and its lobby groups cannot tolerate the massive and unprecedented shift in US public opinion whereby a majority now opposes Israel’s assault on Gaza and, crucially, supports halting US military funding and weapons shipments that enable its savagery against Indigenous Palestinians.
What are Palestinians asking for from the solidarity movement?

We support solidarity activists who rightly affirm that we cannot dismiss the growing threats against the solidarity movement nor overreact by falling into paranoia and unfounded accusations against those one may disagree with. We support the students who have steadfastly refused to let the movement be silenced or co-opted by police, saboteurs, racists, and agents provocateurs. We call on solidarity groups to be vigilant in recognizing that suspicious behavior is to knowingly and repeatedly insist on defying the agreed upon points of unity and try to impose expressions that are not called for by the Palestinian consensus and that pose a risk to the group.

Learning from the long history of racial and social justice movements (including the Black Lives Matter movement most recently), and based on our engagement over decades with hundreds of solidarity groups and movements worldwide, as well as on the recent experiences of US student activists over the last months, we affirm that the Palestinian consensus asks of the solidarity movement worldwide to:

Respect and advocate for the comprehensive rights of the Palestinian people (at the very least the three rights listed in the historic BDS Call of 2005); and


Isolate Israel’s regime of oppression by ending all state, corporate and institutional complicity with it.

In any solidarity coalition, we call for adopting the above in the points of unity and for standing united against racism in all its forms, including antisemitism. All racist expressions, including those equating Israel and its racist ideology of Zionism on the one hand with Jewish communities and persons on the other, must be categorically rejected and isolated in solidarity spaces.

Signed by:

Council of National and Islamic Forces in Palestine


Palestinian BDS National Committee (BNC)


Student Frames Secretariat - Gaza


Palestinian General Federation of Trade Unions (PGFTU) - Gaza


Global Palestine Right of Return Coalition


General Union of Palestinian Women


Union of Youth Activity Centers-Palestine Refugee Camps


Palestinian Federation of Unions of University Professors and Employees (PFUUPE)


Palestinian Campaign for the Academic & Cultural Boycott of Israel (PACBI)


FEPAL - Palestine Arab Federation of Brazil


Palestinian Forum in Britain


Canadian Arab Federation


Palestinian Community in Europe - Belgium and Luxembourg


Handala Association for Cultural Development - Europe


Palestinian Democratic Forum - Europe


National Institution of Social Care and Vocational Training - Lebanon


General Union of Palestinian Teachers (GUPT)


Palestinian Bar Association


Palestinian Dental Association


Palestinian Pharmacists Association


Palestinian Medical Association


Palestinian Engineers Association


Palestinian Agricultural Engineers Association


Palestinian Veterinarians Syndicate


Civic Coalition for the Defense of Palestinian Rights in Jerusalem


Coalition for Jerusalem


Palestinian Farmers Union


Grassroots Anti Apartheid Wall Campaign (Stop The Wall)


Women Campaign to Boycott Israeli Products


An-Najah National University Student Council


Union of Palestinian Charitable Organizations


Federation of Independent Trade Unions


General Union of Palestinian Workers


Palestinian NGO Network (PNGO)


Palestinian National Institute for NGOs


Occupied Palestine and Syrian Golan Heights Initiative (OPGAI)


General Union of Palestinian Writers


Union of Palestinian Farmers


Grassroots Palestinian Anti-Apartheid Wall Campaign (STW)


Popular Struggle Coordination Committee (PSCC)


Palestinian Federation of New Unions


General Union of Palestinian Peasants


Palestinian Union of Professional Associations


Agricultural Cooperatives Union

Documenting the history of pro-Palestinian solidarity in Australia

 Images: Khaled Ghannam

Pro-Palestinian solidarity activists in Australia have been spreading information about the tragedy of the Palestinian people and the legitimacy of their revolution to Australian society for decades.

Some Australian leftist solidarity articles were written during the 1936 revolution, also known as the great Palestinian general strike during the British Mandate in Palestine. This was followed by many leftist articles and seminars after the 1948 war and the Palestinian Nakba (Catastrophe).

Pro-Palestinian activists protesting in support of the Palestinian people began to appear in the streets of Melbourne’s city centre in the early 1960s.

After the Naksa (Six Day) War in 1967 and the occupation of all Palestinian lands, the voice of pro Palestinian activists was heard in all Australian cities in support of the Palestinian people. Student groups and unionists’ associations supporting Palestine were formed and radio programs were launched.

Along with the Australian leftist movement, there were great efforts by Lebanese community activists who were the pioneers in organising the ranks of the Arabic community and pushing them to participate in activities in support of Palestinian rights. This began with political and literary seminars in the mid-1960s.

As for the Palestinian community, it did not begin to form its associations until the mid-1970s. Perhaps one of the most important of these was the Palestinian Club in Sydney, which is considered to be one of the oldest associations of the Palestinian community in the cultural and artistic fields.

I recently obtained a hard copy of the first issue of an Arabic language magazine called Sawt Falastine (Voice of Palestine), published by the Palestinian Club in January 1974, from my teacher and mentor, the great Palestinian journalist Hani El Turk, author of The Palestinians in Australia and journalist with the Arabic language El Telegraph newspaper, which was launched in Sydney in the mid-1970s.

I wrote to ask him: “You are the most Arab journalist who urges the sons and daughters of the Arabic communities to have a broader understanding of cultural and artistic life in Australia. You used to write in Arabic about life in Australia for members of the Arab community until you became an important reference for everyone who wants to know about Australia. The question is: Where is Palestine and the support for the Palestinian revolution in your writings?

“He answered: I used to write in many of the bulletins issued by the pro Palestinian activists group in both Arabic and English. When the Palestinian Club was founded, we issued many bulletins and periodicals. If you read the first issue of Voice of Palestine magazine, which was published in 1974, you will know that the editors of this magazine were highly skilled journalistic cadres, and that they were very revolutionary and exposed themselves to danger because Australia at that time considered the Palestinian revolution to be a terrorist movement and did not recognise any representation of the Palestinians, and we were accused of being supporters of terrorism.

“Finally, I send to you an electronic, illustrated copy of the first issue of Voice of Palestine magazine.”

We will continue to work to document the struggles of the Palestinian and Arab communities in Australia and the association of pro Palestinian activists in Australia who started their solidarity to support the Palestinian people and their just revolution.

[Khaled Ghannam is a Palestinian activist, author, writer and journalist based in Gadigal/Sydney. He co-founded the Australian Palestinian Cultural Centre and the Al-Entilakah Research Centre and is a member of the General Union of Historians and Archaeologists in Palestine. This is a translated and edited version of an article that first appeared on his website at: https://khaledghannam.com/.]

Video: How union power should be mobilised against Israel's genocide

S. Africa v. Israel on Rafah Genocide

May 17, 2024
Source: Informed Comment



South Africa returned to the International Court of Justice in the Hague on Thursday over the Israeli invasion of Rafah, which its attorneys alleged is a further act of genocide in Gaza. South Africa had laid out its initial case in January. The court will take months to come to a decision on whether Israel has violated the 1948 Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide. The court ruled on January 26 that it is plausible that Israel is committing genocide and issued the equivalent of a preliminary injunction against the further commission of acts of genocide. It issued a further injunction on March 28.

The South African case has now been joined by Ireland, Egypt, Colombia, Libya, and Nicaragua, and Turkey says it too will join shortly. Egypt and Turkey have had strong trade and security relations with Israel and their decision to support Pretoria’s suit is a slap in the face of the Israeli government and a signal that Israel is losing what few friends it had in the region.

The Israeli government, given impunity from UNSC sanctions by the Biden administration, thumbed its nose at the injunctions and went on with its slaughterhouse policies. Adilah Hassim, one of several South African attorneys pressing Pretoria’s case, pointed to five pieces of evidence that the Rafah campaign is genocidal. At one point in her detailing of Israel’s atrocities she broke down. She said,


(1) First, Israel has continued to kill Palestinians in Gaza, including women and children, at an alarming rate.

(2) Second, as a result of Israel’s onslaught, Palestinians in Gaza are facing what the Under-Secretary-General of the United Nations has described as the “worst humanitarian crisis” he has seen for more than 50 years.

(3) Third, Israel’s systematic targeting and bombardment of hospitals and medical facilities, and its throttling of humanitarian aid, has pushed Gaza’s medical system to collapse;

(4) Fourth, Israel’s direct attack and siege of Gaza’s biggest hospitals has led to the uncovering of mass graves evidencing Israeli massacres of Palestinians seeking shelter and medical treatment;

(5) Finally, most recently, Israel has intensified its attacks in the north while pressing on with its Rafah offensive leaving displaced Palestinians nowhere safe to go.

Earlier in the trial, Vaughan Lowe, Chichele Professor of Public International Law in the University of Oxford and himself a barrister, explained that “Israel’s action is directed against the Palestinian people throughout Gaza and the West Bank. South Africa’s request was initially focused on Rafah, because of the imminent prospect of death and suffering on a massive scale resulting from Israel’s attack. Since that request was made, it has become increasingly clear that Israel’s actions in Rafah are part of the endgame in which Gaza is utterly destroyed as an area capable of human habitation.”

Professor Lowe is clearly flabbergasted that partisans of the far, far right Netanyahu government continue to attempt to gaslight us all and to assert that nothing out of the ordinary is happening in Gaza. The the contrary, he said, we have the “evidence of continued bombings, attacks on people in so-called ‘safe areas’ to which they have been directed by Israel, attacks on aid convoys, and of mass graves and the horrors of which the corpses speak.”

Lowe deals summarily with the smarmy claim that the Israeli government is only exercising its right to self defense: “First, the right of self-defence does not give a State a licence to use unlimited violence. No right of self-defence can ever extend to a right to inflict massive, indiscriminate violence and starvation collectively on an entire people. Second, nothing — not self-defence or anything else — can ever justify genocide. The prohibition on genocide is absolute, a peremptory norm of international law. Third, the Court ruled in 2004 that there is no right of self-defence by an occupying State against the territory that it occupies.” (Emphasis added.)

If I owned a fleet of small aircraft I’d arrange for these words to be sky-written over every major city in the world. What Lowe is saying is that in some instances, two legal principles might come into conflict with one another. Where, for instance, does free speech stop and libel begin? But there are some laws that trump others. Genocide is the ultimate in this regard. It trumps every other law. There is no legal principle you can invoke to justify genocide, not even the right to self-defense, which is enshrined in the UN Charter and is generally sacrosanct.

Remember this the next time you hear a glib US government spokesman dance around the Gaza genocide by saying that Israel has a right to defend itself from Hamas.

Max du Plessis explained Israel’s command that Palestinians who had taken refuge in Rafah must now leave is genocidal in effect: “Not only is there nowhere for the 1.5 million displaced people and others in Rafah to safely flee — so much of Gaza having been reduced to rubble — but that if Rafah is similarly destroyed there will be little left of Gaza or prospects for the survival of Palestinian life in the territory.” In particular, he said, the last functioning hospitals are in Rafah, and if they are destroyed as all the others have been, health care in the Strip will be dead.

At the same time, du Plessis pointed out, virtually all aid has now been blocked by the Israel government, which seized the Rafah border checkpoint from Egypt and closed it. Gaza cannot feed itself in the best of circumstances, but it is now a basket case needing hundreds of trucks of food and medical aid a day to survive. Hunger and disease are spreading, since most of the trucks are now barred.

Du Plessis said, “Deliberately herding 1.5 million Palestinians into Rafah and then carrying out a full-scale bombardment while sealing off entry and exit for life-saving aid to an already devastated population, while exposing them to famine and human suffering, leaves only one inference, regrettably, and that is of genocidal intent.”

Prominent attorney and senior counsel (SILK) Tembeka Ngcukaitobi pointed to the extensive statements made publicly by Israeli officials that prove their genocidal intent:

The Israeli Minister of Defence: Yoav Gallant said that Israel is “taking apart neighbourhood after neighbourhood” and “will reach every location” in Gaza.

Finance Minister and Cabinet heavyweight Bezalel Smotrich : “[T]here are no half measures. Rafah, Deir al-Balah, Nuseirat — total annihilation.” He goes on to say: “We are negotiating with the ones that should not have existed for a long time.”

Ngcukaitobi cited reams of quotations showing genocidal intent from government officials — quotes that somehow I never see quoted by CNN anchors in the United States.

On January 26, the court had found that Israel was violating specific provisions of the Genocide Convention, to which Tel Aviv is signatory, regarding targeting a group of people because of their ethnicity:


(a) killing members of the group;

(b) causing serious bodily or mental harm to members of the group;

(c) deliberately inflicting on the group conditions of life calculated to bring about its physical destruction in whole or in part; and

(d) imposing measures intended to prevent births within the group.

All of these genocidal actions have continued and intensified ever since.




Juan Cole is Richard P. Mitchell Collegiate Professor of History at the University of Michigan. For three and a half decades, he has sought to put the relationship of the West and the Muslim world in historical context, and he has written widely about Egypt, Iran, Iraq, and South Asia. His books include Muhammad: Prophet of Peace Amid the Clash of Empires; The New Arabs: How the Millennial Generation is Changing the Middle East; Engaging the Muslim World; and Napoleon’s Egypt: Invading the Middle East.

Beyond Awards and Accolades: Why Gaza Journalists are the Best in the World


By granting its 2024 World Press Freedom Prize to Palestinian journalists covering the Israeli war on Gaza, UNESCO has acknowledged a historic truth.

Even if the decision to name Gaza’s journalists as laureates of its prestigious award was partly motivated by the courage of these journalists, the truth is that no one in the world deserved such recognition as those covering the genocidal war in Gaza.

“As humanity, we have a huge debt to their courage and commitment to freedom of expression,” Mauricio Weibel, Chair of the International Jury of Media Professionals, which made the recommendation for the award, truthfully described the courage of Gaza’s journalists.

Courage is an admirable quality, especially when many journalists in Gaza knew that Israel was seeking to kill them, often along with their families, to ensure that the horror of the war remains hidden from view, at worst, or contested as if a matter of opinion, at best.

Between October 7, 2023, and May 11, 2024, 143 Palestinian journalists in Gaza were killed by Israel. It is higher than the total number of journalists killed in World War II and the Vietnam wars combined.

This number does not include many bloggers, intellectuals and writers who did not have professional media credentials, and also excludes the many family members who were often killed along with the targeted journalists.

But there is more to Gaza’s journalists than bravery.

Whenever Israel launches a war on Gaza, it almost always denies access to international media professionals from entering the Strip. This go-to strategy is meant to ensure that the story of the crimes that the Israeli army is about to commit goes unreported.

The strategy paid dividends in the so-called Cast Lead Operation in 2008-9. The true degree of the atrocities carried out in Gaza during that war, which resulted in the killing of over 1,400 Palestinians, was largely known when the war was over. By then, Israel had concluded its major military operation, and corporate mainstream western media had done a splendid job in ensuring the dominance of the Israeli political discourse regarding the war.

Israel’s behavior since that war remained unchanged: barring international journalists, placing a gag order on Israeli journalists and killing Palestinian journalists who dared cover the story.

The August 2014 war on Gaza was one of the bloodiest for journalists. It lasted for 18 days and cost the lives of 17 journalists. Palestinian journalists, however, remained committed to their story. When one fell, ten seemed to take his place.

Occupied Palestine has always been one of the most dangerous places to be a journalist. The Palestinian Journalists’ Union reported that between 2000 – the start of the Second Palestinian Uprising – and May 11, 2022 – the day of the Israeli murder of the iconic Palestinian journalist Shireen Abu Akleh, 55 journalists were killed at the hands of the Israeli army.

The number might not seem too high if compared to the latest onslaught in Gaza, but, per international standards, it was a terrifying figure, based on an equally disturbing logic: killing the storyteller as the quickest way of killing the story itself.

For decades, Israel, an occupying power, has managed to depict itself as a victim in a state of self-defense. Without any critical voices in mainstream media, many around the world believed Israel’s deceiving discourse on terrorism, security and self-defense.

The only obstacle that stood between the actual truth and Israel’s engineered version of the truth are honest journalists – thus, the ongoing war on the media.

What Israel did not anticipate, however, is that by blocking international media access to Gaza, it would inadvertently empower Palestinian journalists to take charge of their own narrative.

“Interpretations depend very much on who the interpreter is, who he or she is addressing, what his or her purpose is, at what historical moment the interpretation takes place,” late Palestinian intellectual Edward Said wrote in ‘Covering Islam.’

Like any other form of intellectual interpretation, journalism becomes subjected to the same rule of positionality in academia, as in the relationship between the identity of the researcher and the social or political context of the subject matter.

Palestinian journalists in Gaza are themselves the story and the storytellers. Their success or failure to convey the story with all its factual and emotional details could make the difference between the continuation or the end of the Israeli genocide.

Though the war is yet to end, the Gaza journalists have already proven to be deserving of all the honors and accolades, not only because of their courage, but because of what we actually know about the war, despite the numerous and seemingly insurmountable obstacles created by Israel and its allies.

Most people all over the world want the war to end. But how did they acquire the needed information that made them realize the extent of horror in Gaza? Certainly not through Israel’s cheerleaders in mainstream media, but through Palestinian journalists on the ground who are using every means and every channel available to them to tell the story.

These journalists include self-taught youngsters, like 9-year-old Lama Jamous, who wore a press vest and conveyed the details of life in displacement camps in southern Gaza, reporting from Nasser Hospital and many other places with poise and elegance.

As for the accuracy of information provided by these journalists, they were certainly professional enough to be verified by numerous human rights groups, medical and legal associations and millions of people around the world who used them to build a case against the Israeli war. Indeed, all we know about the war – the death toll, the degree of destruction, the daily human suffering, the mass graves, the famine, and much more – is possible because of these Gaza-based reporters.

The success, and the sacrifices of Gaza journalists should serve as a model for journalists and journalism around the world, as an example of how news about war crimes, sieges and human suffering in all its forms should be conveyed.

Dr. Ramzy Baroud is a journalist, author and the Editor of The Palestine Chronicle. He is the author of six books. His latest book, co-edited with Ilan Pappé, is Our Vision for Liberation: Engaged Palestinian Leaders and Intellectuals Speak Out. His other books include My Father was a Freedom Fighter and The Last Earth. Baroud is a Non-resident Senior Research Fellow at the Center for Islam and Global Affairs (CIGA). His website is www.ramzybaroud.net.




Israeli Human Rights Lawyer Attacked While Documenting Settler Raid on Gaza Aid Convoy


By Sapir Sluzker Amran, Amy Goodman , Nermeen Shaikh 
May 17, 2024

Aid agencies are running out of food in southern Gaza amid Israel’s ongoing offensive in Rafah and the shutdown of the two main border crossings in the south. Some 1.1 million Palestinians are on the brink of starvation, according to the United Nations, while a “full-blown famine” is taking place in the north. Meanwhile, some Israelis have been blocking aid from reaching the Gaza border, including a violent attack on trucks carrying humanitarian relief through the occupied West Bank earlier this week, when settlers threw food packages on the ground and set fire to the vehicles at the Tarqumiyah checkpoint near Hebron. “They did whatever they want,” says Israeli lawyer and peace activist Sapir Sluzker Amran, who documented the attack on the aid convoy. She says Israeli soldiers appeared to be working with the settlers, refusing to intervene. “They were just standing aside like there is nothing that they can do, like it’s normal, what’s happening.”
Transcript

This is a rush transcript. Copy may not be in its final form.

NERMEEN SHAIKH: Aid agencies are running out of food in southern Gaza amid Israel’s ongoing offensive in Rafah. The World Food Programme says it’s run out of stocks in Rafah and has suspended food aid distributions there for several days. No food has entered the two main border crossings in southern Gaza for more than a week, since the Israeli assault on Rafah began and Israeli forces seized control of and closed the border crossing with Egypt. Some 1.1 million Palestinians are on the brink of starvation, according to the U.N., while a full-blown famine is taking place in the north. The U.N. Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs said today, quote, “The impact is devastating for over 2 million people.”

AMY GOODMAN: This comes just days after Israeli settlers blocked aid trucks headed to Gaza through the occupied West Bank from Jordan. Footage of the incident shows settlers raiding the aid trucks, throwing food into the road and setting fire to vehicles at the Tarqumiyah checkpoint near Hebron in the occupied West Bank. Palestinian truck drivers say they fear for their lives after the attack.


ADEL AMER: [translated] We went to the checkpoint, and after the check, we were surprised to see settlers on the roundabout of the checkpoint. They damaged the cars. They tore the tires off the trucks. They threw the contents of the truck on the ground. We gathered some of the products and sent some of those products on to a bulldozer and sent them to sheep farms. Around 15 trucks were damaged. Their haul was damaged. Windows of the trucks were broken. Some drivers were beaten. Some of the products were thrown away, and the whole loss for Hebron is around $2 million.

AMY GOODMAN: At a White House press briefing Monday, U.S. national security adviser Jake Sullivan was asked by reporters about the attack on the aid convoy.


JAKE SULLIVAN: It is a total outrage that there are people who are attacking and looting these convoys coming from Jordan, going to Gaza to deliver humanitarian assistance. We are looking at the tools that we have to respond to this, and we are also raising our concerns at the highest level of the Israeli government. And it’s something that we make no bones about. This is completely and utterly unacceptable behavior.

AMY GOODMAN: The attack on the aid convoy was the culmination of weeks of Israeli settlers attempting to block aid trucks from reaching Gaza.

For more, we’re going to Tel Aviv to speak with Sapir Sluzker Amran, an Israeli human rights lawyer and peace activist who documented the attack on the aid convoy right near Hebron. She’s the co-director of Breaking Walls, an intersectional feminist grassroots movement.

Welcome to Democracy Now!, Sapir. It’s so good to have you with us. If you can describe exactly what took place, how you ended up there when the Israeli settlers attacked the aid convoy, and what exactly they did to the convoy and to you?

SAPIR SLUZKER AMRAN: Thanks, and thank you so much for having me. Before we get into details, just to say from Tel Aviv that we are calling for ceasefire and safe return of the hostages, and hope to see this war ending as soon as possible and not seeing another one.

So, I came on Monday. It was after a few months where they’re organizing those kinds of actions, those looting actions. Settlers and their supporters, they are organizing in those WhatsApp groups, getting notifications from inside information, actually, to know where the trucks are going and coming from, and then trying to block them or to loot and destroy the entire food on the trucks. And when I came on Monday, it was to — I wasn’t sure. It was trying to document — it was after seeing those footages, those videos that they published a few months now, trying to organize groups. But people were afraid. And they should be afraid, because they’re coming with guns and knives and axes even. And the police and the IDF is totally on their side and not protecting us. But when I was there, I came to document and to understand a bit what’s going on.

And then, after they had this, like, first round of looting the convoy there, they started to go to another crossing in order to see if there was more trucks there, because they got an inside information again that there might be other trucks a few minutes’ drive from that crossing. I was there with another activist, and we went to the drivers of the trucks to see if we can help. And they were very surprised. They didn’t understand why there were Jewish people, Israelis, that want to help them. It took them a minute to understand that we are Arabs, but not Palestinians, we are Arab Jews, and we are with them. So, we started to pack everything again on one of the trucks. And we almost finished, and then they came back, more people — I think there were around few dozens, and then it became almost 150 people. At that time, they did whatever they want.

So, I want to be specific. This event, I got a message on WhatsApp that this event’s starting, and they’re asking people to come around 9:30 in the morning. They were there on their way. So they were there at 10 a.m. I came at 12:00. I left, though, for my own safety. Around 3 p.m., there were dozens of people, and people kept coming. So, it happened for hours. There were a few soldiers there without a supervisor. They didn’t know what to do. They were just going around, maybe two policemen, and that’s it. And what the settlers did is tearing up the entire food that was there. There were bags of rice, bags of sugar and instant noodles in bags. And they did it in a way that we cannot repair it. They did it in a way that they were tearing everything down, jumping on the instant noodles so we cannot save it. And, yeah, that was the situation.

We saw a lot of families there. I think that the youngest person that was there was maybe 3 years old, a kid with his father, like it was like a fun day, a festival day, and more teenagers that were there. And they did whatever they want. They laughed, they enjoyed, and they said it was the best action that we had ’til now. It was in Tarqumiyah crossing. And I think many came because it’s in the area of the settlers, so it was very easy for them just to be first and to hold those trucks.

NERMEEN SHAIKH: So, Sapir, could you talk about what the settlers did specifically to you, what happened to you? And then explain who the settlers are and what their justification is for doing that, for disrupting the aid convoys and destroying all the aid. They say that the aid is helping Hamas, and they want to obstruct its delivery until the hostages are released. Who are the settlers? And do they have any connection to the government?

SAPIR SLUZKER AMRAN: Yeah. So, I think, just to say, I’m not the story here. Yes, I will share that I was injured. One of the settlers — so, I was — I’m not sure how, but I couldn’t stand aside when I saw them running again, going on the trucks with sugar bags, going on the trucks with their knives and weapons and axes and all kinds of sharp objects and tearing down everything. And I couldn’t. And I started to run towards them and document it and tell them, “Please, stop. Stop. What are you doing? This is food. This is food. Like, you have to understand, inside of ’48, inside Israel, we have more than 2 million people that are under the poverty line. This is food. We have, an hour from now, people that are hungry. They can be your family that are hungry an hour from here.” And they didn’t care about it.

So I went on the truck and tried to stop them. And I called and I screamed on the IDF. There were like very young soldiers. I told them, “Come! Come and help me! This is your role! This is not my role! Come and help me! I can’t do it on my own!” And my friend was documenting it and trying also to talk with them and trying to stop them while they were doing it. And they tried to prevent her to photograph. And she managed to do it anyway.

So, when I was on the truck, yeah, one of the settlers, in front of an IDF that was right next to us, he kind of slapped me extremely hard, and then he was trying to escape. The police was there. The police took him. I told them, “I want to press charges.” They said, “No,” and they hid him so I couldn’t document him, even though I have his photo and the video. And then, after 10 minutes, he came back, like nothing was happened. So they took him only to protect him, not for something else.

And I was the only one that the government, that the IDF, the police, asked for to see an ID. All that time, they didn’t ask anyone from them, from the settlers, to get out of this area, that it was like a parking lot — only us, only the two of us, just the two of us. And they were just sitting there or standing there while I was telling them, “You’re standing right here. You see someone with a knife. That person, a teenager, took a knife at me.” I told them, “You see him. At least take the knife. At least take the knife so, like, he won’t attack me.” And they didn’t care about it. They were just standing aside like there is nothing that they can do, like it’s normal, what’s happening.

AMY GOODMAN: So, Sapir, we only have a few minutes left —

SAPIR SLUZKER AMRAN: Yeah.

AMY GOODMAN: — and we want to know: Who are these Israeli settlers? Who are the people that destroyed the aid truck?

SAPIR SLUZKER AMRAN: Yeah, so, those are the people, settlers, that are, you know, living in the settlements. They’re Orthodox Jews. They’re from the national Zionist Jewish stream, Zionist stream. They have many supporters in government. They are the government. It’s not that they’re supporters.

And we know that yesterday — I want to say something like that right now I can show you — I can add you right now, Amy, to a WhatsApp group, because they’re organizing right now to do it again. So, they have this information. No one is trying to stop them. I think maybe it’s not clear that nothing has changed from Monday. They are still doing it. I don’t know what is showing on the international media, what the Israeli government is publishing. But they are doing it right now, with their names, with their numbers, and they don’t care about presenting even theirselves and documenting theirselves, because they know that nothing is going to happen to them, no circumstances, no objects, and nothing will happen at all.

So, they are connected to the government. We know that some of them are working with the government. We know that some of them — I wouldn’t be surprised if they’re funded from the government. We have MKs, members of the parliament, the Israeli parliament, that are supporting it and coming to those actions. We have someone that is a CEO of a right-wing organization that just got, a few months ago got — he has a photo with one of the MKs, the chairman of the Knesset, giving him a diploma to thank him for his service to Israel. OK? So, they are — last week, it was the mayor of one of the big cities in the south of Israel. They are the blood, and they are part of it. What you are doing is just, we can call it, privatization, privatization of the violence, which means that the government know. They hide because of the U.S. They have to pretend that they are obeying international law. But, in fact, they don’t want to. So they have these kids, they have these settlers, they have their supporters, that they are part of their political parties, and also they’re also funding them, to tell them, “Go to this crossing and handle it.”

AMY GOODMAN: Sapir —

SAPIR SLUZKER AMRAN: So, that’s why the police is not intervening, because the police belongs to Ben-Gvir and those kinds of people. So, yeah.

AMY GOODMAN: Sapir Sluzker Amran, I want to thank you so much for being with us, Israeli human rights lawyer and peace activist, who went to the Tarqumiyah crossing in Hebron to document the attack on a Gaza-bound aid convoy by Israeli settlers. She’s also the co-director of Breaking Walls, an intersectional feminist grassroots movement.
In a First, Jewish Biden Administration Staffer Resigns Over War in Gaza
May 17, 2024
Source: Jewish Telegraphic Agency

Image by Jewish Community Foundation of San Diego

At first glance, the chalkboard sign looked like any of the others standing in front of Washington D.C.’s many restaurants and cafes.

But instead of advertising espresso or sandwiches, this one — across the street from a federal government building — displayed only one thing: the number of Palestinians killed in Israel’s war with Hamas, along with the words “Remember the people of Gaza.”

When it was taken down earlier this month after being vandalized, that number had passed 34,000 — a statistic quoted often in pro-Palestinian advocacy. But what made the blackboard different from the campus protests and others across the country was that the people keeping it current worked for the Biden administration, which has largely supported Israel and armed it as it has fought Hamas in Gaza.

Nearly all of the federal employees behind such efforts have kept their identities hidden — including the relatively few Jews in the movement. But a landmark moment in internal Jewish dissent came on Wednesday, when Lily Greenberg Call, special assistant to the chief of staff at the Department of Interior, announced that she was resigning in protest of President Joe Biden’s Israel policy — the first Jewish staffer among the several who have publicly resigned since Oct. 7.

“I can no longer in good conscience represent this administration amidst President Biden’s disastrous, continued support for Israel’s genocide in Gaza,” Greenberg Call, 26, wrote in her resignation letter, which she submitted to Secretary of the Interior Deb Haaland and shared on social media.

Greenberg Call, 27, attended Jewish day school and was a leader of a pro-Israel group in college, at the University of California, Berkeley, that was affiliated with AIPAC, the Washington lobby. She has previously written publicly about her move to the left on Israel, saying in a 2022 Teen Vogue essay that she had begun to question the idea of unconditional support for Israel after getting to know Arabs and Palestinians, including through her work on political campaigns.

In her resignation letter, Greenberg Call said her family had come to the United States after escaping persecution in Europe and that she was concerned about rising antisemitism around the world now. But she said she did not believe the war aided in Jewish security.

“Israel’s ongoing offensive against Palestinians does not keep Jewish people safe — in Israel nor in the United States,” she wrote. “What I have learned from my Jewish tradition is that every life is precious. That we are obligated to stand up for those facing violence and oppression, and to question authority in the face of injustice.”

While Greenberg Call is the first Jewish Biden administration staffer to resign publicly over the war, others in her movement say she isn’t alone in her sentiments. In memos, in internal staff meetings, and in occasional bursts of public protest, a cadre of mid-level D.C. bureaucrats is dissenting from the Biden administration’s backing for Israel in the war. They describe crushing disappointment in an administration that they feel is committed to defending innocents from carnage elsewhere — most notably in Ukraine — but not, they say, in Gaza.

“There is nothing more American than the right to free speech and free assembly,” said a May 3 statement from Biden-Harris Administration Staffers for Ceasefire, an ad hoc group formed soon after the war broke out.

The staffers say they have moved the needle a bit on policy — citing the increased flow of humanitarian aid to Gaza as an example — though they wish they’d had more impact. But their critics in the administration say their influence is negligible.

Those making the actual decisions say the dissent is background noise and that factors stemming from the crisis — and not the protests — are behind shifts in policy.

“These are people who are not involved in the policy discussions,” said a federal official who has a seat at the policy making table, “who are not in the room to hear senior-level policymakers make the case for both humanitarian assistance and describe what our expectations are when it comes to avoiding civilian harm and preventing violations of laws.”

The clandestine pro-Palestinian organizing began shortly after Hamas’ Oct. 7 invasion of Israel, which killed approximately 1,200 people and launched the war. As Israel began counterstrikes, heads of various departments convened meetings to air concerns about Biden administration policy. Soon, S, a Jewish staffer who is part of the activist movement, was spearheading one of a number of letters to top Biden administration officials that called for a ceasefire.

An Oct. 20 letter from Jewish and Muslim congressional staff calling for a ceasefire represented an early public action. A letter sent to Biden in November ultimately garnered a thousand signatures, and a White House vigil took place in December. Discussion of others has not abated.

“Word of mouth and WhatsApp are pretty active,” S said.

Another convening point has been the Instagram account Dear White Staffers. Established in 2020 by an anonymous congressional staffer to post examples of how colleagues of color face discrimination, the account turned after Oct. 7 to decrying Biden’s war policies. The account has posted anonymous comments from administration staffers alongside news articles and calls to action such as alerts about D.C.-area pro-Palestinian protests. On Wednesday, it directed followers to Greenberg Call’s resignation letter.

P, a staffer for a congressional Democrat, joined one of the Jewish-led vigils in the Capitol that led to arrests. Contacts he forged through helping to set up the first union for congressional staffers helped lead to the letter from Hill staffers a few weeks later.

“We have continued to show up and speak at large rallies and marches,” he said.

S and P asked to be identified only by first initials in order to avoid professional repercussions. The Jewish Telegraphic Agency has verified their identities and their staff positions. Jewish groups that have organized ceasefire protests, including the anti-Zionist group Jewish Voice for Peace and IfNotNow, confirmed that they are among the groups’ active participants within the government.

IfNotNow distributed Greenberg Call’s resignation letter on Wednesday.

The Jewish activists who spoke to JTA believe they are among the few Jewish voices in the movement because of the pressures pro-Palestinian Jews feel from their communities at home. Others in the executive branch support Biden’s position.

“I definitely feel like I’m one of the only Jewish voices in the group chats,” said S.

The dissenters point to Biden’s increased pressure on Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu to allow in humanitarian aid to the Gaza Strip, and measures to hold accountable alleged Israeli perpetrators of abuses, as evidence they made a difference.

But Julie Fishman Rayman, the American Jewish Committee managing director, said the dissenters have had more of an impact on the media than on actual policy in the government or in Congress.

She noted that one of their key demands — a unilateral Israeli ceasefire — has not found support in the executive branch, or in Congress, where the majority of lawmakers calling for a ceasefire have insisted that it must be mutual and include a release of hostages.

“There are people who from the get-go were starting these calls for a one-sided ceasefire,” she said. “If they were reading the fine print here, they would see that argument has not gained any currency.”

A congressional staffer told JTA that the flood of calls from constituents opposing the war had been more influential than the internal dissenters. “They are way less impactful than a bunch of angry constituents who are calling day in and day out and are better organized,” the staffer said.

Asked for comment, a State Department official referred JTA to remarks recently by spokesman Vedant Patel, when he was asked about the resignation of Hala Rharrit, the spokeswoman for Arab media. Rharrit quit over Gaza policy, saying State Department staff were afraid to speak out in dissent. (At least one other staffer has publicly resigned from the department, while a Palestinian American staffer at the Department of Education resigned publicly in January.)

Secretary of State Antony Blinken “reads every single one of those dissent channel cables and dissenting viewpoints from across the administration,” Patel said. “We continue to welcome them and we think that it helps lead to stronger, more robust policy making.”

Whether or not the internal protests are making a difference, pro-Palestinian activists say they are meaningful.

“Congressional and administration staffers have joined Palestinian solidarity marches, written dissent cables, signed open letters of disapproval, and in some cases publicly resigned,” Beth Miller, the political director of JVP Action, the political advocacy affiliate of Jewish Voice for Peace, told JTA. “Such public expressions of protest from people who are usually unwilling to do so should be a dire warning to the Biden administration to change course.”

The US Will Not Defend Japan, But Tokyo Doesn’t Tell the Truth to the Public


Washington and Tokyo strongly opposed China’s attempts to unilaterally change the status quo by force or coercion in the East China Sea. Still, the U.S. doesn’t promise anything special about defending Japan.

Japanese Prime Minister Fumio Kishida held a Summit Meeting with U.S. President Joseph Biden during his official visit to Washington D.C., On April 10, they issued a joint statement as the outcome of the meeting.

In the statement, Biden mentioned the U.S.’s unwavering commitment to Japan’s defense under Article V of the US-Japan Security Treaty, using its full range of capabilities, including nuclear. He also affirmed that Article V applies to the Senkaku Islands.

Article V of the Security Treaty reads, “Each Party recognizes that an armed attack against either Party in the territories under the administration of Japan would be dangerous to its own peace and safety and declares that it would act to meet the common danger in accordance with its constitutional provisions and processes.”

Senkaku, also known as the Diaoyu in China and the Diaoyutai in Taiwan, is a small group of Japanese-administered, uninhabited islands in the East China Sea. China and Taiwan claim sovereignty over the islands, but Japan rejects the existence of a territorial dispute.

The U.S. government acknowledges the administration of Japan over Senkakus but has taken no position on who has sovereignty over the islands. At least, that has been U.S. policy since 1972, when the Nixon Administration stated that, according to a document titled The Senkaku (Diaoyu/Diaoyutai) Dispute: U.S. Treaty Obligations, published by the Congressional Research Service (CRS) and updated in 2021.

The tensions between China and Japan over the Senkakus flared up in 2012 because Japan’s central government purchased three of the islands from their private owner to preempt the then-governor of Tokyo prefecture, Shintaro Ishihara, to buy the islands and carry out various activities on them. China and Taiwan protested the move, and China began to increase maritime patrols around the Senkakus. Now, it has been a near-daily presence.

After that, to expand rhetorical support for Japan, the U.S. Congress inserted a resolution in the FY2013 National Defense Authorization Act stating that “the unilateral action of a third party will not affect the United States’ acknowledgment of the administration of Japan over the Senkaku Islands.” In April 2014, U.S. President Barack Obama publicly stated that Article V of the U.S.-Japan Security Treaty covered the islands. U.S. President Donald Trump, in 2017,  and Joe Biden, in 2021,  reiterated the Obama-era language. But, the CRS document reads, “The statements by the Obama, Trump, and Biden Administrations have not changed the U.S. government’s position of neutrality.”

On February 23, 2021, then-Pentagon spokesperson John Kirby said the U.S. supported Japanese sovereignty over Senkakus. However, three days later, he corrected his remark, stating that the U.S. position hadn’t changed.

To begin with, in 2005, the U.S. and Japan announced a document titled U.S.-Japan Alliance: Transformation and Realignment for the Future, which declares that “Japan will defend itself and respond to situations in areas surrounding Japan, including addressing new threats and diverse contingencies such as ballistic missile attacks, attacks by guerilla and special forces, and invasion of remote islands.”

Therefore, the “U.S.’s unwavering commitment to Japan’s defense under Article V of the Security Treaty” means that if an armed attack occurs in Japanese territory, including the Senkakus, Article V will apply, and the U.S. Congress will discuss it. Then, because the U.S. has taken a neutral attitude toward the sovereignty of the Senkakus and Japan declared to defend itself from an invasion of remote islands, the U.S. Congress (or President) would judge that Japan should fight. If the U.S. military action is in the national interest, the U.S. will take it.

Though the U.S. doesn’t promise anything special, Tokyo hasn’t told the truth to the public.

The Japanese Foreign Affairs Ministry misleadingly explains that the US-Japan Security Treaty requires the U.S. to defend Japan under an armed attack. The Defense Ministry uses ambiguous expressions.

Also, in June 2022, Japanese Representative Nobuhiko Isaka asked the Prime Minister four questions about Tokyo’s understanding: 1. If Japanese territory is attacked, will the U.S. military automatically defend Japan? 2. Will the U.S. military defend Japan after Congress approves it? 3. If the U.S. doesn’t dispatch its military and only provides the Japanese Self-Defense Force with weapons and ammunition, does the U.S. observe Article V of the Security Treaty? 4. What is the U.S.’s obligation?

However, Kishida, the Japanese Prime Minister, avoided answering. He only said that he believed the U.S. would fulfill its obligation Article V prescribes.

Tokyo doesn’t mention the possibility that the U.S. will not defend Japan. Otherwise, there’s no sufficient reason why Japan has to accept a significant number of U.S. military bases and personnel.

Article VI of the U.S.-Japan Security Treaty describes the purpose of the U.S. military presence in Japan for “contributing to the security of Japan and the maintenance of international peace and security in the Far East, the United States of America is granted the use by its land, air, and naval forces of facilities and areas in Japan.”

The U.S. military in Japan perhaps works as a deterrent. Still, it wants to use its influence in the Far East, which Tokyo interprets as being in and north of the Philippines, Japan, and its surrounding area.

As the Japanese government knows the truth, its National Defense Strategy, which the Cabinet decided on December 16, 2022, set an objective that “should deterrence fail and an invasion of Japan occur, to rapidly respond to the invasion in a tailored and seamless manner; to take primary responsibility to deal with the aggression; and, while receiving support from the ally and others, to disrupt and defeat the invasion.”

Japan has been consistently subordinate to the U.S., so Tokyo doesn’t show an attitude toward detente with China, even if it risks heading toward war.

Reiho Takeuchi is a Japanese journalist whose work focuses on international politics. He has written a series of articles titled U.S. Military and Modern Colonialism on substack.