Sunday, October 20, 2024

Israel Unmasked
October 20, 2024
Source: Originally published by Z. Feel free to share widely.




“You can cut all the flowers, but you cannot keep Spring from coming.”
—Pablo Neruda

For over a year, the masters of war in Israel and the United States, abetted by the corporate media, have buried truth under the rubble of Gaza. The U.S. mainstream media have acted as the hewers of wood and drawers of water for the empire. To understand how we got here, we need to borrow from the 19th-century Scottish author, Walter Scott, who wrote, “Oh, what a tangled web we weave when first we practice to deceive.”

Scott’s reflection helps in understanding how the media have turned the horrific suffering of Palestinians and Israel’s genocidal campaign in Gaza into just another news story—“acceptable” scrim as we go about our daily lives. It also provides insight into how the Israeli regime soaked in blood has been portrayed as the victim, the good soldier, and worthy of defense.

Israel is a veteran of information deception. For a half-century, they have defined the narrative and controlled the information environment in order to hide their brutal apartheid occupation and expansionist goals in Palestine. They have overwhelmed audiences, particularly in the United States, with information favorable to Israel’s cause and suppressed that which has challenged their narrative.

Television anchors, journalists, and the “intelligentsia” in think tanks that dot the nation’s capital have been conditioned to accept and defend Israel’s political trope and to swiftly discredit the arguments of those who challenge its dissembling.

Corporate media self-censorship, underreporting, airbrushing of atrocities, failure to contextualize the Palestinian experience under apartheid rule, and, most egregious, ignoring America’s complicity in constructing and maintaining the Israeli apartheid regime over 76 years, have contributed to an environment that has encouraged Israel to become increasingly violent.

The worst journalistic practices were glaring after the Palestinian offensive of 7 October 2023. The mind managers have allowed Israel to establish the parameters of the message, of what could/ could not be written and said.

Coverage would be done in Israel’s way—through a military lens. All foreign news organizations operating in Israel are subject to the rules of a military censor, with only certain subjects allowed. It is commonplace, for instance, to read or to hear journalists begin their reports with “Israel said.”

There has also been little attention paid to Tel Aviv’s refusal to permit foreign journalists access to Gaza, to the regime’s internal media censorship and bans, and to the 128 Palestinian journalists and media staff in Gaza, who have been targeted and killed by the Israeli military.

Although the media gave an inordinate amount of coverage to the now debunked Israeli stories about mass killings, beheaded babies and allegations of widespread and systematic rape during the October attack, no such attention has been paid to Israel’s “Hannibal Directive” and “Dahiya Doctrine.”

On 7 October, the Israeli military gave its forces permission to execute the Hannibal Directive. Adopted in 1986, the code of conduct allows soldiers to kill their own people if they are going to be taken alive by their perceived enemy. A growing body of evidence has revealed that hundreds of Israelis who died that day were killed, not by Hamas, but by their own soldiers.

The Dahiya doctrine became official military policy after Israel’s devastating attack on Lebanon in 2006. Named after the Dahiya suburb in Beirut, the doctrine —illegal under international law—calls for the use of massive, disproportionate force and deliberate targeting of civilians and civilian infrastructure in future wars.

For far too long, deceptive narratives have been used and scant attention paid to Israel’s indefensible policies. This is particularly the case regarding U.N. General Assembly Partition Resolution 181 (1947) that Israel used to declare statehood and in its colonizing of what was left of historic Palestine.

By eschewing years of Israeli apartheid rule and the 16-year siege of the Gaza Strip, the public was left with the impression that the October assault was a random unprovoked act of violence. They heard few details of the crushing siege Israel imposed on Gaza when it withdrew in 2005, leaving behind a restrictive disengagement plan retaining exclusive control over Gaza’s air space, territorial waters, borders, electricity, water supply, and movement of people and goods.

History reveals that there is a direct link between occupation and violence; that occupied people will use whatever means they have to be free, including violence.

International law (Fourth Geneva Convention, 1949) affirms the right of national liberation movements to resist, to use force against military occupation.

Through a more nuanced lens, Hamas’s action on 7 October could be seen as a reasonable and expected reaction to Israel’s violent unending colonizing project.

The media failed to remember that, like Hamas, the African National Congress was labeled a terrorist organization by the United States. And that it was only in 2008, that Nelson Mandela, imprisoned for 27 years for opposing the South African apartheid regime, was removed from the U.S. terror watchlist—transformed from “terrorist” to a celebrated “beacon for freedom and democracy.”

The concocted myth of the noble Israeli, circumspect warrior and “civilized aggressor” do not correspond with the images coming from Gaza and Lebanon. Logic, however, has been turned on its head as the people of Palestine are told to accept that they—the colonized and oppressed—have no right to defend themselves and are to blame for the carnage done by the Israeli colonizer.

English novelist, George Orwell (1903-1950), was correct when he keenly observed that “Political language is designed to make lies sound truthful and murder respectable, and do give an appearance of solidity to pure wind.”

Within the corporate media bubble, U.S. scribes have employed political language promotive of Israel. National liberation movements fighting against Israeli genocide and U.S. hegemony are labeled terrorists “backed” by Iran. Whereas, Washington’s “backing” of the genocidal fanatics in Tel Aviv is “helping” an ally. Political leadership in Iran is characterized as a “regime,” while Israel is led by a democratic “government.”

Like terrorism, the term “proxy” is also used repeatedly to characterize allies of Iran. Hamas, Hezbollah in Lebanon, and Ansar Allah in Yemen are falsely represented as vassals of Tehran, that they are not indigenous, but foreign impositions without a mass base of support in their own countries.

Israel’s oppressive presence in the West Bank is portrayed as “defensive,” while Jewish colonizers, protected by its military, ransack and help themselves to Palestinian homes, property and bank accounts. According to the Palestinian health ministry, at least 716 Palestinians, including 160 children, have been killed by Israeli army and illegal colonizer attacks in the occupied West Bank since 7 October 2023.

After a year of war, Israel has proven that it is not a democracy, it is an apartheid entity; it is not a promised land, it is a settler-colonial project; it is not a nation under siege, it an aggressor; it is not defending itself, it is conducting a genocidal war in Gaza.

Although there have been a number of significant reports on the reality in Gaza, the media has given little, if any, attention to them. We have been kept largely in the dark. They include:Brown University, Watson Institute, “United States Spending on Israel’s Military Operations and Related U.S. Operations in the Region, October 7, 2023-September 30, 2024.
Watson Institute, “The Human Toll: Indirect Deaths from War in Gaza and the West Bank, October 7, 2023 Forward.”
Gaza Health Care Letters, October 2, 2024, Open Letter to President Joe Biden and Vice President Kamala Harris, signed by 99 physicians and other medical professionals who have served in Gaza this past year.

According to the Watson Institute, the Biden administration has spent $22.76 billion financing the genocide in Gaza. In their 2 October letter, one of many addressed to the White House, healthcare workers reported that 62,413 people in Gaza have died of starvation and the death toll is likely greater than 118,908.

It is dangerous and costly to keep “we the people” in the dark. We need to think back on the lies that led us into wars in Vietnam, Afghanistan, Iraq, and elsewhere.

Poignantly, the cautionary words of our discredited 37th president, Richard M. Nixon, are eerily relevant today: “Fundamental to our way of life,” he said on 22 November 1972, “is the belief that when information which properly belongs to the public is systematically withheld by those in power, the people soon become ignorant of their own affairs, distrustful of those who manage them, and —eventually—incapable of determining their own destinies.”

It is disingenuous to attempt to convince the public that the assassination of resistance leaders opposed to U.S.-Israeli hegemony in Palestine and in the region will end their struggle for freedom. The tangled web of deception driven by Washington, Tel Aviv, and the corporate media will not turn back the resisters.

As they have proven for more than seven decades, they are the masters of their own judgments, decisions, and actions.

© 2024, M. Reza Behnam, Ph.D.


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M. Reza Behnam
Dr. M. Reza Behnam is a political scientist who specializes in comparative politics, with a focus on West Asia.
Pepe Mujica: Reflections on Global Conflict, Latin American Unity, and the Power of Simplicity

Declassified visits the former ‘philosopher president’ of Uruguay at his farm on the outskirts of the capital Montevideo to talk about war and peace, England’s role in his country’s history, and how to be happy.
October 18, 2024
Source: Declassified UK

Pepe Mujica at his farmhouse. (Photo: Matt Kennard/DCUK)

LONG READ

A friend who knows tells me it’s impossible to organise an interview with José ‘Pepe’ Mujica in advance. It’s not how he operates.

The best thing to do, she says, is to turn up at his farm on the outskirts of Uruguayan capital Montevideo unannounced and see if you get lucky.

When I was in the South American country earlier this year, I thought I’d try my luck.

On one drizzling Saturday morning, I drive along the motorway leading out of Montevideo into what is locally called gaucho country.

Rain is streaming into the car as the previous night my car window had been smashed while parked outside my hotel.

Mujica’s charca (ranch) is about 20 kilometres west from the centre of the city along the Ruta 1-Brigadier General Manuel Oribe motorway, named for the country’s 2nd president.

Turning off the highway you are immediately surrounded by farms as far as the eye can see. Uruguay’s largest exports throughout history have been beef and wool.

A couple more kilometres into this sleepy corn-grey landscape, I go up a long road with more arable land on either side. Barns sit on the side of the track and telephone wires run overhead.

Eventually I come to a large triangular shaped brown-brick building. A Uruguay flag is fluttering in the breeze. The building next to it has a sign saying Centro Educativo Agrario – the Agricultural Educational Centre. This is Mujica’s school, which he inaugurated in 2015 days after stepping down as president. I’ve arrived.

Just in front there’s a small cabin. A man inside comes out to greet me. I introduce myself and say I would like to interview Pepe Mujica.

“He doesn’t do unannounced interviews,” he says.

I tell him there was no way to pre-organise an interview.

“Sorry, there’s no way you can do it,” he replies. “Anyway, he’s sick today.”

“Is he in?” I ask.

He is, he replies and he points to the house shrouded by plants opposite the cabin. “You can have a look from here but don’t go further.”

There’s no budging him, so I accept my luck is not in.

“I’ll try again tomorrow?”

“You can try, but it will be the same result,” he says.
The road leading up to Pepe Mujica’s farm. (Photo: Matt Kennard/DCUK)


Farmhouse

The next day I’m getting the ferry back to Buenos Aires from the port town of Colonia del Sacramento, which sits 60 kilometres across the Río de la Plata.

The boat is in the late afternoon and Pepe’s house is on the way back west. I conclude there’s nothing to lose in trying again, although my chances seem slim.

I drive up the long road again and park in the same place. But this time no-one comes out of the cabin. I wait for a few minutes and then walk up to it myself. I peer in. No-one inside. He must not work on a Sunday.

I glance at the house opposite. The guard had said Pepe was ill, but that wasn’t convincing. I wonder if knocking unannounced on the door of an 88-year-old man relaxing on a Sunday morning was a bit off.

But this chance would not come again so I walk down the tree-lined path and see his small bungalow. It looks like something out of Little Red Riding Hood. A ramshackle but magical one-story farm house.

I knock on one door and get no reply. He must not be in. It is difficult to work out what is the front door. Then I find another door and knock again. I wait, thinking about getting back in the car. Then I hear the bolt unlock.

A small, old woman opens, smiling.

“Hi there, what do you want?” she asks, looking surprised.

I tell her I’d like to interview Mujica, would this be possible, I’ve come all the way from England.

She laughs, opens the door, and calls behind her.

“Pepe, there’s a journalist here from England, he’s come all the way to talk to you.”

There is a pause. “Tráelo adentro,” a voice comes from behind her. Bring him in.
Pepe Mujica’s agricultural school next to his farmhouse.
 (Photo: Matt Kennard/DCUK)


‘Very dangerous’

Stepping through the cramped antechamber, I’m led into a ramshackle kitchen. Sitting at the table near the entrance is Pepe. He’s reading a book about his friend Lula, the two-time president of neighbouring Brazil.

I say I’m sorry to bother him on a Sunday, but I had to give it a try.

“Don’t worry, not a problem, sit down, let’s talk,” he tells me.

I turn the dictaphone on. Sitting opposite him is the woman who opened the door, who I now realise is his wife, Lucía Topolansky, herself a formidable social activist and politician.

She smiles at him, aware of the absurdity of the situation.

I begin the questions straight away, not wanting to lose any time. The previous night the Iranian military had sent a swarm of drones to bomb Israel. I start with that. What did he think of it?

“There must be a cause, an intention, I thought, to unleash so much stupidity,” Mujica says. “Because the attack that Israel carried out, killing an important member of the Iranian army in another country, it was obvious that it was going to generate a response. It was obvious—and that response was being sought. That is to say, behind that, are they not looking for a conflict with Iran?”


“I wonder whether we are heading towards a catastrophe. No one knows if we will end up with nuclear explosions.”

He says he was surprised by the Iranian response.

“I had speculated, and I was wrong, that Iran was going to measure what is at stake and was going to use another path, not this brutish way. I thought it was going to use the Strait of Hormuz, that it would look for a different way to strike, but for me, it fell into a trap. Because Israel’s response is not Israel’s response, it has half the West behind it and punishes Iran. They were looking for that. That’s the suspicion.”

Do you think maybe it could be a world war?, I ask.

“It’s very dangerous,” he replies. “Very dangerous. Because Iran is not a secondary country, it is an important country. In terms of resources, and technology, but it is also in an important location. Much of the world’s oil passes through there. This will have an immediate impact on oil and will hit the economy. I think the people who are running things must be thinking these things.”

But Mujica says this is part of a wider Western policy inflaming war and conflict around the world.

“We saw it previously with Ukraine,” he says. “They could have stopped that war in time. This war has had 15 years of incubation and warning. Putin is a beast who gave a very clear warning, he put the tanks on the border. He waited. Nothing happened. So now I wonder whether we are heading towards a catastrophe. No one knows if we will end up with nuclear explosions.”
Domination

Mujica tells me these bloody conflicts are all a result of imperial dynamics and the quest to dominate the world.

“The second president of the United States said that there were two ways to dominate,” he says, referring to John Adams. “One with swords, and the other with debt. Empires have used both.”

Mujica argues that it has created a world without a real international community. Strength is the only thing that matters.

“We have created a civilization that covers the entire planet, but there is no international politics,” he tells me. “International politics is the promotion of the interests of the strongest countries. There is no policy that thinks about the planet, globally, even though we are increasingly interdependent – what happens on one side, happens on all of us.”

He pauses for a moment then adds: “For example, Europe is paying for the stupid war in Ukraine with more expensive fuel, with more expensive gas, with economic problems—and with the development of the arms industry everywhere. Specifically with Iran, it will probably bring a blow to the price of oil and fuel, and it will have repercussions everywhere. You couldn’t be more stupid.”


“We do not have international weight because we each go with our own position.”

Mujica is talking principally about the American empire which, in terms of scope and military power, is the most powerful in history.

“The closer to the United States, the worse,” he tells me. “That’s Mexico’s problem.”

But in recent history there have been successes for the left in Latin America and a movement away from US control. Things have surely changed over the past 25 years, I suggest.

“There are changes, yes, but we are resistant to believing, to learning to defend ourselves as a continent,” he says. “It’s an old dream that comes from [Latin American independence leader Simón] Bolívar, but we do not have international weight because we each go with our own position.”

Mujica says this lack of unity in the continent was exposed during the Covid-19 pandemic.

“We are 6.7% of the world population, but we accounted for 30% of the deaths,” he continues. “There was no meeting of presidents to make a continental proposal to pharmaceutical companies because there were five countries that manufacture vaccines.”

He adds: “We should have made a continental proposal to say that you are not going to sell a pill in Latin America if you do not negotiate the patent, the knowledge. We are balkanised, everyone scrambled and did what they could. You can’t fight like that in this world.”

This balkanisation was also compounded by foreign interference. US documents revealed, for example, that Washington had pressured the Brazilian government not to buy Russia’s “malign” Sputnik V vaccine – a decision which may have cost thousands of lives.
The pink tide

Since the election of Hugo Chavez in Venezuela in 1998, Latin America has seen a host of democratic socialist governments rising up. This included Mujica’s own presidency in Uruguay which ran from 2010-15.

This is often called the “pink tide” – and with Colombia, Bolivia, Chile and Mexico currently under left-wing leaders we are now in what is sometimes called Pink Tide 2.0. I ask Mujica if he thinks Latin America has a critical role in the future of the world and whether that future is going to be good and healthy.

“I would like to believe so, but there are contradictions,” he says. “Latin America cannot bring together its own personality, we lie on the horizon of our countries but there is no Latin American conscience to declare ourselves as a continent.”

Mujica adds that the continent adopted many of the most reactionary elements of the political and economic culture of the colonising powers Portugal and Spain.

“We are descendants of two feudal powers that transplanted feudal values when they went out to colonise. Latin America was distributed in a feudal sense.”

He continues: “Then the process of political independence occurred at the same time that the world framework was organised to be dependent on the English Channel. It was not inward independence. We paid for our political independence with economic dependence. We began to depend on England and France, and the advent of industrial society.”


“Our independence coincides with an economic dependence, when debt began.”

Mujica says you can see the legacy of this with the geography of the countries, and the fact they were set up to suck wealth and resources back to Europe.

“Almost all capitals are located in a port. That doesn’t happen in Europe, except in England, which is an island. The capitals have a meaning. They are in the centre. In Latin America the only ones that remain in the centre are those in which there was an old culture like the Inca, but the rest, the first capital of Brazil was Bahia, which was a port for export of sugar and the entry of slaves.”

Another way Latin America was kept under control after independence was debt.

“Our independence coincides with an economic dependence, when debt began,” Mujica says. “The first loan that England gave was here in the Río de la Plata to Rivadavia for £5m. It cost more or less £115m and it took 100 years to pay. That gives an idea of how we started.”

Bernardino Rivadavia was the first president of Argentina, which was then called the United Provinces of the Río de la Plata and included present-day Uruguay.

“That dependence on the [English] Channel led us to look at Europe and developed countries culturally. To succeed culturally you had to go to Paris. The best singer of the Río de la Plata, Gardel, had to go to Paris. There was a cultural dependency in every sense. Until 1920, Brazil sent students to study in Europe, until 1920 it did not have a university, it’s incredible.”

Mujica says Latin American colonisation was predicated on dependency more than some other examples.

“It is very different from English colonisation in the United States,” he says. “There the bourgeois revolution had triumphed in England and they distributed what a family more or less needed to live. Then a rapid middle class and a strong internal market were created that pushed industrialisation. Here it was the other way around, here the class issue was created, a very privileged minority imported every luxury from Europe.”
A mural of legendary Uruguayan writer Eduardo Galeano in Montevideo.
 (Photo: Matt Kennard/DCUK)


England as guarantor

Uruguay’s early history was shaped by the fight between the British, Spanish and Portuguese for control of the La Plata Basin.

The Anglo-Spanish War raged between 1796-1808 and during this time the British invaded and took Buenos Aires in 1806, which was soon liberated by forces from Montevideo.

But in 1807, a new attack left Montevideo occupied by a 10,000 strong British force, but they were unable to retake Buenos Aires.

In May 1825, a revolutionary force named the Treinta y Tres Orientales (Thirty-Three Orientals or Thirty-Three Easterners) reached Montevideo and declared a provisional government.

The newly elected provincial assembly soon declared Cisplatine province’s secession from the Empire of Brazil and allegiance to the United Provinces of the Río de la Plata. In response, Brazil launched a war which raged for three years.

At the end of this long conflict, the Treaty of Montevideo was signed in 1828 under the tutelage of Viscount Ponsonby, a British diplomat. Brazil and Argentina agreed to recognise the independent state of Uruguay as a buffer between them.

Ponsonby was in many ways the architect of Uruguayan independence.

“This area of the world was treated in a privileged way by England, in its exchange relationship, in terms of what England did in other places,” Mujica says. “We were tributaries. We know that it was the first expression of modern capitalism that occurred in Uruguay.”

He adds: “Corned beef was made here and it travelled through India, Australia, South Africa. Where the British Empire went, it took the corned beef made here…It is curious because until the 1940s this area of the world was different from the rest of Latin America, we had per capita wealth like Belgium or France. Exchange relations were quite good.”


“England very intelligently calculated that the entire Atlantic coast would be in the hands of two countries, which didn’t suit it.”

“In the train station where the English were, to this day they have statues of the English,” his wife adds.

Ponsonby was particularly interesting.

“He was the English ambassador who orchestrated our independence,” Mujica says. “They sent him to the Río de la Plata as a punishment. He was a foreign relations official, but they discovered that he was in love with the king’s mistress, and they sent him here under sanctions. And here he did a spectacular job,” Mujica says.

Britain’s desire to create a buffer state between Brazil and Argentina had roots in its own imperial ambitions.

“England very intelligently calculated that the entire Atlantic coast would be in the hands of two countries, which didn’t suit it because Uruguay is at the exit of the great rivers,” Mujica says. “England has always been characterised by having power in key places, right? That’s why it went there to the Strait of Magellan, the Falklands, and Gibraltar.”

Mujica adds, “It’s guarantor of our independence, I always tell ambassadors that.”
Guerilla fighter

Mujica joined the armed left-wing resistance in Uruguay as a young man in the mid-1960s, becoming a member of the newly formed MLN-Tupamaros movement, a group inspired by the recent Cuban revolution. Named for the revolutionary Túpac Amaru II, who in 1780 led a major indigenous revolt against the Viceroyalty of Peru, the group pushed for redistribution of wealth to the poor.

He participated in the brief 1969 takeover of Pando, a town close to Montevideo, leading one of six squads assaulting strategic points in the city.

In March 1970, he was shot six times while resisting arrest at a Montevideo bar while two policemen were injured in the exchange.

Mujica was captured by the authorities on four occasions. He was among the more than 100 Tupamaros who escaped Punta Carretas prison in September 1971 by digging a tunnel from inside the prison that led to the living room of a nearby home. He was captured but escaped again.

The Tupumaros had also in 1971 kidnapped the British ambassador to Uruguay, Sir Geoffrey Jackson, who they held captive for nine months.

Two years later, the 1973 coup d’etat in Uruguay installed a vicious military junta that ruled the country until 1985. This rightwing regime outlawed political parties, dissolved unions, and censored the media in order to preserve its control. It was also a key player in the continent-wide CIA-backed terror network in the region codenamed “Operation Condor”.

“Well, now, we lived a very hard experience,” he tells me. “I was imprisoned for more than 12 years but I spent seven years without a book, nothing, almost no visits. This was from 1972 to 85.”

What impact did that have on him?, I ask.

“I had to learn to resist as best I could and to revalue certain things, I learned a lot,” he says. “I learned because when I was very young I read a lot. But I hadn’t thought about what I had read. And not having books or anything, but with time…I started to think.”


“I was imprisoned for more than 12 years but I spent seven years without a book, nothing, almost no visits.”

Mujica was released when democracy was restored in 1985.

“When we were released, we emerged from a very strong dictatorship and we collectively decided that we had to adhere to the law, because otherwise we would be like a provocation to a society that had gotten rid of the dictatorship.”

He pauses and restarts: “And, well, then a lot of things happened in the world, right? We reviewed some issues, and I personally still have socialist thinking but I believe that the Leninist theses failed because they were a gateway to creating a new bureaucracy.”

Mujica’s ideas about socialism have become more heterodox with age.

“I do not believe that socialism can develop in poor societies, which does not mean that a rich society will be socialist, that’s another story,” he says.

“I find the roots of socialism in anthropology. Sapiens were a historically socialist animal, they lived in groups for more than 200,000 years. Agriculture began 10 or 15,000 years ago. Yesterday. And that’s where yours and my history began. Inside we carry that nostalgia and one day it will be proven whether genetic memory exists.”

Does he think it’s still there?

“I see traces of that genetic memory. People who live in an apartment and have a little plant or a dog. Or have a stove, right, which is something that stands in for firewood, even if it is gas. Or when a man goes with a car to the supermarket, he looks like a hunter.”

Throughout the conversation, Mujica’s wife, Lucía Topolansky, who answered the door, sits across the table from him listening attentively, helping with my Spanish difficulties.

She has her own remarkable story, serving as vice-president from 2017 to 2020. Raised in an upper-class family, in 1969 Topolansky also joined the Tupamaros and went underground. Under the dictatorship she was also arrested and imprisoned in a military jailwhere she endured physical and psychological torture.

A mural at Pepe Mujica’s agricultural school. (Photo: Matt Kennard/DCUK)


Philosopher president

As president, Mujica gained international fame for his abstinent existence. He continued to live on his farm, spurning the presidential palace, and gave 90% of his wage away.

It is very rare to have such a deeply human person in the position as president, I say. What lessons did he learn over the five years?

“The lesson I learned is that changes need collective forces,” he says. “This was accompanied by trying to help build a political party, knowing it did not begin with us nor end with us.”

The Frente Amplio, or Broad Front, was created in 1971 just a few years before the coup. It sought to bring together all the disparate left-wing forces in the country, from communists to social democrats and everything in between.

“We have been part of the construction of Frente Amplio,” Mujica says. “We try to grow it because that’s what’s going to remain. We pass, but we must hand the baton to another generation, because the fight did not begin with us nor does it end with us, it continues. As long as there is life on earth, there will be people. Triumph. It’s getting up and starting again every time you fall.”


“Now, the problem is how to attract people, how to multiply the number of people.”

There are two ways of looking at politics: as a fight or a negotiation. Mujica, despite his history as a guerilla fighter, now falls firmly on the side of negotiation.

“In our current society, there is no point in fighting because people would not understand it,” he says. “Now, the problem is how to attract people, how to multiply the number of people. True power is not in gestures, but the level of the masses who support us. In the long run, that is what is decisive.”

He continues: “Some people think that power is nothing more than the rifle. No. Power comes from those who handle the rifle. The rifle is useless, the problem is the people who handle it. It is a question of capturing wills.”

During Mujica’s time as president, Uruguay legalised marijuana and abortion, both moves that were extremely unpopular in right-wing opposition circles.

“Now, we cannot detach ourselves from the immediate needs that ordinary people have, because otherwise we isolate ourselves from the problems that people have. We have to live their vicissitudes alongside them to multiply influence.”


“Believing that with an intellectual vision that is isolated from people we are going to lead them to paradise is a utopian dream.”

He continues his stance against this old Leninist conception of power.

“Believing that with an intellectual vision that is isolated from people we are going to lead them to paradise is a utopian dream,” he says. “We have to build with the people, and the march will be marked by the difficulties that the people have. So we seek active participation in the society in which we live. Democracy is not perfect or anything close to it, it is deceitful. But for now it is the best thing we have been able to achieve.”

But how can you have democracy within capitalism and its obscene levels of inequality of wealth, I ask.

“It is very far from being an economic democracy, it is a lie, and there is growing inequality. The worst thing is that, in the world, what is growing the most is inequality. And it’s not that the world is poorer, the world is richer than ever. But there are also richer people than ever, with a degree of wealth that cannot even be imagined.”

He continues: “This is leading to a brutal waste of energy. The worst thing about consumerism is that it is the gateway to degrading nature. We don’t need so much waste to live. The concept of planned obsolescence is nonsense. Making things calculated to last a short time is the wrong way around. It’s crazy.”
The gates to Eduardo Galeano’s house in Montevideo where he lived from 1985 until his death in 2015. (Photo: Matt Kennard/DCUK)

The poet historian

The day before I first went to Mujica’s farm I had made a pilgrimage to Eduardo Galeano’s old house in the sleepy Malvin barrio of Montevideo.

Galeano was a political writer and novelist whose work influenced a whole generation of Latin Americans. His Open Veins of Latin America: Five Centuries of the Pillage of a Continent, published in 1971, became the Bible of the anti-imperialist and left movements in the region in that period. In 2009, Hugo Chávez, then president of Venezuela, gave the book as a gift to President Obama, sending it back on to the bestseller list.

The book told the history of the exploitation of Latin America after the Spanish and Portuguese arrived, but with a poetry and lyricism that was completely unique. The book was banned under the right-wing military governments of Brazil, Chile, Argentina and Uruguay.

“Galeano gave personality to the history of Latin America.”

Galeano’s house, named “Casa de los Pájaros” (House of Birds), is where he lived from 1985 to his death in 2015. It looks no different from the other houses on the street, apart from the mountains of plants that clutter the front garden. The bungalow is barely visible.

Afterwards, I went along to Galeano’s favourite coffee shop, Café Brasilero, in the heart of the old town of Montevideo. Galeano was an infamous devotee of cafes, and this is where he would spend days whiling away the day reading the paper and writing.

In one of his poems he wrote: “I go to the Café Brasilero, which miraculously lives on. This is the last of the ancient meeting places where I learned the art of storytelling by listening to liars who, by lying, told the truth.”

His picture is on the white-washed walls and I’m pointed to the window seat he used to sit at.

I ask Mujica about his significance.

“Galeano gave personality to the history of Latin America,” he says. “He presented it to the world, in short, but he didn’t just present data, he presented it with art. Because there is always that discussion, whether form or content. The content is explosive, but the form is beautiful. He is a great writer, apart from a thinker. And I was surprised by the impact his work had on the world.”
Eduardo Galeano’s chosen window seat at Café Brasilero in Montevideo’s old town, his favourite hangout. (Photo: Matt Kennard/DCUK)

Philosophy for life

Listening to Mujica speak it is almost impossible to imagine that he served five years as president. His analysis of capitalism and power, his honesty about our problems as a species, is almost never heard from people at the apex of the system.

What is his philosophy for life?, I ask.

“The most important thing is to live happily,” he replies.

How do you do that?

“By living according to what we hold inside,” he says.

That’s very difficult, I reply, there are many obstacles.

“It’s difficult because they dominate us from the outside,” Mujica says. “There is a consumerist culture that imposes desperation on us—and that results in us losing our freedom. The more soberly you can live, the more free time you have left, to spend on what you decide.

“But if you allow yourself to be cornered by the law of necessity, which in man can be infinite, you are not free. Being subject to covering the costs of increasing needs. And in this stage of capitalism what is sought is for us to be compulsive buyers. It needs it, because it is a civilization that justifies accumulation, it needs us to be consumers.”


“There is a consumerist culture that imposes desperation on us.”

Has he found happiness, then?

“We are two old people who live happily,” he says, looking at his wife across the table.

How did you come to this realisation, when he was a young man, was it prison?

“I belong to a generation that dreamed of changing the world,” he says. “We believed that we were going to be able to modify the parameters of the capitalist system, and for a long time we thought that by changing the relations of production and distribution we would have a better humanity.”

He continues: “Human science that understands human behaviour was not so developed, so we suffered from an ideological hole. Man is much more complicated, he is an emotional animal that learned to think, and perhaps we did not give culture the importance that it has. It is more difficult to change a culture than the material reality of a society.”

He pauses. “In the long run, culture is decisive. Capitalism has appropriated the subliminal culture of the people. By keeping us hooked on permanent atrocious consumerism, it dominates us. So we don’t have time to question it. Because it absorbs our entire life to cover the expenses we have ahead. There is nothing more important than the material concern that society has.”


“Work for what is required to live, do not live to work.”

Does he have a message for the young?

“Work for what is required to live, do not live to work. If you adjust to your needs, you have to work less. And I have time left to exercise my freedom. If I let my needs multiply, goodbye. People don’t have time, they can’t waste time. And free time is the foundation of civilization, even of theology. What was the most important civilizational work in the history of humanity? Athens. The fourth century and the fifth century. With citizens who did not work, because they had slaves.

“But they spent time arguing. And there began theatre, comedy, philosophy, academia, everything. These are 200 years of inexplicable history, there were no more than 100,000 citizens. They invented democracy. Another peak, the city of renaissance. People’s free time is what generates culture.”

How old are you now?

“89, almost. In a month,” he says.

Are you afraid of death?

“Ah, yes, death is going to come at any moment,” he says.

But aren’t you afraid of that?, I press.

“No, it’s like the sun coming out tomorrow. It is inevitable. But I believe that life is an adventure of molecules. There is no room for the question of where we come from or where we are going. This life. It’s a wonder. And it is wonderful to have had the opportunity to be born. There was a 40 million chance that someone else would be born, and it happened to you. That’s the miracle.”

A week after I visit the farm, articles appear in the media. Mujica had a routine appointment with the doctor the Friday after we met. He is diagnosed with esophageal cancer. “I want to convey to all the young people that life is beautiful, but it wears out and you fall,” he told journalists. “The point is to start over every time you fall, and if there is anger, transform it into hope.”


Pepe Mujica
José Alberto "Pepe" Mujica Cordano is a Uruguayan politician, former revolutionary and farmer who served as the 40th president of Uruguay from 2010 to 2015.


Widening the War: The US Sends Troops to Israel



 October 21, 2024
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Photograph Source: DOD photo by Erin A. Kirk-Cuomo – Public Domain

The dangers should be plastered on every wall in every office occupied by a military and political advisor.  Israel’s attempt to reshape the Middle East, far from giving it enduring security, will merely serve to make it more vulnerable and unstable than ever.  In that mix and mess will be its greatest sponsor and guardian, the United States, a giant of almost blind antiquity in all matters concerning the Jewish state.

In a measure that should have garnered bold headlines, the Biden administration has announced the deployment of some 100 US soldiers to Israel who will be responsible for operating the Terminal High Altitude Area Defense (THAAD) system.  They are being sent to a conflict that resembles a train travelling at high speed, with no risk of stopping.  As Israeli Defence Minister Yoav Gallant promised in the aftermath of Iran’s October 1 missile assault on his country, “Our strike will be powerful, precise, and above all – surprising.”  It would be of such a nature that “They will not understand what happened and how it happened.”

In an October 16 meeting between the Secretary of Defense Lloyd J. Austin III and Gallant, the deployment of a mobile THAAD battery was seen “as an operational example of the United States’ ironclad support to the defense of Israel.”  Largely meaningless bits of advice were offered to Gallant: that Israel “continue taking steps to address the dire humanitarian situation” and take “all necessary measures to ensure the safety and security” of UN peacekeepers operating in Lebanon’s south.

The charade continued the next day in a conversation between Austin and Gallant discussing the killing of Hamas leader Yahya Sinwar.  THAAD was again mentioned as essential for Israel’s “right to defence itself” while representing the “United States’ unwavering, enduring, and ironclad commitment to Israel’s security.”  (“Ironclad” would seem to be the word of the moment, neatly accompanying Israel’s own Iron Dome defence system.)

statement from the Pentagon press secretary, Maj. Gen. Patrick Ryder, was a fatuous effort in minimising the dangers of the deployment.  The battery would merely “augment Israel’s integrated air defense system,” affirm the ongoing commitment to Israel’s defence and “defend Americans in Israel, from any further ballistic missile attacks from Iran.”

The very public presence of US troops, working alongside their Israeli counterparts in anticipation of broadening conflict, does not merely suggest Washington’s failure to contain their ally.  It entails a promise of ceaseless supply, bolstering and emboldening.  Furthermore, it will involve placing US troops in harm’s way, a quixotic invitation if ever there was one.

As things stand, the US is already imperilling its troops by deploying them in a series of bases in Jordan, Syria and Iraq.  Iran’s armed affiliates have been making their presence felt, harrying the stationed troops with increasing regularity since the Israel-Hamas war broke out on October 7 last year. A gradual, attritive toll is registering, featuring such attacks as those on the Tower 22 base in northern Jordan in January that left three US soldiers dead.

Writing in August for The Guardian, former US army major Harrison Mann eventually realised an awful truth about the mounting assaults on these sandy outposts of the US imperium: “there was no real plan to protect US troops beyond leaving them in their small, isolated bases while local militants, emboldened and agitated by US support for Israel’s brutal war in Gaza, used them for target practice.”  To send more aircraft and warships to the Middle East also served to encourage “reckless escalation towards a wider war,” providing insurance to Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu that he could be protected “from the consequences of his actions.”

Daniel Davis, a military expert at Defense Priorities, is firmly logical on the point of enlisting US personnel in the Israeli cause. “Naturally, if Americans are killed in the execution of their duties, there will be howls from the pro-war hawks in the West ‘demanding’ the president ‘protect our troops’ by firing back on Iran.”  It was “exactly the sort of thing that gets nations sucked into war they have no interest in fighting.”

Polling, insofar as that measure counts, suggests that enthusiasm for enrolling US troops in Israel’s defence is far from warm.  In results from a survey published by the Chicago Council on Foreign Relations in August, some four in ten polled would favour sending US troops to defend Israel if it was attacked by Iran.  Of the sample, 53% of Republicans would favour defending Israel in that context, along with four in 10 independents (42%), and a third of Democrats (34%).

There have also been some mutterings from the Pentagon itself about Israel’s burgeoning military effort, in particular against the Lebanese Iran-backed militia, Hezbollah.  In a report from The New York Times, the chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, Gen. Charles Q. Brown Jr., is said to be worried about the widening US presence in the region, a fact that would hamper overall “readiness” of the US in other conflicts.  Being worried is just the start of it.

Binoy Kampmark was a Commonwealth Scholar at Selwyn College, Cambridge. He lectures at RMIT University, Melbourne. Email: bkampmark@gmail.com

Democrat’s Democracy vs. Republican’s Republic


 October 21, 2024
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Image by Mirah Curzer.

America is both a democracy and a republic. Citizens hold supreme power, and so America is a republic. At the same time, it is obviously a representative democracy.

MAGA Republicans, however, like to say America is not a democracy, but a republic, which is ironic for the party that championed the spread of democracy throughout the Middle East. Democracy was their primary justification for the Iraq and Afghan wars during the George W. Bush administration. But that was 20 years ago, when the traditional Republican party’s conservative policies appealed to the majority of Americans.

Then the Republican party believed in small government, individual responsibility, and free trade. Barry Goldwater, the leading conservative of his time, was pro-choice and believed that gay people could serve in the military. Today’s conservatives reject that thinking. Their positions on abortion and LGBT rights reflect Christian nationalist ideology. They believe the government should control women’s health care decisions and eliminate gay rights, and Donald Trump, their leader, believes tariffs are the solution to all fiscal problems.

Moreover, they have nominated unpopular candidates. In the past a political party would modify its positions and find better candidates in order to appeal to a greater number of voters. But rooted in religious belief on the one hand and an insatiable desire for wealth and power on the other, they cannot compromise.

No longer able to win the popular vote, they have concluded that democracy is no longer essential to the American government. They promote the idea of a republic and disparage democracy, no doubt perplexing, and embarrassing members of the Bush administrations.

Their strategies include a disinformation campaign designed to show that our democratic government is incompetent. And they manipulate the electoral system through gerrymandering congressional districts, stripping voter rolls, limiting polling locations and hours, and voter intimidation. Most egregious is their attempts to defraud. Trump unquestionably tried to overturn a free and fair democratic election as shown by the evidence compiled by the Jan. 6 committee and Jack Smith’s election interference trial, which in both instances is based on testimony by members of Trump’s own administration.

Now Trump projects his perverse attempt to defraud on Democrats saying it is they who will try to steal the election. And House speaker Mike Johnson says he will certify the November election provided the vote is fair. But as an ardent Trump supporter who attempted to undermine the last election, he is least capable of making an objective judgment. He had no supporting evidence in 2020 and has none now. But clearly Trump and Johnson are preparing a second coup attempt should Trump again be defeated.

Disinformation and lies about government incompetence are central to the Trump-Vance campaign. Their lies include nonsensical charges of immigrants eating pet dogs and cats and the government’s response to the recent hurricanes saying FEMA funds have been used to bring immigrants into the country, and that Biden has ignored pleas for help from red states, all of which have been denied by Republican officials in those states. And Trump’s recent confidant Laura Loomer posted, “The people in Appalachia should NOT comply with FEMA. This is a matter of survival.” She discourages people from applying for help while at the same time Trump and Vance say FEMA refuses to help. Both are total falsehoods and are designed to win votes at the expense of those in need.

Dubious Alliances

The Christianized Republican Party resents the evolution of American society and is desperate to reverse it. Trump has taken advantage of their desperation, promising that he is the savior. And he has delivered with Supreme Court nominations that favor Christian ideology as evidenced by its decisions on abortion, gay rights, and religious freedom.

The Republican Party has also been the traditional home of the affluent and corporations. They have little interest in protecting religious beliefs but are fully committed to protecting wealth. Trump accommodates by promising tax breaks and deregulation. At present, both corporations and the well-heeled are taxed at lower rates than wage earners. Many pay no taxes.

And he appeals to would-be oligarchs. Look at Elon Musk, and think of the fictional Lex Luthor who became the world’s richest man and then turned to evil because “what else was left to do?” Musk is investing millions in the Trump campaign and expects a return on his investment, specifically the position of “efficiency czar” in a second Trump administration, should he win. In that position he would protect his businesses from ongoing investigations by the government.

The will of the public thwarts the ambitions of the Christian fundamentalists, corporations, the wealthy, and would-be oligarchs. They understand that their aims will never be realized in our free society, so they have joined forces to undermine democracy in support of a Trump autocracy.

Getting What You Ask For

Should Trump win, the wealthy may live to regret it. While capitalism has generated great riches, when unregulated, it invites financial ruin, best exemplified by the Great Depression of 1929 and the sub-prime mortgage crisis of 2008.

And fundamentalists should also be cautious about getting what they ask for. They want a theocracy but if Trump wins, they will get an autocracy, and Trump is loyal to no one. And should Trump accommodate their theocratic ambition, they will still not be happy for religious governance is notoriously unstable–the fact that there are over four thousand Christian sects in the world attests to that.

It is the essential reason that the founders chose a secular constitution. If Christianity cannot govern itself, how could it govern a country in which citizens have been free to believe in Krishna, or Buddha, or Allah or Yahweh or the Great Spirit, as well as Jesus…or to not believe at all.

On the other hand, American democracy, rooted in reason and fact, has been stable for 250 years. And it guarantees freedom of belief for everyone. It is the best hope and path to a just and sane world. Kamala Harris and Tim Walz understand that. And they know that America is much more than a republic. It is a representative democracy, and that they will protect.

Bob Topper is a retired engineer and is syndicated by PeaceVoice.