Tuesday, June 18, 2024

Russia’s radioactive submarines remain a toxic Arctic threat

OpEd: There are many casualties of the invasion of Ukraine that will haunt Russia for generations to come. Far from the battlefields, in the country’s northwest loom radioactive threats that remain only half cleaned up and largely ignored.


Reactor compartments from decommissioned submarines were floating at piers in Saida Bay, Kola Peninsula. Photo: Thomas Nilsen

By Charles Digges
Editor and Jounralist at Bellona     
This OpEd was originally published in The Moscow Times.
June 02, 2024

The Russian Arctic stands to remain one of the most contaminated places on the planet. From old Soviet nuclear submarine bases and maintenance yards on shore to discarded reactors, radioactive waste, and — in some cases — entire nuclear submarines that were intentionally scuttled at sea.

Sadly, it didn’t have to be this way. Following the fall of the Soviet Union, a consortium of Western governments pitched in to help decontaminate the remains of the once-feared Soviet nuclear submarine fleet. Throughout the late 1990s and early 2000s, a total of 198 rusted-out and derelict subs still loaded with spent uranium fuel were safely dismantled through bilateral funding agreements and scientific exchanges with European countries.

But ever since Russian tanks rolled into Ukraine in February 2022, that cooperation has ground to a halt.

The Kremlin insisted at the time that it could continue the nuclear cleanup on its own. But as shown in our new report at Bellona, Moscow’s wartime leadership has little interest — or funding — to finish the job.

The situation at Andreyeva Bay, a former submarine maintenance yard Northwest of Murmansk near the Norwegian border, is especially worrying Throughout its career as a refueling point, the site amassed some 22,000 spent nuclear fuel assemblies from more than 100 submarines, much of which was stored in rusty containers in the open air. These shoddy conditions came horrifyingly to light in 1982, when 600,000 metric tons of radioactive water leaked from the site into the Barents Sea.

After decades of lobbying from Bellona, cleanup at Andreyeva Bay finally began in 2017. It required international cooperation, funded by Norway and using a ship supplied by Italy.

However, numerous damaged fuel rods still remain at the site, stored in irradiated buildings that also need to be dismantled and disposed of. Originally, this project — on which Norway alone has spent some 30 million euros ($32.6 million) — was on track to be completed by 2028. However, since the war began, Moscow has pushed that deadline back to a vague point in the 2030s, while providing little public evidence of progress.

Other threats lurk beneath the ocean. Moscow’s most recent Arctic development plan outlined efforts to lift a host of nuclear garbage scuttled by the Soviets in the Barents and Kara Seas — including the K-27 and K-159 nuclear submarines — by 2035. These submarines pose the greatest challenge for clean-up efforts. Between them, they contain 1 million curies of radiation, or about a quarter of that released in the first month of the Fukushima disaster.

Launched in 1962, the K-27 suffered a radiation leak in one of its experimental liquid-metal-cooled reactors after just three days at sea. Over the next several years, the Soviet Navy attempted to repair or replace the reactors. But in 1979, they gave up and decommissioned the vessel instead.

Too radioactive to be dismantled conventionally, the K-27 was towed to the Arctic Novaya Zemlya nuclear testing range in 1982 and scuttled in one of the archipelago’s fjords. Sinking it to a measly 33 meters took some effort. The sub was weighed down by asphalt to seal its fuel-filled reactors and a hole was punched in its aft ballast tank.

But this solution will not last forever. The sealant around the reactor was only meant to stave off radiation leaks until 2032. More troubling still is that the K-27’s highly enriched fuel could, in the right circumstances, generate an uncontrolled nuclear chain reaction leading to a significant local release of radiation.

The other submarine, the K-159, was added to the toxic subsea catalog in 2003. But its position north of Murmansk, astride some of the Barents Sea’s most fertile fishing grounds and busiest shipping lanes, made it a source of special anxiety. Already a 305-foot-long rust bucket suffering from years of neglect, the K-159 sank to 240 meters while being towed to a Murmansk shipyard for dismantlement, killing nine sailors who were on board to bail out water in transit.

Unlike the K-27, however, no safeguards were put in place to secure the K-159’s two reactors before it sank, meaning it went down still loaded with 800 kilograms of spent uranium fuel. A radioactive release from this wreck would be devastating not only to Norway’s fishing industry, but Russia’s as well.

The project to lift the subs — estimated to cost north of 300 million euros ($326 million) — had been under consideration by the European Bank of Reconstruction and Development (EBRD), which along with Norway and other European nations had been in the process of developing a feasibility study for the massive, technologically demanding retrieval. But since the war began — and the EBRD shelved such considerations—there has been scant progress from Moscow’s side.

As recently as September 2022, a cross-section of Russian officials, engineers and nuclear scientists met to hash out a way to rescue the salvage operation, but the meetings stalled on one insurmountable problem — Russia simply doesn’t have the technology to undertake the operation. It was a Dutch salvage vessel that brought the Kursk to the surface in 2001. With the war continuing to rage in Ukraine, the Netherlands is unlikely to lend its services again.

This leaves the environment in the Russian Arctic in a state that is, at best, unpredictable. Should Moscow continue to prioritize war over the environment, it would only prolong a radiation threat that is — as two decades of progress and international goodwill have shown — solvable. What is clear, however, is that Russia cannot do it alone.

Charles Digges is an environmental journalist and editor of the Norway headed Bellona foundation’s website.





Moscow continues to push for BRICS science centre at Svalbard

"The idea of creating an international centre is actively discussed, it has not been removed from the agenda,” says Natalia Golubeva with Russia’s Ministry of Education and Science



Pyramiden is 50 kilometers north of Longyearbyen and was a Soviet-run mining town until the 1990ties. Russia plans to give rebirth to the settlement, now as an international science and education centre for BRICS countries. P
hoto: Thomas Nilsen


By Thomas Nilsen    
June 15, 2024
BARENTS OBSERVER

The statement from Moscow comes two weeks after the Norwegian Government presented its White Paper on Svalbard policy. Here, Oslo makes it clear that UNIS - the University Centre of Svalbard shall be the only to offer higher education at the archipelago that is under Norwegian sovereignty.


Natalia Golubeva from the Russian ministry talked about the planned Svalbard BRICS science centre with journalists on the sidelines of the working group on cooperation in the oceanic and polar zones of research within the framework of Russia’s BRICS chairmanship in Murmansk before the weekend.

“Now everything depends on the political situation, how much everyone will be ready to support and, so to speak, develop,” Interfax quoted Golubeva saying.

Partners to the project can be China, India, Iran and United Arab Emirates. All are BRICS countries by Moscow considered to be “friendly states”.

Last August, the Russian foreign ministry downgraded neighboring Norway from “unfriendly” to “very unfriendly.”

Shortly after, Russia presented the plans to build an international science complex in the ghost-town of Pyramiden. As a signatory to the 1920 Svalbard Treaty, Moscow has the right to engage in exploitation of natural resources.

As coal runs low in the settlement of Barentsburg, Moscow engages in a broader academic focus to maintain its presence at the geopolitical strategic Arctic archipelago. By inviting other nations, the initiative challenges both Norway’s University centre in Longyearbyen, and the already operating international science community in Ny-Ă…lesund further north on the island.

Both China and India have Arctic research activities in Ny-Ă…lesund.

A main partner for establishing the new science centre in Pyramiden is Murmansk Marine Biological Institute (MMBI), a branch of the Russian Academy of Science. Deputy science director, Denis Moiseev, said to Interfax he expect the centre to be established this year.

 “We expect that the order of the Government of the Russian Federation on the establishment of a scientific center will be signed soon,” Moiseev said and added: “Practical work will begin this year.”

Last year, MMBI signed a cooperation agreement with the Polar Research Institute of China. The partners aim to conduct expeditions in the Arctic, including Svalbard, the Barents Observer previously reported.

Like Russia, also Beijing has signed the Svalbard Treaty

Russia’s plans for science and higher education at Svalbard includes:Main science centre will be in Pyramiden, with departments to be established in Grumant, Coles Bay and Barentsburg.

Both field-research and practical studies for students in summer and winter.
Studies include ethno-humanities, cultural-historical, paleography and medical biology.

A consortium of research- and educational institutions and organizations from friendly states will be created.

Denis Moises with MMBI said to Interfax that the BRICs centre will become an analogue of the Norwegian Svalbard International University (UNIS).

More than 50 scientists from BRICS countries participated at the Murmansk conference on oceans and Polar research this week, the Rossiskaya Gazeta reported.

UNIS - The University Centre in Svalbard was established in 1993 and has some 700 students from more than 40 countries of which some 50 % are Norwegians. Photo: Thomas Nilsen
In Fascist-inspired crusade, warriors from Moscow's war of aggression wave Z-flags on North Pole

Among the expedition members that this week arrived with a nuclear icebreaker to the North Pole is a big number of heavily decorated so-called 'heroes of Russia' that have taken part in Moscow's onslaught on Ukraine.


From the battlefield in Ukraine to the Arctic. Russian warriors waive Z-flags on the North Pole. Photo: Rosatomflot on VK


By 
Atle Staalesen    
June 12, 2024
BARENTS OBSERVER

The expedition is part of a state initiative called “Time for Heroes” (Vremya Geroyev). In the course of a training program run by the Russian Presidential Academy soldiers with battle experience from Ukraine are to be taught to become leaders and managers in state authorities and companies.

Photos shared on social media VK by nuclear power company Rosatom show members of the expedition gather around a Russian flag placed on what is reportedly the North Pole point. Many hold flags marked with “Z,” the Fascism-inspired symbol of Russia’s wars of aggression. One person also holds the old black-yellow-white Russian imperial flag.

More than 80 warriors from the war against Ukraine on the North Pole. Photo: Rosatomflot on VK



“On the North Pole, I felt not joy and delight, but rather a feeling of the unknown,” an expedition member says in a comment. “During the expedition, I understood how wide the horizons are, how large is our country, and towards what all of us need to strive,” he added.

Reportedly, there were 83 warriors on board the ship, 24 of them heavily decorated so-called ‘heroes of Russia.’ The total number of medals and awards among the expedition members’ amount to 274, the program managers say.

The expedition set out from Murmansk on the 3rd of June and will proceed to the Franz Josef Land before it returns to Murmansk.

From the frontline in Ukraine to a management position in Russian public life? 
Photo: Rosatomflot on VK

The “Time for Heroes” program was officially launched by Vladimir Putin in February this year. Its reported purpose is to turn warriors from the war in Ukraine into managers for Russian public and private sector. Modern teaching methods and management technology are applied, along with teamwork and personal development tools, the program website informs.

The program is supported by a community council that includes representatives of several ministries, among them the political propaganda department of the Ministry of Defence, member of the State Duma, as well as a number of ultra-conservative and fanatic cultural representatives, leaders of patriotic organisations and journalists. Among the latter is the Kremlin’s leading propagandist Vladimir Solovyev.

Kremlin propagandist Vladimir Solovyev is among the people behind the Vremya Geroyev (Time for Heroes) program. Photo: program website

The inclusion of former soldiers in public management could lead to more violence and additional militarisation of Russian society.

The Barents Observer has repeatedly reported about how warriors from the war in Ukraine have committed grave crimes upon return to their home towns and villages.
OPINION

Termination of Lapland professor puts a chill on Arctic research


Heather Exner-Pirot is the Director of Energy, Natural Resources and Environment with the Macdonald-Laurier Institute (RIGHT WING THINK TANK)
 and a Special Advisor to the Business Council of Canada.

By Heather Exner-Pirot     
June 08, 2024

Three decades of progressive Arctic collaboration were upended in February 2022, when Russia invaded Ukraine. Putin had behaved contrary to international norms and laws before, including with the 2008 Georgian and 2014 Crimean conflicts; but this time was different. Work was immediately paused in the Arctic Council as diplomats tried to figure out their response, as they’ve been doing ever since.

The extent to which Arctic scientific collaboration should continue under such circumstances has been an open question. Climate change, transboundary pollution, melting permafrost and nuclear deterrence seem too important to defer to a later time. Should researchers continue to collaborate with their Russian counterparts on these and other key issues, even as state relations are on ice?

The case of Finnish political scientist Lassi Heininen shows that this question is not theoretical; these are real life puzzles to figure out. We have not passed the first test with flying colours.

Dr. Heininen is a colleague of mine; we founded the Arctic Yearbook together. There are very few researchers of Arctic geopolitics and security who are not colleagues of Heininen. He is not a rogue actor in Arctic studies; indeed he’s often been at the center of it, from advising the Finnish Senior Arctic Official during their Arctic Council chairmanship; to carrying the Finnish flag to the North Pole alongside the other seven Arctic state flag bearers aboard the Russian icebreaker 50 Years of Victory ahead of the Sochi Olympics; to sitting on the advisory council of the Arctic Circle Assembly, the region’s most prestigious annual conference. His nickname is “Mr. Arctic”; he is a fixture on the scene.


Heininen has guest lectured on Arctic geopolitics at dozens of universities over the years, in North America, Europe and Asia. He has hosted hundreds of scholars on his annual Calotte Academy, a social sciences field trip through northern Europe, which most years has passed through Murmansk. He has supervised dozens of graduate students, and mentored many more, building the next generation of Arctic scholars.

Heininen has always maintained strong relationships with Russian colleagues and has lectured in several universities in Russia. Until February 2022, of course, this was applauded. Arctic research was meant to be inclusive of the Russian perspective. Arctic grant funding often weighed in favour of Russian partnerships, and sometimes even required it. Heininen was a leader in all this. For many of us, the war abruptly cut all connections to Russians; Heininen’s ties were deeper.

And so, to the case that has created the maelstrom. Heininen attended a conference on March 5, 2024 in Moscow. It was organized by the Northern Forum, an NGO that focuses on regional Arctic development. The Northern Forum was established in Alaska in 1991, in the wake of the Cold War, and retains Observer status in the Arctic Council, although its members now lean heavily Russian. Heininen’s talk focused on prospects for cooperation on climate change between the West and Russia

A Finnish newspaper reported on his participation. Very soon afterwards, his emeritus status at the University of Lapland, which is an unpaid position, was revoked (Heininen retired as a Professor there in 2018).

It is not clear that Heininen violated any Finnish policy that would justify the termination of his contract. Indeed, the University of Helsinki – where Heininen is also a Visiting Researcher – came to a different decision on his case after a review of the facts, and pursued no further action.

Some Arctic states have imposed restrictions preventing individual researchers from working with the Russian government or Russian institutions (of which the Northern Forum, strictly speaking, is not one). Others, including the United States (which has been deliberately agnostic) and Canada (which has no broad-based ban on collaborations with individual Russian researchers), have treaded more lightly. The Finnish policy is amongst the strictest. Still, Heininen is appealing the ULapland decision on the grounds that he did not violate it.

Heininen’s case forces us to answer two important questions.

First, in the wake of the Ukraine war, should academics be punished for engaging in research with Russian colleagues that is not illegal? Even if you disagree with Heininen’s decision, termination of his position for attending a conference seems to go too far. I personally would not have travelled to Moscow for a conference; indeed my own Canadian think tank has been blacklisted by the Russian government and I cannot. But I respect Heininen’s right to make that decision for himself, as the principle of academic freedom demands. Indeed one could argue this is one of the hallmarks that distinguishes our societies from Putin’s Russia; as is the right to due process when we are accused of violating policies.

More fundamentally, this episode has us ask what is the role of the scientific community in eventually resuming relations with Russia.

The Arctic Council has already taken incremental steps towards reinstituting its work, beginning with the pause in March 2022, then written correspondence for its Working Groups in August 2023, and finally virtual meetings starting in February 2024. I’ve argued that the Arctic Council should move on without Russia, rather than remain trapped in purgatory. But cooler heads have prevailed, arguing that the value of scientific collaboration on Arctic environmental and sustainable development issues is too valuable to give up. Surely the standards for individual researcher engagement should be more permissive than what states themselves are allowing.

Indeed, that is one of the lessons from the Cold War: Arctic scientific cooperation provided a foundation for detente, and eventually paved the way for the normalisation of state relations in the region; the famous zone of peace.

We are very far from that today. But one day there will be a Russia without Putin, and when that day comes it will be in our interests to have some ties between western and Russian scientists, both to provide avenues for cooperation, and to help build confidence. When that day comes we will need more Lassi Heininens; it will not do to expel them today.


BARENTS OBSERVER
UK music festivals cut ties with Barclays amid artist boycott over Israel and fossil fuel links

Barclaycard was removed from the websites of festivals like Download, Latitude and Isle of Wight in recent days as it suspended its sponsorship of the events


Barclays suspends sponsorship of UK festivals as bands boycott over Israel (
Image: PA Archive/PA Images)NEWS

By Zoe Delaney
Assistant Showbiz Editor
Rebecca Speare-Cole and Hannah Roberts, PA
15 Jun 2024

Barclays has stepped back as a sponsor of all Live Nation festivals as bands boycott the events in protest of the bank's ties to defence companies supplying Israel, and fossil fuel firms.

Barclaycard was removed from the websites of festivals like Download, Latitude and Isle of Wight in recent days as it suspended its sponsorship of the events.

It comes after several bands, including the bands Pest Control, Speed, Scowl, Zulu and Ithaca withdrew from Download, which starts on Friday in Leicestershire.

A spokesperson for Live Nation said: "Following discussion with artists, we have agreed with Barclays that they will step back from sponsorship of our festivals."

In a statement on Instagram, Pest Control wrote: "We will not take part in an event whose sponsor profits from facilitating a genocide." Meanwhile, Ithaca wrote on Twitter (X) : "Whilst we hate letting anyone down, this moment of solidarity sends a powerful message to the organisers about where the younger generation of bands stand."

Tom Morello, guitarist of Rage Against The Machine, which will play at Download, said: "The fact that the festival has listened to its musicians and cut ties with Barclays Bank is a testament to the power of artists taking collective action for human rights. I've been pushing hard for this behind the scenes and I salute all the artists like Zulu, Scowl and Speed who have taken a stand to help make this historic withdrawal happen."

Campaign group Bands Boycott Barclays, which has been leading the protests, said 163 acts, four showcases and two venues previously pulled out of the Barclaycard-sponsored Great Escape festival in Brighton in May. Following Live Nation's announcement on Friday, the protest group wrote on Instagram: "This is a victory for the Palestinian-led global BDS (Boycott, Divestment, Sanctions) movement."

"As musicians, we were horrified that our music festivals were partnered with Barclays, who are complicit in the genocide in Gaza through investment, loans and underwriting of arms companies supplying the Israeli military. Hundreds of artists have taken action this summer to make it clear that this is morally reprehensible, and we are glad we have been heard. Our demand to Barclays is simple: divest from the genocide, or face further boycotts. Boycotting Barclays, also Europe's primary funder of fossil fuels, is the minimum we can do to call for change."

Barclays has been targeted by pro-Palestine campaigners in recent months, with protesters smashing windows and chucking paint over dozens of the bank's branches across the UK earlier this week. In a statement posted online, the bank said: "We trade in shares of listed companies in response to client instruction or demand and that may result in us holding shares. Whilst we provide financial services to these companies, we are not making investments for Barclays and Barclays is not a 'shareholder' or 'investor' in that sense in relation to these companies."

Climate campaigners also welcomed the move to suspend the Barclaycard sponsorship. Joanna Warrington at Fossil Free London said: "Barclays is a rotten bank: artists, brands, clients, and customers are all abandoning Barclays because of the billions Barclays is ploughing into fossil fuel companies like Shell and Israeli arms companies dropping bombs on innocent Palestinian children. This won't stop until Barclays stops funding destruction."

Greenpeace UK's co-executive director Areeba Hamid said: "This bank is the biggest fossil fuel funder in Europe, bankrolling oil and gas to the tune of billions of pounds, and has now been linked to arms companies involved in the conflict in Gaza. By putting an end to the greenwashing, festival organisers are sending a clear signal to Barclays that it's time they took responsibility for the destructive industries they fund."

In an opinion piece published in The Guardian on Friday, Barclays chief executive CS Venkatakrishnan criticised the recent actions as a threat to colleagues and claimed the bank has faced a disinformation campaign over its defence financing in recent months. The crux of the allegation is that we finance defence manufacturers and invest in them. Let me be clear about what we do and don't do," he wrote.

Nigel Farage blames admin error for candidates praising Hitler

Africa: Romantic Breakups Can Spark Severe Trauma in Young People - New Study

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ANALYSIS

What should I study? What do I want to be? How will I pay for my education? Who do I want to spend the rest of my life with? These are the life-changing decisions many young people face.

Emerging adulthood (between the ages of 18 and 25 years) is a critical stage in the life course, especially for identity development. Emerging adults are neither dependent adolescents nor independent adults. It is a time of exploration and frequent change.

And all this is happening while their brains are still developing, especially in areas associated with higher cognitive and emotional functioning. This functioning helps an individual plan, monitor and successfully execute their goals.

Amid all these important life choices, romantic relationship breakups can be devastating. After a breakup people may experience poorer academic performanceintrusive thoughts of the ex-partner and intense grief, and can even attempt suicide.

Yet, breakups among emerging adults are often dismissed or trivialised as a rite of passage. A trauma response is shrugged off as exaggerated or overblown.

Added to this, the psychiatric literature does not see breakups as potentially traumatic events.

As a mental health researcher with experience in romantic attachment and trauma research, I co-authored a paper exploring romantic relationship breakups as potentially traumatic events among university students. The research aimed to investigate whether their experiences fitted the official psychiatric diagnosis of post-traumatic stress.

Identifying potential trauma following a breakup could help young adults get appropriate treatment and support.

When the romantic attachment figure is no longer there

In several studies we tested the idea that breakups can be deemed a potentially traumatic event based on the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual 5th Edition (DSM-5) definition. Mental healthcare providers use the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual as a guide to diagnose patients with, for example, post-traumatic stress disorder.

A diagnosis of post-traumatic stress disorder is based on various criteria, including Criterion A: exposure to actual or threatened death, serious injury, or sexual violence. Criterion A acts as the "gatekeeper" to this diagnosis.

Asking the questions

Based on their self-reported responses on the Post-traumatic Stress Checklist for DSM-5, our participants fell into three groups:

Group one (breakup group): 886 participants who endorsed post-traumatic stress symptoms based on their most traumatic breakup.

Group two (trauma group): 592 participants who endorsed post-traumatic stress symptoms based on a DSM-5-defined traumatic event (for example physical and sexual assault).

Group three (control group): 544 participants who endorsed post-traumatic stress symptoms based on their most stressful experience (for example relocating homes or a parental divorce).

We found breakup participants, those in Group One, reported significantly more post-traumatic stress symptoms, such as flashbacks, recurring memories, and nightmares about their former partner, than both the other two groups.

Looking at the brain

After the questionnaire, a subset of students from each of the three groups completed brain scans so we could see which brain areas were activated in response to specific stimuli.

During the scans, they rated images as positive, negative, or neutral.

  • 36 participants from Group One (breakup group), rated photos of their ex-partners
  • 15 participants from Group Two (trauma group), who specifically indicated physical or sexual assault as their most traumatic event, rated photos of physical or sexual assault
  • 28 participants from Group Three (control group) rated general negative images (such as children playing in polluted water). These photographs were part of the International Affective Picture system, widely used in studies of human emotion.

We analysed the brain activation (increased blood flow) of the amygdala and hippocampus within the temporal lobe. These regions of the brain are associated with post-traumatic stress disorder and form part of the fear-based limbic system that is part of our "fight or flight" system. They have also been linked to real and imagined romantic attachment rejection.

We found similar activation levels in the amygdala and hippocampus when breakup group participants rated images of their ex-partners to when trauma group participants rated images of physical and sexual assault.

Sex, religion, and other factors

Thirdly, we focused on the breakup participants only. We found that their emotional response to the breakup was influenced by:

  • demographic characteristics such as sex, sexual orientation and religion. Specifically, participants with a minority sexual orientation and who reported not being religious reported higher levels of breakup distress.
  • characteristics of the breakup such as the perceived closeness of the relationship and reasons for the breakup.

Moving forward

The combined results support our hypothesis that romantic breakups can be potentially traumatic events for emerging adults and may be experienced as life-threatening.

Validating experiences of breakups as potentially traumatic may cushion their negative impacts, encourage emerging adults to seek help, and promote mental health.

Mental healthcare providers and student counselling services should recognise the possible intensity of breakups and consider screening for post-traumatic stress symptoms following a breakup.

Trauma-focused treatment, such as prolonged exposure therapy, may help students, especially those who cannot avoid breakup-related cues such as seeing their former partners in class or on social media.

Since romantic breakups are not considered traumatic events within the psychiatric literature, our findings are controversial, and we do not claim that all breakups are necessarily traumatic.

More research must be done, especially with a more diverse set of students and a larger sample size for the brain scans.

  • I acknowledge the contributions of Prof S Seedat, Prof E Lesch, Dr A Roos, Prof Kidd, and Prof S du Plessis to my research.

Alberta SJ van der Watt, Researcher, Stellenbosch University

Peru launches probe into child sex abuse claims in Indigenous schools

A total of 524 cases of rape and abuse dating as far back as 2010 have been reported by girls and boys from the Awajun Indigenous group who attended public schools.




AFP

Peruvian Prime Minister Gustavo Adrianzen says the alleged sexual abuse of 500 Awajun Indigenous students by teachers in the jungle region will be investigated and that the victims "must receive" comprehensive psychological and health care. / Photo: AFP

The government of Peru has said it will investigate sex abuse allegations levelled by hundreds of Indigenous children against teachers in a jungle region of the South American country.

"We have to investigate the facts: we'll stand with the victims," government spokesman Alberto Adrianzen told foreign correspondents on Monday.

"We reject all forms of sexual abuse."

A total of 524 cases of rape and abuse dating as far back as 2010 have been reported by girls and boys from the Awajun Indigenous group who attended public schools in the Condorcanqui province in Peru's north.

The alleged crimes at school residences were revealed last month by Rosemary Pioc, representative of an Awajun women's association.

The announcement of an investigation came after two government ministers provoked widespread anger by equating the alleged abuse with "cultural practices."

"To say that these are cultural practices is to endorse these actions... Rape is not a practice in our community," Pioc told RPP radio on Monday.

Adrianzen said the victims "will have to receive comprehensive healthcare" including psychological help and HIV treatment, if necessary .

Peru's human rights ombudsman called Monday for implicated teachers to be "immediately removed" from the schools they taught at.