It’s possible that I shall make an ass of myself. But in that case one can always get out of it with a little dialectic. I have, of course, so worded my proposition as to be right either way (K.Marx, Letter to F.Engels on the Indian Mutiny)
Thursday, January 16, 2020
Is it permissible to challenge the official narrative on Syria?
SAMIR SAUL AND RACHAD ANTONIUS, ARTICLE JANUARY 6, 2020
A handout picture released by the official Syrian Arab News Agency (SANA), shows Syrian army units and pro-government forces deploying at an undisclosed location in the Atshan village in central province of Hama, on October 11, 2015.
Last month, two conferences were scheduled in Montreal as part of Vanessa Beeley’s Canadian tour. As soon as they were announced, the speaker was subjected to volleys of invective, insults and slander from the proponents of the official narrative on Syria. The strategy was clear: smear the person to distract attention from what she was saying, attack the messenger so that the message would not be heard. The conference scheduled at the Université de Montréal was cancelled. The other was held as planned at the Centre Saint-Pierre, despite pressures. It drew a sellout crowd.
Beeley is an investigative journalist who has been on the ground in Syria and whose independent journalism has been recognized in Great Britain by a various institutions. Her links with the Arab world go back to her childhood; her father, Sir Harold Beeley, was a diplomat, a historian and an ambassador to the Middle East.
Beeley’s investigations contradict the official account on Syria. Among other things, she questioned the role of the White Helmets and showed that this organization was created in Turkey in 2013 by a British army officer, James Le Mesurier. On the basis of official documents, she demonstrated that the White Helmets were funded mainly by the British and American governments. She pointed out that they shared premises and even leadership with jihadist groups in Syria.
Wars and Lies
Every war is justified by an official narrative, repeated over and over again. Then reality catches up with it, truth comes out and the story falls apart, often after the fact. The narrative is then discredited, debunked and discarded. The war against Syria is no exception; many distortions and falsehoods are already discredited. Consider the following.
The downfall of the Syrian regime was presented as imminent in 2011; it is still in place. The conflict was supposed to be confessional; it is not, despite all efforts to ignite sectarian discord. The war was described as civil; it is a national war against foreign interventions that have hardly been concealed and which have now turned into open American occupation of oil-rich regions of Syria. The militiamen were described as “moderate rebels”; they are jihadists practicing terrorism, with thousands of foreigners among them. Bashar al-Assad was described as unpopular; he was re-elected in 2014 in a landslide. The voting behaviour of Syrian refugees in Lebanon was telling; far from possible control by Syrian authorities, they cast their ballots overwhelmingly in favour of the Syrian government, confounding those who assumed they would condemn it. A genocide was predicted when Aleppo was taken back in December 2016; in fact, the population of the city rediscovered the social and even the festive life they had been deprived of by the war. The Syrian government was accused of using chemical weapons; but its stockpile was destroyed in 2013 under the aegis of the United States, while the jihadists kept theirs.
Listening or gagging?
Any position must be accepted or rejected on its merits, not by defamation or denial of speech. Attendees at the conference had the right attitude. They came in large numbers to judge for themselves. As for the academic world, it is based on certain fundamental principles, such as the examination of a diversity of analyses in order to evaluate them and reach conclusions, and a critical approach toward everything. That is the bedrock of the quest for knowledge which is the mission of universities. Such a fact is not necessarily to the liking of certain economic, political or ideological interests, which may seek to muzzle, mislead or spook academics in order to hinder free thought and to dissuade the very people whose function is to defend it.
That the Syrian regime has been authoritarian or that it has committed abuses is not in doubt. It is far from perfect. Like all peoples in the Middle East and elsewhere, the Syrian people want change. But it is up to them to determine what those changes will be, not to foreign governments acting by means of armed jihadist militias.
Those who lied about the war against Iraq in 2003 are the same people who disseminate the official narrative on Syria. One must have a short memory to believe them. Critics who have gone against the tide have often been right in past wars. They often anticipate what history will later confirm. Their input must therefore be taken into account, while the right to question what they say must be preserved. Beeley is one of those voices challenging official truths. She does not claim to be infallible, but she does reveal aspects of the war in Syria that few observers see or analyze. She should be heard and not censored, always with a critical mind.
Samir Saul is a professor of history at the Université de Montréal. His centres of interest concern France and the Arab World. His investigations focus on the relations between the political and economic dimensions on the international front. In economic history, he studies capital flows, international trade and the history of industries. He is a founding member and coordinator for the Groupement interuniversitaire pour l’histoire des relations internationales (GIHRIC).
Rachad Antonius is a Professor of Sociology at the Université du Québec à Montréal. Born in Cairo, Egypt, he graduated with a B.Sc. (Hons) in Pure and Applied Mathematics from Cairo University. He completed a M.Sc. degree in Mathematics at the University of Manitoba, then a Ph.D. in Sociology at the Universite du Quebec at Montreal. He teaches quantitative methods and research methodology, and he also specializes in migration studies, and Middle-Eastern studies.
Statement on the Assassination of Qassim Suleimani and its Aftermath
INTERNATIONAL ALLIANCE IN SUPPORT OF WORKERS IN IRAN JANUARY 7, 2020
Iranian mourners lift a picture of slain military commander Qassim Suleimani during a funeral procession in Tehran. Photo by Atta Kenare/AFP.
The US military’s assassination of Qasem Soleimani, one of the top military commanders of the Islamic Republic of Iran’s (IRI) expansionist regional policies and its proxy wars in the Middle East, can lead to retaliation by the Islamic regime. Such retaliation, the threat of further US retaliation and a chain reaction could further destabilize the region and endanger the lives of thousands of Iraqis, Iranians and other ordinary people in the Middle East. IASWI strongly condemns the Trump Administration’s military adventurism in Iraq, which is a continuation of the catastrophic US invasion of this country.
Furthermore, we denounce IRI’s bloody interventions in Iraq and its participation in repression of the Iraqi protesters. We support the demands of many Iranians and Iraqis, particularly during the recent uprisings, calling on both American and Iranian military and paramilitary forces to leave Iraq immediately and refrain from further endangering the lives of Iraqis and other people in the region.
Internationalist and Anti-Capitalist Perspective
Our position, informed consistently by the Iranian labour movement and socialist forces on the ground, has been clear throughout the years. We continue to look at this prolonged conflict between a globally criminal imperial power and a brutal and corrupt regional power from an internationalist anti-capitalist perspective. We unreservedly oppose economic sanctions and military interventions and wars by the US and its reactionary allies, i.e. Saudi Arabia, Israel…, while simultaneously supporting the class war against the reactionary ruling capitalist system that has been taking place in Iran.
The class war between the repressive capitalist regime and employers and the working class and oppressed people in Iran have taken tens of thousands of lives throughout the years. Within the first three days of the recent uprising in Iran, November 15, 2019, hundreds to reportedly 1500 protesters, mostly young people from working class areas, were killed and up to 10,000 were arrested while thousands got injured. Families of those killed and arrested have been threatened not to speak out publicly or to hold public memorials. Security forces, including the notorious killer members of the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps that Soleimani belonged to, have been everywhere to prevent and crush any grassroots gatherings except those sanctioned by the government. Unfortunately, these protests received little pro-active support from progressive groups in the West although many trade unions internationally condemned the suppression of the protesters.
In the past 40 years, tens of thousands of labour activists, communists, feminists and real anti- imperialists have been executed, imprisoned, tortured, flogged and banned from workplaces and schools in Iran by the Islamic Republic of Iran. All socialist, communist, left and labour groups are banned and oppressed by the IRI, and that’s not a new phenomenon but a common practice for almost 40 years. Workers and labour activists organizing for their most basic rights have been violently persecuted, tortured and imprisoned.
We reiterate our position for the past 20 years:
A working class and progressive position defends a real peace and the independence of the workers’ movement: an anti-capitalist position not only opposes economic sanctions but also any attempts by the US and its allies to pursue war against Iran, while, at the same time, supporting the ever-increasing workers’ struggles against the repressive Islamic regime and capitalists in Iran, that have been viciously implementing the most aggressive and ruthless anti-worker, totalitarian and neoliberal policies in this country’s contemporary history.
We believe the workers’ and socialist organizations and progressive forces in the West are rightly confronting their own capitalist governments especially US imperialism. A victorious class war against capitalism in the US and anywhere else in the West can help the working class around the world particularly in the Global South. However, this is a long process and will require enormous organizing, mobilization and sacrifices by the progressive forces in the West; thus and in the meantime, expecting the Iranian working class, oppressed people, women, socialist and other progressive forces to endure all these sufferings and stop organizing and fighting for their rights against the brutal capitalist regime in the name of the US threats is not acceptable, and frankly it is a racist and pro-capitalist approach, which amounts to apologism for a brutal regime.
Say no categorically and proactively to US warmongering and stand firmly in solidarity with the working class and the poor and oppressed people of Iran, and not the tyrannical Iranian regime, and help strengthen anti-capitalist, anti-poverty and social and economic justice movements in Iran and across the region.
No War But Class War!
Long Live International Working Class Solidarity!
Long Live International Working Class Solidarity!
The International Alliance in Support of Workers in Iran (IASWI) is an independent and progressive campaign in support of workers’ rights and struggles in Iran. Their website is workers-iran.org.
Remembering the Haiti earthquake, 10 years on
YVES ENGLER JANUARY 6, 2020
A woman prays amid the wreckage of Notre Dame de l’Assomption, the main cathedral in Port-au-Prince, on January 9, 2011. Image by Allison Shelley.
Ten years ago Sunday an earthquake devastated Haiti. After just several minutes of violent shaking, hundreds of thousands perished in Port-au-Prince and its surrounding regions and many more were permanently scarred.
It is important to commemorate this horrifying tragedy. Yet this solemn occasion is also a good moment to reflect on Canada’s role in undermining the beleaguered nation’s capacity to prepare for, respond to, and overcome natural disasters.
Asked for my thoughts on Canada’s role in Haiti the day after the quake, I told reporter Paul Koring that so long as the power dynamics in the country did not shift there would be little change:
“Cynically, it feels like a ‘pity time for the Haitians’ but I doubt much will really change,” says Yves Engler, a left-wing activist from Montreal who blames the United States, along with Canada, for decades of self-interested meddling in Haitian affairs. “We bear some responsibility … because our policies have undermined Haiti’s capacity to deal with natural disasters.”
Unfortunately, Canada’s response was worse than I could have imagined. Immediately after the quake, decision makers in Ottawa were more concerned with controlling Haiti than assisting victims. To police Haiti’s traumatized and suffering population, 2,050 Canadian troops were deployed alongside 12,000 US soldiers (8,000 UN soldiers were already there). Though Ottawa rapidly deployed more than two thousand troops, they ignored calls to dispatch this country’s Heavy Urban Search and Rescue (HUSAR) teams, which are trained to “locate trapped persons in collapsed structures.”
According to internal government documents examined by the Canadian Press one year after the disaster, officials in Ottawa feared a post-earthquake power vacuum could lead to a “popular uprising.” One briefing note marked “secret” explained: “Political fragility has increased the risks of a popular uprising, and has fed the rumour that ex-president Jean-Bertrand Aristide, currently in exile in South Africa, wants to organize a return to power.” Six years earlier the US, France and Canada helped to oust the elected president.
Canada and the United States’ indifference and contempt towards Haitian sovereignty was also on display in the reconstruction effort. Thirteen days after the quake, Canada organized a high profile Ministerial Preparatory Conference on Haiti for major international donors. Two months later Canada co-chaired the New York International Donors’ Conference “Towards a New Future for Haiti”. At these conferences Haitian officials played a tertiary role in the discussions. Subsequently, the US, France and Canada demanded the Haitian parliament pass an 18-month-long state of emergency law that effectively gave up state control over the reconstruction. They held up money to ensure international control of the Interim Commission for the Reconstruction of Haiti, authorized to spend some $3 billion on rebuilding efforts.
Most of the money that was distributed went to foreign aid workers who received relatively extravagant salaries, or to expensive contracts gobbled up by Western and Haitian elite-owned companies. According to an Associated Press assessment of the aid delivered by the US in the two months after the quake, one cent on the dollar went to the Haitian government (thirty-three cents went to the US military). Canadian aid patterns were similar. Jonathan Katz, author of The Big Truck That Went By: How the World Came to Save Haiti and Left Behind a Disaster, writes, “Canada disbursed $657 million from the quake to September 2012 ‘for Haiti’, but only about 2% went to the Haitian government.”
Other investigations found equally startling numbers. Having raised $500 million for Haiti and publicly boasted about its housing efforts, the US Red Cross built only six permanent homes in the country.
Not viewing the René Preval government as fully compliant, the US, France and Canada pushed for elections months after the earthquake. Six weeks before the quake, according to a cable released by Wikileaks, Canadian and EU officials complained that Préval “emasculated” the country’s right-wing. In response, they proposed to “purchase radio airtime for opposition politicians to plug their candidacies” or they may “cease to be much of a meaningful force in the next government.”
After the first round of the presidential election US and Canadian representatives pressured the electoral council to replace the second-place candidate, Jude Celestin, with Michel Martelly in the runoff. A six-person Organization of American States (OAS) mission, including a Canadian representative, concluded that Martelly deserved to be in the second round. But, in analyzing the OAS methodology, the Washington-based Center for Economic and Policy Research, determined that “the Mission did not establish any legal, statistical, or other logical basis for its conclusions.” Nevertheless, Ottawa and Washington pushed the Haitian government to accept the OAS’s recommendations. Foreign minister Lawrence Cannon said he “strongly urges the Provisional Electoral Council to accept and implement the [OAS] report’s recommendations and to proceed with the next steps of the electoral process accordingly.”
A supporter of the 1991 and 2004 coups against Aristide, Martelly was a teenaged member of the François Duvalier dictatorship’s Tonton Macoute death squad. He is a central figure in the multi-billion dollar Petrocaribe corruption scandal that has spurred massive protests and strikes against illegitimate, repressive and corrupt president Jovenel Moïse. A disciple of Martelly, Moïse is president today because he has the backing of the US, Canada and other members of the so-called “Core Group.”
There was an outpouring of empathy and solidarity from ordinary Canadians after the earthquake. But officials in Ottawa saw the disaster as a political crisis to manage and an opportunity to expand their economic and political influence over Haiti. On the tenth anniversary of this solemn occasion it is important to reflect not only on this tragedy but to understand what has been done by Canada’s government in our name and to learn from it so we can stop politicians from their ongoing strangulation of this beleaguered nation.
Yves Engler has been dubbed “one of the most important voices on the Canadian Left today” (Briarpatch), “in the mould of I.F. Stone” (Globe and Mail), and “part of that rare but growing group of social critics unafraid to confront Canada’s self-satisfied myths” (Quill & Quire). He has published nine books.
SEE https://plawiuk.blogspot.com/search?q=HAITI
SEE https://plawiuk.blogspot.com/search?q=IMPERIALISM
SEE https://plawiuk.blogspot.com/search?q=SWEAT+SHOP
SEE https://plawiuk.blogspot.com/search?q=COLONIALISM
SEE https://plawiuk.blogspot.com/search?q=QUEBEC
SEE https://plawiuk.blogspot.com/search?q=CANADA
SEE https://plawiuk.blogspot.com/search?q=CLR+JAMES
SEE https://plawiuk.blogspot.com/search?q=BLACK+JACOBINS
All Eyes on Wet’suwet’en: International Call for Week of Solidarity
UNIST’OT’EN CAMP JANUARY 8, 2020
Marching down Main Street in Smithers. B.C. chiefs gather in Smithers to support Wet’suwet’en hereditary chiefs’ position on Unist’ot’en camp and opposition to Coastal GasLink natural gas pipeline. Photo by Chris Gareau.
We call for solidarity actions from Indigenous and non-Indigenous communities who uphold Indigenous sovereignty and recognize the urgency of stopping resource extraction projects that threaten the lives of future generations.
Unceded and sovereign Wet’suwet’en land is under attack. On December 31, 2019, BC Supreme Court Justice Marguerite Church granted an injunction against members of the Wet’suwet’en nation who have been stewarding and protecting our traditional territories from the destruction of multiple pipelines, including Coastal GasLink’s (CGL) liquified natural gas (LNG) pipeline. Hereditary Chiefs of all five Wet’suwet’en clans have rejected Church’s decision, which criminalizes Anuk ‘nu’at’en (Wet’suwet’en law), and have issued and enforced an eviction of CGL’s workers from the territory. The last CGL contractor was escorted out by Wet’suwet’en Chiefs on Saturday, January 4, 2020.
We watched communities across Canada and worldwide rise up with us in January 2019 when the RCMP violently raided our territories and criminalized us for upholding our responsibilities towards our land. Our strength to act today comes from the knowledge that our allies across Canada and around the world will again rise up with us, as they did for Oka, Gustafsen Lake, and Elsipogtog, shutting down rail lines, ports, and industrial infrastructure and pressuring elected government officials to abide by UNDRIP. The state needs to stop violently supporting those members of the 1% who are stealing our resources and condemning our children to a world rendered uninhabitable by climate change.
Light your sacred fires and come to our aid as the RCMP prepares again to enact colonial violence against Wet’suwet’en people.
We ask that all actions taken in solidarity are conducted peacefully and according to the laws of the Indigenous nation(s) of that land.
For more information:
War With Iran
CHRIS HEDGES JANUARY 5, 2020
The streets of Tehran and other cities across the country were flooded with protesters early Friday morning, January 3, as mourners grieved the death of Qassem Soleimani. Photo by Tauseef Mustafa/AFP.
The assassination by the United States of Gen. Qassem Soleimani, the head of Iran’s elite Quds Force, near Baghdad’s airport will ignite widespread retaliatory attacks against U.S. targets from Shiites, who form the majority in Iraq. It will activate Iranian-backed militias and insurgents in Lebanon and Syria and throughout the Middle East. The existing mayhem, violence, failed states and war, the result of nearly two decades of U.S. blunders and miscalculations in the region, will become an even wider and more dangerous conflagration. The consequences are ominous. Not only will the U.S. swiftly find itself under siege in Iraq and perhaps driven out of the country—there is only a paltry force of 5,200 U.S. troops in Iraq, all U.S. citizens in Iraq have been told to leave the country “immediately” and the embassy and consular services have been closed—but the situation could also draw us into a war directly with Iran. The American Empire, it seems, will die not with a whimper but a bang.
The targeting of Soleimani, who was killed by a MQ-9 Reaper drone that fired missiles into his convoy as he was leaving the Baghdad airport, also took the life of Abu Mahdi al-Muhandis, the deputy commander of Iran-backed militias in Iraq known as the Popular Mobilization Forces, along with other Iraqi Shiite militia leaders. The strike may temporarily bolster the political fortunes of the two beleaguered architects of the assassination, Donald Trump and Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, but it is an act of imperial suicide by the United States. There can be no positive outcome. It opens up the possibility of an Armageddon-type scenario relished by the lunatic fringes of the Christian right.
A war with Iran would see it use its Chinese-supplied anti-ship missiles, mines and coastal artillery to shut down the Strait of Hormuz, which is the corridor for 20% of the world’s oil supply. Oil prices would double, perhaps triple, devastating the global economy. The retaliatory strikes by Iran on Israel, as well as on American military installations in Iraq, would leave hundreds, maybe thousands, of dead. The Shiites in the region, from Saudi Arabia to Pakistan, would see an attack on Iran as a religious war against Shiism. The two million Shiites in Saudi Arabia, concentrated in the oil-rich Eastern province, the Shiite majority in Iraq and the Shiite communities in Bahrain, Pakistan and Turkey would turn in fury on us and our dwindling allies. There would be an increase in terrorist attacks, including on American soil, and widespread sabotage of oil production in the Persian Gulf. Hezbollah in southern Lebanon would renew attacks on northern Israel. War with Iran would trigger a long and widening regional conflict that, by the time it was done, would terminate the American Empire and leave in its wake mounds of corpses and smoldering ruins. Let us hope for a miracle to pull us back from this Dr. Strangelove self-immolation.
Iran, which has vowed “harsh retaliation,” is already reeling under the crippling economic sanctions imposed by the Trump administration when it unilaterally withdrew in 2018 from the Iranian nuclear arms deal. Tensions in Iraq between the U.S. and the Shiite majority, at the same time, have been escalating. On Dec. 27 Katyusha rockets were fired at a military base in Kirkuk where U.S. forces are stationed. An American civilian contractor was killed and several U.S. military personnel were wounded. The U.S. responded on Dec. 29 by bombing sites belonging to the Iranian-backed Kataib Hezbollah militia. Two days later Iranian-backed militias attacked the U.S. Embassy in Baghdad, vandalizing and destroying parts of the building and causing its closure. But this attack will soon look like child’s play.
Iraq after our 2003 invasion and occupation has been destroyed as a unified country. Its once-modern infrastructure is in ruins. Electrical and water services are, at best, erratic. There is high unemployment and discontent over widespread government corruption that has led to bloody street protests. Warring militias and ethnic factions have carved out competing and antagonistic enclaves. At the same time, the war in Afghanistan is lost, as the Afghanistan Papers published by the Washington Post detail. Libya is a failed state. Yemen after five years of unrelenting Saudi airstrikes and a blockade is enduring one of the world’s worst humanitarian disasters. The “moderate” rebels we funded and armed in Syria at a cost of $500 million, after instigating a lawless reign of terror, have been beaten and driven out of the country. The monetary cost for this military folly, the greatest strategic blunder in American history, is between $5 trillion and $7 trillion.
So why go to war with Iran? Why walk away from a nuclear agreement that Iran did not violate? Why demonize a government that is the mortal enemy of the Taliban, along with other jihadist groups, including al-Qaida and Islamic State? Why shatter the de facto alliance we have with Iran in Iraq and Afghanistan? Why further destabilize a region already dangerously volatile?
The generals and politicians who launched and prosecuted these wars are not about to take the blame for the quagmires they created. They need a scapegoat. It is Iran. The hundreds of thousands of dead and maimed, including at least 200,000 civilians, and the millions driven from their homes into displacement and refugee camps cannot, they insist, be the result of our failed and misguided policies. The proliferation of radical jihadist groups and militias, many of which we initially trained and armed, along with the continued worldwide terrorist attacks, have to be someone else’s fault. The generals, the CIA, the private contractors and weapons manufacturers who have grown rich off these conflicts, the politicians such as George W. Bush, Barack Obama and Donald Trump, along with all the “experts” and celebrity pundits who serve as cheerleaders for endless war, have convinced themselves, and want to convince us, that Iran is responsible for our catastrophe.
The chaos and instability we unleashed in the Middle East, especially in Iraq and Afghanistan, left Iran as the dominant country in the region. Washington empowered its nemesis. It has no idea how to reverse its mistake other than to attack Iran.
Trump and Netanyahu, as well as Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman, are mired in scandal. They believe a new war would divert attention from their foreign and domestic crises. But they have no more rational strategy for war with Iran than they did for the wars in Afghanistan, Iraq, Libya, Yemen and Syria. European allies, whom Trump alienated when he walked away from the Iranian nuclear agreement, will not cooperate with Washington if the U.S. goes to war with Iran. The Pentagon lacks the hundreds of thousands of troops it would need to attack and occupy Iran. And the Trump administration’s view that the marginal and discredited Iranian resistance group Mujahedeen-e-Khalq (MEK), which fought alongside Saddam Hussein in the war against Iran and is seen by most Iranians as composed of traitors, is a viable counterforce to the Iranian government is ludicrous.
International law, along with the rights of 80 million people in Iran, is ignored just as the rights of the peoples of Afghanistan, Iraq, Libya, Yemen and Syria were ignored. The Iranians, whatever they feel about their despotic regime, would not see the United States as allies or liberators. They do not want to be occupied. They would resist.
A war with Iran would be seen throughout the region as a war against Shiism. But these are calculations that the ideologues, who know little about the instrument of war and even less about the cultures or peoples they seek to dominate, cannot fathom. Attacking Iran would be no more successful than the Israeli airstrikes on Lebanon in 2006, which failed to break Hezbollah and united most Lebanese behind that militant group. The Israeli bombing did not pacify four million Lebanese. What will happen if we begin to pound a country of 80 million people whose land mass is three times the size of France?
The United States, like Israel, has become a pariah that shreds, violates or absents itself from international law. We launch preemptive wars, which under international law is defined as a “crime of aggression,” based on fabricated evidence. We, as citizens, must hold our government accountable for these crimes. If we do not, we will be complicit in the codification of a new world order, one that would have terrifying consequences. It would be a world without treaties, statutes and laws. It would be a world where any nation, from a rogue nuclear state to a great imperial power, would be able to invoke its domestic laws to annul its obligations to others. Such a new order would undo five decades of international cooperation—largely put in place by the United States—and thrust us into a Hobbesian nightmare. Diplomacy, broad cooperation, treaties and law, all the mechanisms designed to civilize the global community, would be replaced by savagery.
Chris Hedges is a Truthdig columnist, a Pulitzer Prize-winning journalist, a New York Times best-selling author, a professor in the college degree program offered to New Jersey state prisoners by Rutgers University, and an ordained Presbyterian minister. He has written 12 books, including the New York Times best-seller “Days of Destruction, Days of Revolt” (2012), which he co-authored with the cartoonist Joe Sacco. His other books include “Wages of Rebellion: The Moral Imperative of Revolt,” (2015) “Death of the Liberal Class” (2010), “Empire of Illusion: The End of Literacy and the Triumph of Spectacle” (2009), “I Don’t Believe in Atheists” (2008) and the best-selling “American Fascists: The Christian Right and the War on America” (2008). His latest book is “America: The Farewell Tour” (2018). His book “War Is a Force That Gives Us Meaning” (2003) was a finalist for the National Book Critics Circle Award for Nonfiction and has sold over 400,000 copies. He writes a weekly column for the website Truthdig and hosts a show, “On Contact,” on RT America.
This article originally appeared on Truthdig.com.
Statement: Montreal academics against police brutality and right-wing Hindu nationalism in India
AYESHA VEMURI AND MEHAK SAWHNEY HUMAN RIGHTS, ARTICLE JANUARY 9, 2020
Protests are being held across India against the Citizenship Amendment Act (CAA), with the opposition accusing the government of furthering a hidden agenda to target Muslims. Photo by PTI.
The BJP government of Narendra Modi has been pushing an agenda to turn India into a Hindu State. The last straw has been the passing of a new Citizenship Amendment Act (CAA). The CAA defines citizenship on the basis of religion, something that has never been proposed in India before. It sets up a dangerous precedent which along with the proposed nation-wide implementation of the National Register of Citizens, will discriminate blatantly against the Muslim minority of 200 million (15% of the population). While it was quickly condemned by the UN Human Rights Commission as “bigoted discrimination”, we feel that nations around the world, including the Trudeau government here in Canada, need to add their voice and condemn this law in the strongest possible terms.
Massive protests have broken out across the country in defense of India’s secular, pluralist and democratic Constitution. The protests started on university campuses and quickly spread from the Northeast of India to the rest of the country, including large cities like Kolkata, Delhi, Mumbai, Bengaluru, Hyderabad, and Chennai. The Modi government reacted with disproportionate and brutal police violence against students and citizens, including noted public intellectuals. Many have been killed, maimed, or sexually abused.
The government also invoked an old British-era colonial law (section 144) to ban dissent and protest. It shut down the internet in many parts of the country, including the capital, New Delhi. And it warned all media not to report on the protests, threatening journalists who do so.
As people who believe in the principles of equality, secularism, and freedom, as members of the Indian diaspora, and the academic community in Montreal, we have drafted a statement of solidarity with students and citizens protesting in India. We have collected 335 signatures from students and professors at universities across Montreal. In addition, we have organized two demonstrations in solidarity with our friends, families and comrades in India, to show that they are not alone and the world sees them, and joins them in their fight to uphold democracy and equality in India. The first demonstration was largely student-led and was held at McGill on Friday, December 20. The second demonstration, held on Sunday, December 22 at Norman Bethune square, brought together many members of the Montreal community.
Since the signing of the statement below, the Indian government has escalated violence against peaceful protestors. To date, over 23 people have been killed while protesting, including an 8-year old boy. Hundreds have been injured and thousands have been arrested, wrongfully detained and even tortured. Despite the efforts of the government to quash dissent, hundreds of thousands of people have been out on the streets every day, protesting against this discriminatory law since it was passed on December 12, 2019. In addition, students across the globe have added their voices to the ongoing resistance against Hindu supremacism in India, and have gathered together in solidarity with protestors in India.
On January 5, a peaceful student protest at the Jawaharlal Nehru University was attacked by masked goons who charged students wielding sticks. More than 80 students and teachers have been admitted to hospital with injuries, many of whom are in critical condition. Aishe Ghosh—the student union President at the university in Delhi—needed about 16 stitches for a deep gash in her head. Video footage reveals that police present at the university stood by, enabling the assault to continue unimpeded for hours. Reports show that this assault was pre-planned and coordinated by the ABVP, the student wing of the Hindu right. This state-sanctioned violence against students and citizens is a reprehensible attack on human rights and freedoms, and we wholeheartedly condemn it.
Since the state crackdown on protestors in India has been so brutal, we are now seeking immediate and sustained international pressure on the Indian government. We call for government officials, business leaders, and all citizens and residents of Canada to unequivocally condemn the Indian government for its violent treatment of citizens, its disregard for human rights, and its discrimination against Muslims and other minority groups in India.
Demonstration in Montreal at Norman Bethune square against India’s new Citizenship Amendment Act, Sunday, December 22. Photo supplied by the authors.
We, the members of the Montreal academic community, stand in solidarity with students exercising their fundamental right to dissent and protest across India.
We condemn the brutality unleashed by the police against students of Jamia Millia Islamia, Aligarh Muslim University and many other academic institutions in the Northeastern states, and across the country. On the 15th of December, at JMI, police fired tear gas shells, entered hostels and attacked students studying in the library and praying in the mosque. Over 200 students have been severely injured, many who are in critical condition. There have also been reports of sexual harassment of female students by the police. A similar situation of violence has been unfolding at other universities, in some cases without any recourse to the press or public due to internet shutdowns and imposition of section 144.
For the Indian Government to mobilise police and paramilitary forces against its own non-violent and peacefully protesting students is emblematic of a troubling trend that attacks the very foundations of a democratic society. Under no circumstances should it be acceptable for the police to barge into University campuses, libraries, hostels or prayer spaces, to physically and verbally abuse and intimidate students and arbitrarily detain them. It is particularly concerning that this state-led repression is targeting students at majority-Muslim institutions, indicating the impunity with which the state can enact violence against minority populations in India. An atmosphere of fear, insecurity and anxiety is being deliberately created to brow-beat students into silence against what is a clear violation of the Indian Constitution and its secular ethic. To mischaracterize student protests as “riots,” and the police’s use of excessive force as justified “peacekeeping,” is an unlawful denial of students’ rights as citizens. We demand an immediate end to all forms of violence against the protesting students and call for accountability of those responsible.
Over the past several days, we have witnessed many peaceful protests and demonstrations against the National Register of Citizens (NRC) and the Citizenship Amendment Act (CAA), 2019. The Act provisions for preferential treatment of religious minorities from Pakistan, Bangladesh and Afghanistan seeking to acquire Indian citizenship, while explicitly excluding Muslim refugees from its purview. This blatant discrimination against Muslims violates the principles of equality, liberty, and secularism that form the basis of the Constitution of India. We lend our unconditional support to all those across India fighting this unconstitutional law and join their call for its immediate withdrawal
SEE https://plawiuk.blogspot.com/search?q=HINDUISM IS FASCISM, CASTISM AND RACISM
Blinding Kashmiris 2019
AZia
Interventions, 2019
Ather Zia
Since July 2016, Indian-administered Kashmir has again raged with mass protests favouring self-determination and freedom from India. In the protests more than ninety-eight people have been killed, over eleven thousand wounded, and more than eight hundred Kashmiris injured in the eyes or blinded by Indian troops using force against protestors and non-protestors alike. Since 1947, when the region was temporarily bifurcated between India and Pakistan, Indian-administered Kashmir has clamoured for a plebiscite, which the United Nations mandated so that the Kashmiri people could choose their own fate. The original options in the plebiscite were mergers with either of the two countries, but Kashmiris have increasingly demanded that a third option for an independent Kashmiri nation-state be added. While the majority of the Kashmiris seek independence, a small faction favours merger with Pakistan. Despite continuing demands for an independent nationhood – one that preceded the creation of India and Pakistan – Kashmir continues to be perceived simplistically as a bilateral dispute between the two nation-states. Using the analytic of “right to maim,” this essay illustrates how the Indian state “blinds” Kashmiri subjects by perfecting a technology of punishment that produces bodies incapable of physical resistance and as a representational threat to the rest of society. By making maiming as a punishment central, this essay will examine India's control of the Kashmir valley as a de facto military occupation.
Publication Date: 2019
Publication Name: Interventions
Constituting the Occupation: Preventive Detention and Permanent Emergency in Kashmir
Haley Duschinski
This article analyzes Indian occupation of Kashmir as a legal, social, and spatial process of asserting power through borders and jurisdictional claims, produced and reproduced through constitutional processes and legal institutions that have enacted generalized notions of emergency and crisis. We argue that the distinctive socio-spatial power structures established between India and Kashmir in a provisional capacity amidst war and partition at the time of independence have been legitimized through rights regimes established through the constitutional structure and institutionalized through laws, executive orders, and the judicial system. We examine how India's legal incorporation of Kashmir was embedded in the constitutional drafting process and the extension of fundamental rights to the region through presidential orders, and how this legal incorporation became sedimented through the work of the courts across time. Building on Ranabir Samaddar's discussion of " colonial constitutionalism, " we consider " occupational constitutionalism " as a form of foreign dominance and control produced through the annexation of part of Kashmir's territory and its legal sovereignty to India 2 in the aftermath of independence and reproduced through a series of legal mechanisms and processes across time that institute a state of emergency and permanent crisis in Kashmir.
India’s Obsession With Kashmir: Democracy, Gender, (Anti)Nationalism
Kaul, N. (2018) "India's Obsession with Kashmir: Democracy, Gender, (Anti) Nationalism", Feminist Review, Special Issue on Feminism, Protest and the Neoliberal State in India, Number 119, July (forthcoming). , 2018
Nitasha Kaul
This article attempts to make sense of India's obsession with Kashmir by way of a gendered analysis. I begin by drawing attention to the historical and continuing failure of Indian democracy in Kashmir that results in the violent and multifaceted dehumanisation of Kashmiris and, in turn, domesticates dissent on the question of Kashmir within India. This scenario has been enabled by the persuasive appeal of a gendered masculinist nationalist neoliberal state currently enhanced in its Hindutva avatar. My focus is on understanding how the violence enacted upon the Kashmiri bodies is connected to feminised understanding of the body of Kashmir in India's imagination of itself as a nation-state. I argue that the gendered discourses of representation, cartography and possession are central to the way in which such nationalism works to legitimise and normalise the violence in Kashmir. I conclude with a few reflections on how Kashmir is a litmus test for the discourse on (anti)nationalism in contemporary India.
Publication Date: 2018
Publication Name: Kaul, N. (2018) "India's Obsession with Kashmir: Democracy, Gender, (Anti) Nationalism", Feminist Review, Special Issue on Feminism, Protest and the Neoliberal State in India, Number 119, July (forthcoming).
Women and Kashmir: Special Issue EPW/RWS
Economic & Political Weekly (RWS), 2018
Nitasha Kaul
Ather Zia
We would like to thank the guest editors Nitasha Kaul and Ather Zia, and the members of the editorial advisory group of the Review of Women's Studies Mary E John, J Devika, Kalpana Kannabiran, Samita Sen, and Padmini Swaminathan for putting together this issue on " Women and Kashmir.
A new addition to critical Kashmir studies resources: ‘Women and Kashmir: Knowing in Our Own Ways, ‘ published in Review of Women’s Studies, Economic and Political Weekly. An all Kashmiri women-scholars team: Nitasha Kaul and Ather Zia as guest co-editors, authors include Mona Bhan, Hafsa Kanjwal , Inshah Malik, Mir Fatimah Kanth, Samreen Mushtaq, Uzma Falak, Essar Batool and Aaliya Anjum.
Publication Date: 2018
Publication Name: Economic & Political Weekly (RWS)
AZia
Interventions, 2019
Ather Zia
Since July 2016, Indian-administered Kashmir has again raged with mass protests favouring self-determination and freedom from India. In the protests more than ninety-eight people have been killed, over eleven thousand wounded, and more than eight hundred Kashmiris injured in the eyes or blinded by Indian troops using force against protestors and non-protestors alike. Since 1947, when the region was temporarily bifurcated between India and Pakistan, Indian-administered Kashmir has clamoured for a plebiscite, which the United Nations mandated so that the Kashmiri people could choose their own fate. The original options in the plebiscite were mergers with either of the two countries, but Kashmiris have increasingly demanded that a third option for an independent Kashmiri nation-state be added. While the majority of the Kashmiris seek independence, a small faction favours merger with Pakistan. Despite continuing demands for an independent nationhood – one that preceded the creation of India and Pakistan – Kashmir continues to be perceived simplistically as a bilateral dispute between the two nation-states. Using the analytic of “right to maim,” this essay illustrates how the Indian state “blinds” Kashmiri subjects by perfecting a technology of punishment that produces bodies incapable of physical resistance and as a representational threat to the rest of society. By making maiming as a punishment central, this essay will examine India's control of the Kashmir valley as a de facto military occupation.
Publication Date: 2019
Publication Name: Interventions
Constituting the Occupation: Preventive Detention and Permanent Emergency in Kashmir
Haley Duschinski
This article analyzes Indian occupation of Kashmir as a legal, social, and spatial process of asserting power through borders and jurisdictional claims, produced and reproduced through constitutional processes and legal institutions that have enacted generalized notions of emergency and crisis. We argue that the distinctive socio-spatial power structures established between India and Kashmir in a provisional capacity amidst war and partition at the time of independence have been legitimized through rights regimes established through the constitutional structure and institutionalized through laws, executive orders, and the judicial system. We examine how India's legal incorporation of Kashmir was embedded in the constitutional drafting process and the extension of fundamental rights to the region through presidential orders, and how this legal incorporation became sedimented through the work of the courts across time. Building on Ranabir Samaddar's discussion of " colonial constitutionalism, " we consider " occupational constitutionalism " as a form of foreign dominance and control produced through the annexation of part of Kashmir's territory and its legal sovereignty to India 2 in the aftermath of independence and reproduced through a series of legal mechanisms and processes across time that institute a state of emergency and permanent crisis in Kashmir.
India’s Obsession With Kashmir: Democracy, Gender, (Anti)Nationalism
Kaul, N. (2018) "India's Obsession with Kashmir: Democracy, Gender, (Anti) Nationalism", Feminist Review, Special Issue on Feminism, Protest and the Neoliberal State in India, Number 119, July (forthcoming). , 2018
Nitasha Kaul
This article attempts to make sense of India's obsession with Kashmir by way of a gendered analysis. I begin by drawing attention to the historical and continuing failure of Indian democracy in Kashmir that results in the violent and multifaceted dehumanisation of Kashmiris and, in turn, domesticates dissent on the question of Kashmir within India. This scenario has been enabled by the persuasive appeal of a gendered masculinist nationalist neoliberal state currently enhanced in its Hindutva avatar. My focus is on understanding how the violence enacted upon the Kashmiri bodies is connected to feminised understanding of the body of Kashmir in India's imagination of itself as a nation-state. I argue that the gendered discourses of representation, cartography and possession are central to the way in which such nationalism works to legitimise and normalise the violence in Kashmir. I conclude with a few reflections on how Kashmir is a litmus test for the discourse on (anti)nationalism in contemporary India.
Publication Date: 2018
Publication Name: Kaul, N. (2018) "India's Obsession with Kashmir: Democracy, Gender, (Anti) Nationalism", Feminist Review, Special Issue on Feminism, Protest and the Neoliberal State in India, Number 119, July (forthcoming).
Women and Kashmir: Special Issue EPW/RWS
Economic & Political Weekly (RWS), 2018
Nitasha Kaul
Ather Zia
We would like to thank the guest editors Nitasha Kaul and Ather Zia, and the members of the editorial advisory group of the Review of Women's Studies Mary E John, J Devika, Kalpana Kannabiran, Samita Sen, and Padmini Swaminathan for putting together this issue on " Women and Kashmir.
A new addition to critical Kashmir studies resources: ‘Women and Kashmir: Knowing in Our Own Ways, ‘ published in Review of Women’s Studies, Economic and Political Weekly. An all Kashmiri women-scholars team: Nitasha Kaul and Ather Zia as guest co-editors, authors include Mona Bhan, Hafsa Kanjwal , Inshah Malik, Mir Fatimah Kanth, Samreen Mushtaq, Uzma Falak, Essar Batool and Aaliya Anjum.
Publication Date: 2018
Publication Name: Economic & Political Weekly (RWS)
SEE https://plawiuk.blogspot.com/search?q=HINDUISM IS FASCISM, CASTISM AND RACISM
The Resurgence of Hindu Nationalism
https://www.academia.edu/13119289/The_Resurgence_of_Hindu_Nationalism
Anna Juhos
In spite of India’s growing middle class and significant economic development over the last decade, its democracy has been challenged by the growing number of right-wing organisations and their supporters in India. At the centre of this research is the question why modernization and economic growth have not led to increased secularization of society, as it happened in the West? Additionally, what are the factors which pose a threat to democracy and secularism? I argue that the way modernization and economic growth have come about in India have not led to increased democratization and secularization but lent support to the right wing and caused the resurgence of Hindu nationalism. This resurgence and the consequent stagnating, or one can argue reversed, secularization process resulted from the combined effect of some deeper (indirect) determinants and proximate (direct) causes. In the first category I include the retreat of the state together with an expanding private and unorganized sector, the problem of 'jobless growth', additionally, the one-sided focus on institutional/procedural democracy and the relative neglect of substantive/representative democracy. Resulting from these, the proximate causes are the spread of grassroots, service-providing right-wing organisations, and the successful rhetoric applied about a new, rising and united India, envisaged by the right wing to gain support.
The right-wing populism of India's Bharatiya Janata Party (and why comparativists should care) Democratization, 2018
Duncan McDonnell
Despite the vast amount of comparative research on right-wing populist parties over the past decade, there has been little work on non-European parties (as opposed to leaders). In this article, we argue that the international literature on populist parties has largely overlooked a significant non-European case: India’s ruling Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP – Indian People’s Party). Following the ideational approach to understanding populism, we examine whether the three distinguishing features of right-wing populism – its conceptions of “the people”, “elites” and “others” – are reflected in the views from interviews we conducted with BJP officials and representatives. We find that they are and so then consider whether they have been manifest in actions and statements while in power or whether, as some scholars claim, governing parties like the BJP moderate their populism. We conclude that the BJP can be very fruitfully included in comparative research on right-wing populist parties and propose a series of concrete ways in which this could be pursued.
RISE OF THE POLITICAL RIGHT IN INDIA: HINDUTVA-DEVELOPMENT MIX, MODI MYTH, AND DUALITIES
Kaul, N. (2017) "Rise of the Political Right in India: Hindutva-Development Mix, Modi Myth, And Dualities", Journal of Labor and Society, Volume 20, Number 4, pp. 523-548., 2017
Nitasha Kaul
We are witnessing a global phenomenon of the rise of right-wing leaders who combine nationalist rhetoric with a claim to challenge the pernicious effects of neoliberalism. But, upon achieving power, they do not oppose the business elite, instead, while paying lip service to the victims of economic processes, they direct the blame for those structural problems upon the minorities and " Others " within the rightwing nationalist imagination. In the Indian context, this is typified by the rise of Narendra Modi. The Modi-led BJP (Bharatiya Janata Party) and its coming to power in 2014 has similarities with Trump, and is also different from the earlier incarnations of the BJP. In the first part of this article, I explain the innovative nature of the specific Modi-mix of Hindutva and Development, and outline the toxic impact his right-wing populist government has had on a broad spectrum of Indian society and polity. However, in spite of the visible increase in real and symbolic violence across the country, Modi continues to remain popular and wield great influence. The second part of the article answers this apparent puzzle by providing an account of the work of the " Modi myth " that projects him as an ascetic, paternal, and decisive ruler. This political myth is constantly reinforced through medium, speech, and performance. Further, given the many disparate constituencies with differing concerns that Modi-led BJP addresses itself to, the policy inconsistencies are reconciled by a strategic and systematic use of " forked tongue " speech that presents the different interests as being uniform. A populist right-wing politics is constructed out of keeping these dualities in motion by speaking to the different constituencies with a forked tongue. I conclude by giving three examples of management of such dual domains: corporate/grassroots, national/international, India/Bharat.
Publication Date: 2017
https://www.academia.edu/13119289/The_Resurgence_of_Hindu_Nationalism
Anna Juhos
In spite of India’s growing middle class and significant economic development over the last decade, its democracy has been challenged by the growing number of right-wing organisations and their supporters in India. At the centre of this research is the question why modernization and economic growth have not led to increased secularization of society, as it happened in the West? Additionally, what are the factors which pose a threat to democracy and secularism? I argue that the way modernization and economic growth have come about in India have not led to increased democratization and secularization but lent support to the right wing and caused the resurgence of Hindu nationalism. This resurgence and the consequent stagnating, or one can argue reversed, secularization process resulted from the combined effect of some deeper (indirect) determinants and proximate (direct) causes. In the first category I include the retreat of the state together with an expanding private and unorganized sector, the problem of 'jobless growth', additionally, the one-sided focus on institutional/procedural democracy and the relative neglect of substantive/representative democracy. Resulting from these, the proximate causes are the spread of grassroots, service-providing right-wing organisations, and the successful rhetoric applied about a new, rising and united India, envisaged by the right wing to gain support.
The right-wing populism of India's Bharatiya Janata Party (and why comparativists should care) Democratization, 2018
Duncan McDonnell
Despite the vast amount of comparative research on right-wing populist parties over the past decade, there has been little work on non-European parties (as opposed to leaders). In this article, we argue that the international literature on populist parties has largely overlooked a significant non-European case: India’s ruling Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP – Indian People’s Party). Following the ideational approach to understanding populism, we examine whether the three distinguishing features of right-wing populism – its conceptions of “the people”, “elites” and “others” – are reflected in the views from interviews we conducted with BJP officials and representatives. We find that they are and so then consider whether they have been manifest in actions and statements while in power or whether, as some scholars claim, governing parties like the BJP moderate their populism. We conclude that the BJP can be very fruitfully included in comparative research on right-wing populist parties and propose a series of concrete ways in which this could be pursued.
RISE OF THE POLITICAL RIGHT IN INDIA: HINDUTVA-DEVELOPMENT MIX, MODI MYTH, AND DUALITIES
Kaul, N. (2017) "Rise of the Political Right in India: Hindutva-Development Mix, Modi Myth, And Dualities", Journal of Labor and Society, Volume 20, Number 4, pp. 523-548., 2017
Nitasha Kaul
We are witnessing a global phenomenon of the rise of right-wing leaders who combine nationalist rhetoric with a claim to challenge the pernicious effects of neoliberalism. But, upon achieving power, they do not oppose the business elite, instead, while paying lip service to the victims of economic processes, they direct the blame for those structural problems upon the minorities and " Others " within the rightwing nationalist imagination. In the Indian context, this is typified by the rise of Narendra Modi. The Modi-led BJP (Bharatiya Janata Party) and its coming to power in 2014 has similarities with Trump, and is also different from the earlier incarnations of the BJP. In the first part of this article, I explain the innovative nature of the specific Modi-mix of Hindutva and Development, and outline the toxic impact his right-wing populist government has had on a broad spectrum of Indian society and polity. However, in spite of the visible increase in real and symbolic violence across the country, Modi continues to remain popular and wield great influence. The second part of the article answers this apparent puzzle by providing an account of the work of the " Modi myth " that projects him as an ascetic, paternal, and decisive ruler. This political myth is constantly reinforced through medium, speech, and performance. Further, given the many disparate constituencies with differing concerns that Modi-led BJP addresses itself to, the policy inconsistencies are reconciled by a strategic and systematic use of " forked tongue " speech that presents the different interests as being uniform. A populist right-wing politics is constructed out of keeping these dualities in motion by speaking to the different constituencies with a forked tongue. I conclude by giving three examples of management of such dual domains: corporate/grassroots, national/international, India/Bharat.
Publication Date: 2017
Hindutva and Anti-Muslim Communal Violence in India Under the Bharatiya Janata Party (1990-2010)
2010
Globalisation and Hindu Radicalism in India
S. Mostafavi
Hindu Radicalism in India and the effect which it takes from Globalisation and its trend
Moditva in India: a threat to inclusive growth and democracy
https://www.academia.edu/36812115/Moditva_in_India_a_threat_to_inclusive_growth_and_democracy
Joseph Tharamangalam
Sociology/Anthropology Department, Mount St. Vincent University, Halifax, NS, Canada
ABSTRACT
This article examines the model of development and democracy in India under Narendra Modi’s leadership, since May 2014. Three ingredients of the model
–a hard-line, pro-business economic policy promising rapid growth; authoritarian governance (purportedly for effective action); and a Hindu nationalist ideology
–are assessed in theory and in practice. After considering both the development experience of Gujarat state under Modi (before 2014) and the Modi governments record since assuming power in Delhi, this article argues that the Modi model poses serious threats to inclusive and sustainable growth, hard-won social programmes, human and environmental rights and India’s multi-religious and pluralist democracy, regardless of the growth it might deliver.
2010
Globalisation and Hindu Radicalism in India
S. Mostafavi
Hindu Radicalism in India and the effect which it takes from Globalisation and its trend
Moditva in India: a threat to inclusive growth and democracy
https://www.academia.edu/36812115/Moditva_in_India_a_threat_to_inclusive_growth_and_democracy
Joseph Tharamangalam
Sociology/Anthropology Department, Mount St. Vincent University, Halifax, NS, Canada
ABSTRACT
This article examines the model of development and democracy in India under Narendra Modi’s leadership, since May 2014. Three ingredients of the model
–a hard-line, pro-business economic policy promising rapid growth; authoritarian governance (purportedly for effective action); and a Hindu nationalist ideology
–are assessed in theory and in practice. After considering both the development experience of Gujarat state under Modi (before 2014) and the Modi governments record since assuming power in Delhi, this article argues that the Modi model poses serious threats to inclusive and sustainable growth, hard-won social programmes, human and environmental rights and India’s multi-religious and pluralist democracy, regardless of the growth it might deliver.
SEE https://plawiuk.blogspot.com/search?q=HINDUISM IS FASCISM, CASTISM AND RACISM
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