Bangladeshi students on guard as exiled PM urges show of strength
August 15, 2024
By Agence France-Press
August 15, 2024
By Agence France-Press
Protesters march to block the house of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, the first president of independent Bangladesh and father of ousted ex-premier Sheikh Hasina, in Dhaka on Aug. 15, 2024, to mark the anniversary of his assassination.
Dhaka, Bangladesh —
Hundreds of Bangladeshi students wielding bamboo rods patrolled the site of a planned gathering Thursday of ousted premier Sheikh Hasina's supporters, vowing to quash any show of strength.
Hasina, 76, fled by helicopter last week to neighboring India, where she remains, as student-led protests flooded Dhaka's streets in a dramatic end to her iron-fisted 15-year rule.
Thursday is the anniversary of the 1975 assassination of her father, independence hero Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, during a military coup -- a date her government had declared a national holiday.
Previous years saw huge rallies around Bangladesh to mark the occasion, but the students who toppled Hasina were eager to ensure supporters of her Awami League party did not have a chance to regroup.
"Awami League will try to create chaos on Thursday in the name of observing (the) mourning day," prominent student leader Sarjis Alam told reporters the previous day, according to the Daily Star newspaper.
"We will remain on the streets to resist any such attempts."
With no police in sight, hundreds of students on Thursday patrolled the street leading into Hasina's old family home where her father and many of her relatives were gunned down nearly 50 years ago.
The landmark was until recently a museum to her father, but it was torched and vandalized by a mob hours after her fall.
In her first public statement since her abrupt departure, Hasina had this week asked supporters to "pray for the salvation of all souls by offering floral garlands and praying" outside the landmark.
Thousands of civil servants were required to join public demonstrations marking her father's death during her tenure.
Awami League organizers would also set up temporary public address systems around Dhaka to blare Mujib's old speeches and devotional songs praising his leadership.
The caretaker administration now running Bangladesh cancelled observance of the politically charged holiday on Tuesday, requiring bureaucrats to remain in the office.
And on Thursday, the prevailing sound in the city of 20 million people was the horns and motors of its perennially gridlocked traffic.
'Identified and punished'
Hasina's statement came hours after a court in the capital opened a murder case into her, two senior Awami League allies and four police officers related to last month's unrest.
Several other top Awami League politicians have also been detained in unrelated probes, including former law minister Anisul Huq and business adviser Salman Rahman.
Hasina's statement also demanded an investigation into violence during the unrest that forced her out of office, with the culprits to be "identified and punished."
Police weaponry was the cause of the more than 450 people killed during the protests that ousted Hasina, according to police and hospital figures previously gathered by AFP.
Dhaka, Bangladesh —
Hundreds of Bangladeshi students wielding bamboo rods patrolled the site of a planned gathering Thursday of ousted premier Sheikh Hasina's supporters, vowing to quash any show of strength.
Hasina, 76, fled by helicopter last week to neighboring India, where she remains, as student-led protests flooded Dhaka's streets in a dramatic end to her iron-fisted 15-year rule.
Thursday is the anniversary of the 1975 assassination of her father, independence hero Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, during a military coup -- a date her government had declared a national holiday.
Previous years saw huge rallies around Bangladesh to mark the occasion, but the students who toppled Hasina were eager to ensure supporters of her Awami League party did not have a chance to regroup.
"Awami League will try to create chaos on Thursday in the name of observing (the) mourning day," prominent student leader Sarjis Alam told reporters the previous day, according to the Daily Star newspaper.
"We will remain on the streets to resist any such attempts."
With no police in sight, hundreds of students on Thursday patrolled the street leading into Hasina's old family home where her father and many of her relatives were gunned down nearly 50 years ago.
The landmark was until recently a museum to her father, but it was torched and vandalized by a mob hours after her fall.
In her first public statement since her abrupt departure, Hasina had this week asked supporters to "pray for the salvation of all souls by offering floral garlands and praying" outside the landmark.
Thousands of civil servants were required to join public demonstrations marking her father's death during her tenure.
Awami League organizers would also set up temporary public address systems around Dhaka to blare Mujib's old speeches and devotional songs praising his leadership.
The caretaker administration now running Bangladesh cancelled observance of the politically charged holiday on Tuesday, requiring bureaucrats to remain in the office.
And on Thursday, the prevailing sound in the city of 20 million people was the horns and motors of its perennially gridlocked traffic.
'Identified and punished'
Hasina's statement came hours after a court in the capital opened a murder case into her, two senior Awami League allies and four police officers related to last month's unrest.
Several other top Awami League politicians have also been detained in unrelated probes, including former law minister Anisul Huq and business adviser Salman Rahman.
Hasina's statement also demanded an investigation into violence during the unrest that forced her out of office, with the culprits to be "identified and punished."
Police weaponry was the cause of the more than 450 people killed during the protests that ousted Hasina, according to police and hospital figures previously gathered by AFP.
Bangladesh mob beats ex-PM Hasina's supporters on site of planned rally
15/08/2024 -
Hundreds of activists in Bangladesh, armed with bamboo sticks, iron rods and pipes, on Thursday (August 15), assaulted supporters of the ousted Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina. She fled to neighbouring India by helicopter last week as student-led protests flooded Dhaka's streets in a dramatic end to her iron-fisted rule of 15 years. FRANCE 24's Navodita Kumari tells us more from Bangladesh.
protesters attack supporters of ex-premier Hasina 03:55
Why did student protesters demand Sheikh Hasina’s resignation?
MSc Development Studies alum, Ali Hassan explains how widespread protests against Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina’s authoritarian rule in Bangladesh led to her resignation, the establishment of an interim government, and student efforts to restore order amidst ensuing chaos.
Background
The afternoon of Monday, 5th August, was reportedly a tense one in the Gonobhaban (the Bangladeshi Prime Minister’s official residence in Dhaka). As Sheikh Hasina and her advisers were determining their next move, a crowd containing thousands of people was defying a countrywide curfew and marching towards them. A month ago, many in the crowd had been protesting the imposition of quotas in government jobs and civil service appointments for veterans’ descendants. This time, their sole demand was Sheikh Hasina’s resignation. The Quota Reform Movement had evolved into the One-Point Movement.
What started as a protest to oppose an unpopular policy morphed into a display of anger towards the authoritarianism of Sheikh Hasina and her Awami League (AL) party. Even before students began their anti-quota protests in early July, the signs of dissatisfaction had been visible. In Bangladesh’s latest general election in January, turnout was a paltry 28 percent (though the Election Commission boosted the number to 40 percent due to pressure from senior AL members). Voters boycotted the election because there were no significant opposition parties in the electoral field.
The initial Protests
Against the backdrop of high youth unemployment and rising authoritarianism, university students protested a decision of the High Court Division to reinstate the quota system, which had been abolished following similar protests in 2018. Protests were initially peaceful, with protesters employing roadblocks along major thoroughfares in Dhaka – a common protest practice in Bangladesh.
The protests became more restive following a speech by Sheikh Hasina on 14th July. Students listening to the speech believed she had referred to them as “Razakars”, a derogatory term which refers to Bengalis who collaborated with the Pakistani military during Bangladesh’s Liberation War in 1971. Reports emerged on 15th July that members of the Chhatra League (CL) – AL’s student wing – clashed with the anti-quota protesters, further inflaming tensions.
The Government’s Repressive Response
As the protests grew larger, so too did the government become increasingly violent. It shut down universities on 16th July and sent in the police to forcefully clear campuses of students on 17th July. It also allowed the police and paramilitary forces, such as the controversial Rapid Action Battalion (RAB), to use excessive force on student protesters. Official estimates suggest that at least 200 civilians died in the unrest between 15th and 19th July, though the fatality count is likely significantly higher. The government also arrested several thousands of people, including opposition party members with minimal links to the protests, between 16th and 22nd July.
The government shut down internet and telecommunications services indefinitely on 18th July and instated a countrywide military curfew at midnight on 20th July. Anti-quota gatherings subsided, perhaps owing to the difficulty in organising them amid such severe restrictions or due to the fear of lethal action by the military. The Supreme Court ruled on 21st July that quotas for veterans relatives, initially set at 30 percent, be reduced to 5 percent, a decision by which the government promised to abide.
One-Point Demand: Sheikh Hasina’s Resignation
The Supreme Court’s decision did not quell the anger of the student protesters. They were now organising under the banner of “Anti-Discrimination Students Movement (ADSM)” and sought justice for their allies whom the security forces had killed or arrested. After the government lifted restrictions on internet and telecommunications services, and eased the curfew, protests resumed in earnest, with ADSM announcing on 3rd August that its sole demand was Sheikh Hasina’s resignation.
While the government put in place another curfew on 4th August, protesters announced their plan to march to Gonobhaban on 5th August. Sheikh Hasina was reportedly hopeful that further violence from the security forces would disperse the protesters, but the army and police chiefs were not willing to comply with her request, arguing that the crowd was too powerful. Though she showed much resistance to the move, she eventually agreed to flee Gonobhaban shortly before the crowd’s arrival, secretly making her way to longtime ally India, which has agreed to give her temporary asylum. She officially resigned shortly afterwards.
Unfortunately, after news of Hasina’s resignation spread, the police went on strike, fearing for their own safety, and mobs took advantage of the lawlessness by rioting. Credible reports emerged that rioters had committed acts of arson against AL members, police personnel and the minority Hindu community. Students, realising that their movement was at risk, banded together to help restore some semblance of state functioning. Several videos emerged of students managing the flow of traffic at intersections. They, as well as Muslim religious leaders, reportedly stood watch outside several Hindu temples to deter further communal violence. Since 6th August, few incidents of violence have been reported.
Post-Hasina Bangladesh
Bangladesh now has an interim government, led by well-known economist Dr Muhammad Yunus at the behest of students. The interim cabinet consists largely of civil society members, including two student protest leaders. While much is uncertain, such as when a fresh election will take place, the early signs are promising. The interim government appears to be inclusive and collaborative – two qualities sorely missing in the AL administration led in a top-down fashion by Sheikh Hasina. Bangladeshis, including the powerful military and opposition parties, appear to have accepted the interim cabinet, reducing the fear of coups and unexpected transitions.
It is hard not to see Sheikh Hasina’s downfall as an outcome entirely of her own making. When students expressed their grievances with the government’s quota policy, she berated them, and allowed CL members and security personnel to use excessive force on them. When the protesters understandably became furious, she doubled down on repressive tactics. It is a credit to the protesters that they remained steadfast in the face of live ammunition, beatings, arrests and an internet shutdown. Even more impressive is their effort to ensure that their movement did not get hijacked amid the lawlessness following Hasina’s resignation. Their involvement in the interim cabinet is a positive development for Bangladesh.
The views expressed in this post are those of the author and in no way reflect those of the International Development LSE blog or the London School of Economics and Political Science.
Featured image: Students launched the “Bangla Blockade” following a one-point demand for scrapping all illogical and discriminatory quotas in public service through enactment of a law and keeping a minimum quota for marginalised citizens in line with the constitution. Rayhan9d via Wikimedia Commons. This image is licensed under the Creative Commons Attribution-Share Alike 4.0 International license.
About the author
Ali Hassan is a Senior Intelligence Analyst (South Asia) at Healix. He was part of the 2022 Development Studies cohort, during which time he focused on conflict resolution.
Bangladesh: Envoys from West, Japan cite security concerns, highlights attacks on minoritiesAli Hassan
August 15th, 2024
August 15th, 2024
LSE
Background
The afternoon of Monday, 5th August, was reportedly a tense one in the Gonobhaban (the Bangladeshi Prime Minister’s official residence in Dhaka). As Sheikh Hasina and her advisers were determining their next move, a crowd containing thousands of people was defying a countrywide curfew and marching towards them. A month ago, many in the crowd had been protesting the imposition of quotas in government jobs and civil service appointments for veterans’ descendants. This time, their sole demand was Sheikh Hasina’s resignation. The Quota Reform Movement had evolved into the One-Point Movement.
What started as a protest to oppose an unpopular policy morphed into a display of anger towards the authoritarianism of Sheikh Hasina and her Awami League (AL) party. Even before students began their anti-quota protests in early July, the signs of dissatisfaction had been visible. In Bangladesh’s latest general election in January, turnout was a paltry 28 percent (though the Election Commission boosted the number to 40 percent due to pressure from senior AL members). Voters boycotted the election because there were no significant opposition parties in the electoral field.
The initial Protests
Against the backdrop of high youth unemployment and rising authoritarianism, university students protested a decision of the High Court Division to reinstate the quota system, which had been abolished following similar protests in 2018. Protests were initially peaceful, with protesters employing roadblocks along major thoroughfares in Dhaka – a common protest practice in Bangladesh.
The protests became more restive following a speech by Sheikh Hasina on 14th July. Students listening to the speech believed she had referred to them as “Razakars”, a derogatory term which refers to Bengalis who collaborated with the Pakistani military during Bangladesh’s Liberation War in 1971. Reports emerged on 15th July that members of the Chhatra League (CL) – AL’s student wing – clashed with the anti-quota protesters, further inflaming tensions.
The Government’s Repressive Response
As the protests grew larger, so too did the government become increasingly violent. It shut down universities on 16th July and sent in the police to forcefully clear campuses of students on 17th July. It also allowed the police and paramilitary forces, such as the controversial Rapid Action Battalion (RAB), to use excessive force on student protesters. Official estimates suggest that at least 200 civilians died in the unrest between 15th and 19th July, though the fatality count is likely significantly higher. The government also arrested several thousands of people, including opposition party members with minimal links to the protests, between 16th and 22nd July.
The government shut down internet and telecommunications services indefinitely on 18th July and instated a countrywide military curfew at midnight on 20th July. Anti-quota gatherings subsided, perhaps owing to the difficulty in organising them amid such severe restrictions or due to the fear of lethal action by the military. The Supreme Court ruled on 21st July that quotas for veterans relatives, initially set at 30 percent, be reduced to 5 percent, a decision by which the government promised to abide.
One-Point Demand: Sheikh Hasina’s Resignation
The Supreme Court’s decision did not quell the anger of the student protesters. They were now organising under the banner of “Anti-Discrimination Students Movement (ADSM)” and sought justice for their allies whom the security forces had killed or arrested. After the government lifted restrictions on internet and telecommunications services, and eased the curfew, protests resumed in earnest, with ADSM announcing on 3rd August that its sole demand was Sheikh Hasina’s resignation.
While the government put in place another curfew on 4th August, protesters announced their plan to march to Gonobhaban on 5th August. Sheikh Hasina was reportedly hopeful that further violence from the security forces would disperse the protesters, but the army and police chiefs were not willing to comply with her request, arguing that the crowd was too powerful. Though she showed much resistance to the move, she eventually agreed to flee Gonobhaban shortly before the crowd’s arrival, secretly making her way to longtime ally India, which has agreed to give her temporary asylum. She officially resigned shortly afterwards.
Unfortunately, after news of Hasina’s resignation spread, the police went on strike, fearing for their own safety, and mobs took advantage of the lawlessness by rioting. Credible reports emerged that rioters had committed acts of arson against AL members, police personnel and the minority Hindu community. Students, realising that their movement was at risk, banded together to help restore some semblance of state functioning. Several videos emerged of students managing the flow of traffic at intersections. They, as well as Muslim religious leaders, reportedly stood watch outside several Hindu temples to deter further communal violence. Since 6th August, few incidents of violence have been reported.
Post-Hasina Bangladesh
Bangladesh now has an interim government, led by well-known economist Dr Muhammad Yunus at the behest of students. The interim cabinet consists largely of civil society members, including two student protest leaders. While much is uncertain, such as when a fresh election will take place, the early signs are promising. The interim government appears to be inclusive and collaborative – two qualities sorely missing in the AL administration led in a top-down fashion by Sheikh Hasina. Bangladeshis, including the powerful military and opposition parties, appear to have accepted the interim cabinet, reducing the fear of coups and unexpected transitions.
It is hard not to see Sheikh Hasina’s downfall as an outcome entirely of her own making. When students expressed their grievances with the government’s quota policy, she berated them, and allowed CL members and security personnel to use excessive force on them. When the protesters understandably became furious, she doubled down on repressive tactics. It is a credit to the protesters that they remained steadfast in the face of live ammunition, beatings, arrests and an internet shutdown. Even more impressive is their effort to ensure that their movement did not get hijacked amid the lawlessness following Hasina’s resignation. Their involvement in the interim cabinet is a positive development for Bangladesh.
The views expressed in this post are those of the author and in no way reflect those of the International Development LSE blog or the London School of Economics and Political Science.
Featured image: Students launched the “Bangla Blockade” following a one-point demand for scrapping all illogical and discriminatory quotas in public service through enactment of a law and keeping a minimum quota for marginalised citizens in line with the constitution. Rayhan9d via Wikimedia Commons. This image is licensed under the Creative Commons Attribution-Share Alike 4.0 International license.
About the author
Ali Hassan is a Senior Intelligence Analyst (South Asia) at Healix. He was part of the 2022 Development Studies cohort, during which time he focused on conflict resolution.
'It was an informal meeting held at the Canadian high commission... Representatives of most of the European Union countries, the US, Australia and Japan were present and they took stock of the present situation in Bangladesh,' a source said
Devadeep Purohit Calcutta Published 15.08.24,
Salman F Rahman (centre), former MP and adviser to former Bangladesh Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina, on his way to the Dhaka Metropolitan Magistrate Court after being arrested by the police on Wednesday.
Diplomats from several western countries and Japan met informally in Dhaka on Tuesday and expressed concerns about the attacks on minorities and the apparent lawlessness in Bangladesh since the fall of the Sheikh Hasina regime on August 5.
“It was an informal meeting held at the Canadian high commission... Representatives of most of the European Union countries, the US, Australia and Japan were present and they took stock of the present situation in Bangladesh,” a source said.
Some of the primary concerns of the diplomats representing various countries revolved around their safety and security in view of the apparent lawlessness in the country. Similar issues cropped up when Touhid Hossain, foreign affairs adviser to Muhammad Yunus, met the foreign envoys earlier this week and conveyed the government’s resolve to ensure return of normalcy at the earliest.
The reports on attack on minorities in Bangladesh, which triggered unprecedented street protests by the Hindus, Christians and Buddhists, was discussed and the diplomats expressed their hope that the interim government would take the necessary steps to prevent such incidents.
Though the diplomats were broadly in agreement on their assessment of ground realities, the views of the US and some of the EU countries were “slightly different” when they discussed the manner in which the regime change took place in Bangladesh, said the source.
“Some EU diplomats wondered whether the regime change was constitutionally acceptable,” said the source, adding that this concern was the primary reason behind most countries “wishing” Yunus instead of “welcoming” him.
According to the source, at one point during the meeting, the US representative was urged to respond to a purported comment from Hasina that her ouster from office was the result of her refusal to offer strategically important St Martin’s island to the US. The US representative apparently laughed off and swatted away the question. The US authorities have already clarified that it respects the sovereignty of Bangladesh and has no intention of acquiring the island or intervening in the country’s internal political matters.
Though the meeting ended with the hope that the government would deliver on its promises, there is little doubt that Bangladesh under Yunus would remain under the scanner for quite some time.
Over 80 per cent of Bangladesh’s readymade garment exports, a major source of foreign exchange for the country, are directed towards the western countries, which lay special emphasis on factors like state of democracy and treatment of vulnerable sections, like the minorities. Similarly, Japan, which is a major trading partner and an important source of foreign direct investment for Bangladesh, attaches importance on factors beyond economic interests.
As Yunus’s main challenge is to revive the economy — in the backdrop of dwindling foreign exchange reserves, rising unemployment and runaway inflation — there is little doubt that the interim government would have to live up to the expectations of the western Bloc and countries like Japan.
The fact that the relationship with India, the biggest exporter of essential items to Bangladesh, will also be important became clear on a day the Indian ambassador, Pranay Verma, called on Hossain. The Bangladeshi foreign ministry said that Hossain told the Indian envoy that the government is committed to ensure a transition to an inclusive and pluralistic democracy.
Some of the thornier issues — like killings on the border and the Teesta water sharing agreement — came up during the meeting at which Hossain flagged concerns in Bangladesh about the “highly exaggerated media campaign about happenings in Bangladesh” and recent statements from Hasina in India.
Amid claims from the Yunus regime that the reports on attacks on minorities and their properties were “exaggerated” — a stand toed by Bangladesh’s mainstream media, which hardly reported the alleged assaults on Hindus, Christians and Buddhists — the ancestral home of filmmaker Ritwik Kumar Ghatak in Rajshahi was demolished on Wednesday.
International Support for Bangladesh Depends on a Stable Government
A mass uprising led to the collapse of the Hasina regime. For Japan to provide effective aid, Bangladesh must achieve stability for constructive engagement.
JAPAN FORWARD
August 15, 2024
By Duncan Bartlett, Diplomatic Correspondent
Meeting Muhammad Yunus
I've been to Bangladesh a number of times. On one occasion, I interviewed Dr Muhammad Yunus. That was long before he entered politics.
At that time, he was a university professor and banker with a passion for the poor. I was impressed by his pioneering work in providing micro-credit to small businesses, especially enterprises run by women.
Bakery Massacre
Islamists belonging to a group called Jamaat-ul-Mujahideen Bangladesh (JMB) murdered seven Japanese people in Dhaka in 2016.
Nine Italians, an American and an Indian were also killed in the attack on the Holey Artisan cafe, which was popular with foreigners.
The Japanese victims — five men and two women — were associated with JICA, the government agency that had been tasked with trying to help Bangladesh.
Seven terrorists behind the attack were later tried and put to death.
It took a long time for foreigners to feel safe in Bangladesh following that horrific incident. It still serves as a reminder that foreigners should not take risks there until law and order are reestablished.
That may take time. There is also a possibility that the military could cling to power in a de facto coup d'etat, or even that Islamist factions could seize the government.
Student Revolt
Military generals were not the instigators of this summer's revolution, nor were the opposition politicians from the BNP.
It was students who were at the vanguard of the protests. Their primary gripe was that an authoritarian leader had rigged the jobs market in favor of her cronies.
The students wanted a fairer system. They probably didn't realize that their campaign would gain momentum nationwide and end up with the Prime Minister fleeing the country in a helicopter, while her palace was looted.
So should the students lead the country? Even if that seems like a just outcome and a manifestation of people power, the students do not have a political party to represent them. Dr Yunas has mooted the idea that they could create one. That will not be easy.
Bangladesh is a young country. Democracy has not grown deep roots. It is now entering a period of major uncertainty.
I recognize that Japan has provided support for many valuable projects over the years. Japan is a popular country in Bangladesh and avoids meddling in politics.
But for the time being, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs in Tokyo and agencies such as JICA need to be cautious. My hope is that we will eventually see suitable conditions for constructive engagement. I wish Dr Yunas well as he takes on the greatest struggle of his career.
RELATED:
Protests in Bangladesh: Implications for India and Japan
Author: Duncan Bartlett, Diplomatic Correspondent
Mr Bartlett is the Diplomatic Correspondent for JAPAN Forward and a Research Associate at the SOAS China Institute. Read his other articles and essays.
A mass uprising led to the collapse of the Hasina regime. For Japan to provide effective aid, Bangladesh must achieve stability for constructive engagement.
JAPAN FORWARD
August 15, 2024
By Duncan Bartlett, Diplomatic Correspondent
People in Dhaka celebrate the resignation of Prime Minister Hasina on August 5 in the capital of Bangladesh. (©AP)
The interim leader of Bangladesh, Dr Muhammad Yunus, says his first priority is to make his people feel safe again.
He is acutely aware of the urgent need to restore security in the South Asian nation, following a revolution in which hundreds of lives have been lost.
Along with the bloodshed, there have been looting and arson attacks. The police went on strike. Vigilante gangs are patrolling the streets, conducting unofficial "arrests."
This has created an atmosphere of fear. Recent events have crippled international trade. But my contacts in Dhaka assure me that violence has subsided and the the worst seems to be over.
I am pleased that the fires are petering out. But I wonder how Bangladesh can seek to regain the trust of countries that it regards as partners, including Japan.
Bangladesh has made impressive socio-economic progress in recent years. It has not achieved this alone: the help of other nations has been essential. Since Bangladesh's independence in 1972, Japan has been its number one bilateral development partner.
But in my view, no foreign government or business can be expected to provide financial help to a country that is in a state of political chaos or is in the throes of extremism.
The interim leader of Bangladesh, Dr Muhammad Yunus, says his first priority is to make his people feel safe again.
He is acutely aware of the urgent need to restore security in the South Asian nation, following a revolution in which hundreds of lives have been lost.
Along with the bloodshed, there have been looting and arson attacks. The police went on strike. Vigilante gangs are patrolling the streets, conducting unofficial "arrests."
This has created an atmosphere of fear. Recent events have crippled international trade. But my contacts in Dhaka assure me that violence has subsided and the the worst seems to be over.
I am pleased that the fires are petering out. But I wonder how Bangladesh can seek to regain the trust of countries that it regards as partners, including Japan.
Bangladesh has made impressive socio-economic progress in recent years. It has not achieved this alone: the help of other nations has been essential. Since Bangladesh's independence in 1972, Japan has been its number one bilateral development partner.
But in my view, no foreign government or business can be expected to provide financial help to a country that is in a state of political chaos or is in the throes of extremism.
Meeting Muhammad Yunus
I've been to Bangladesh a number of times. On one occasion, I interviewed Dr Muhammad Yunus. That was long before he entered politics.
At that time, he was a university professor and banker with a passion for the poor. I was impressed by his pioneering work in providing micro-credit to small businesses, especially enterprises run by women.
Interim Prime Minister Yunus visits a court in Dhaka, Bangladesh in January 2024. (©AP via Kyodo)
Since then, Dr Yunas has gone on to win the Nobel Prize for economics. His work has been lauded internationally. He strikes me as a wise and selfless person. I expect him to be a good influence on his country and will do his best to foster good relations with other nations.
However, it would be wrong to overstate his influence. To call Dr Yunas an "interim leader" is somewhat misleading. He has accepted the position of advisor, yet at this stage, it is not really clear what kind of government he will advise. Dr Yunus himself has admitted he has inherited a "complete mess."
Politicians loyal to the ousted prime minister, Sheik Hasina have been hounded from office. That has created a power vacuum. The Bangladesh National Party (BNP) led by former PM Khaleda Zia, who has now been released from house arrest, is a formidable political force.
In the past, the BNP has governed in coalition with Jamaat-e-Islami. It is an Islamic organization whose members have been known to espouse anti-western views.
This will worry Japan, which has been the target of extremists in Bangladesh, with terrible consequences.
Since then, Dr Yunas has gone on to win the Nobel Prize for economics. His work has been lauded internationally. He strikes me as a wise and selfless person. I expect him to be a good influence on his country and will do his best to foster good relations with other nations.
However, it would be wrong to overstate his influence. To call Dr Yunas an "interim leader" is somewhat misleading. He has accepted the position of advisor, yet at this stage, it is not really clear what kind of government he will advise. Dr Yunus himself has admitted he has inherited a "complete mess."
Politicians loyal to the ousted prime minister, Sheik Hasina have been hounded from office. That has created a power vacuum. The Bangladesh National Party (BNP) led by former PM Khaleda Zia, who has now been released from house arrest, is a formidable political force.
In the past, the BNP has governed in coalition with Jamaat-e-Islami. It is an Islamic organization whose members have been known to espouse anti-western views.
This will worry Japan, which has been the target of extremists in Bangladesh, with terrible consequences.
Bakery Massacre
Islamists belonging to a group called Jamaat-ul-Mujahideen Bangladesh (JMB) murdered seven Japanese people in Dhaka in 2016.
Nine Italians, an American and an Indian were also killed in the attack on the Holey Artisan cafe, which was popular with foreigners.
The Japanese victims — five men and two women — were associated with JICA, the government agency that had been tasked with trying to help Bangladesh.
Seven terrorists behind the attack were later tried and put to death.
It took a long time for foreigners to feel safe in Bangladesh following that horrific incident. It still serves as a reminder that foreigners should not take risks there until law and order are reestablished.
That may take time. There is also a possibility that the military could cling to power in a de facto coup d'etat, or even that Islamist factions could seize the government.
Student Revolt
Military generals were not the instigators of this summer's revolution, nor were the opposition politicians from the BNP.
It was students who were at the vanguard of the protests. Their primary gripe was that an authoritarian leader had rigged the jobs market in favor of her cronies.
The students wanted a fairer system. They probably didn't realize that their campaign would gain momentum nationwide and end up with the Prime Minister fleeing the country in a helicopter, while her palace was looted.
So should the students lead the country? Even if that seems like a just outcome and a manifestation of people power, the students do not have a political party to represent them. Dr Yunas has mooted the idea that they could create one. That will not be easy.
Bangladesh is a young country. Democracy has not grown deep roots. It is now entering a period of major uncertainty.
I recognize that Japan has provided support for many valuable projects over the years. Japan is a popular country in Bangladesh and avoids meddling in politics.
But for the time being, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs in Tokyo and agencies such as JICA need to be cautious. My hope is that we will eventually see suitable conditions for constructive engagement. I wish Dr Yunas well as he takes on the greatest struggle of his career.
RELATED:
Protests in Bangladesh: Implications for India and Japan
Author: Duncan Bartlett, Diplomatic Correspondent
Mr Bartlett is the Diplomatic Correspondent for JAPAN Forward and a Research Associate at the SOAS China Institute. Read his other articles and essays.
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