Saturday, April 12, 2025

Leila Khaled: Bold, brave and beautiful

At the time of writing, although in a coma, the 80-year-old’s doctors have said that she is still fighting.


Political and social mural painting and graffitis illustrating the Palestinian woman Leila Khaled on the Israeli West Bank barrier in Bethlehem on April 10, 2014 in Palestine [Frédéric Soltan/Corbis via Getty Images]


It is with great sadness that I am writing this article about an amazing woman whose life in this world must be remembered for its drama, courage and determination. Her name is Leila Khaled and she was a source of inspiration and admiration for thousands of bewildered teenage girls in the 1970s, including myself.

Brought up in a tough, working class community in the North East of England, female role models were very thin on the ground, so when this Audrey Hepburn lookalike burst onto the scene brandishing a Kalashnikov AK47 rifle fearlessly, she captured the imagination of countless girls and young women around the world. She also put the plight of Palestine on the global agenda and those of us who bothered to read beyond the tabloid headlines were launched into a lifetime of demanding justice for the Palestinians. I had already signed my first petition for Palestine at the time, and was very angry about the situation in the Middle East.

It was the fashion in the 70s for school kids to lug their books around in army green vintage, military-style haversacks. The flap would often be hand-painted in black and white oils with an image of a popular icon. Schoolboys had Ernesto “Che” Guevara, the Argentine Marxist revolutionary, physician, author and guerrilla leader. After his death in 1967, his stylised image became a worldwide emblem for an array of causes, which really suited the narrative of angry young men desperate to be seen as cool.

So, while the rebellious boys swaggered around with images of Che on their haversacks, the girls had nobody but footballers or pop stars; either way they were comparatively lightweight. And then Leila Khaled came along as the world’s first female aircraft hijacker. Not only did she hijack a flight on its way from Rome to Tel Aviv on 29 August, 1969, and get away scot free, but she did it again the following year after cosmetic surgery to disguise her distinctive features. This time Khaled was arrested in London, although later released during a dramatic hostage exchange. And all of this before she was 30.

Here was a young woman who was fearless, apparently beyond the reach of the law, and prepared to die for her cause.

Not only was she glamorous, but she also appealed to many young girls like myself who wanted to identify with a legitimate and worthy cause that was regarded as a wee bit edgy in the 1970s.

Others named their new baby girls Leila or wore T-shirts emblazoned with her image, and the legend grew. While Che continued to be lionised, though, Leila Khaled drifted in and out of the headlines thanks to a male-dominated media which did not know how to handle a strong woman with an infinite capacity for bravery and courage.

Writer Paula Schmidt said of her in an in-depth interview: “For Leila, the role of refugee is ‘contemptible’ and ‘humiliating.’ Between two imposed options, that of submissively walking to collect a blanket and a ration card, and that of taking up a Kalashnikov, she chose the latter.”

Khaled was a Marxist just like Che, and she was also a member of the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine (PFLP). “When Leila Khaled hijacked her first plane, the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine was a left-wing organisation with international links and the declared intention of winning the return of the Palestinian people to the lands they had left only 20 years before,” said author Sarah Irving. “This was the era of Che Guevara, killed in Bolivia just two years earlier, and of liberation struggles in South-East Asia. The right of oppressed peoples to resist by armed means was discussed worldwide, and the heroes of these movements decorated the walls of student bedrooms and left-wing homes. The second wave of feminism was also breaking, adding another aspect to the environment in which news of this young female hijacker would be received.”



Sadly, I was not one of the pupils carrying a haversack with Leila’s iconic image on the cover after my father put his foot down. Looking back, Stanley Grammar School in the pit village of Tanfield, County Durham was probably not ready to swap its parochial outlook and embrace revolutionary or international Palestinian politics. I’ve no doubt I would’ve been hauled before our formidable headmaster and told to paint over Leila’s face. To my eternal shame I backed down and hated myself for being so lily-livered.

Despite all of this, Khaled became the poster girl of Palestinian militancy after her dramatic image flashed around the world, wearing a Palestinian keffiyeh and holding an AK-47. Looking at the Middle East today, I wonder at her bravery and courage because it is certainly lacking outside of Palestine just now.

Heroics of a different kind are being played out across the occupied West Bank and Gaza between young men locked in an armed and political struggle. The decline of the secular left has given way to the rise of Hamas, and the active roles played by women like Khaled have been virtually airbrushed from history.

We must reverse this trend, as news has reached me that Leila Khaled is now in a coma surrounded by her family at her home in Jordan.

I’ve no doubt that she was despairing at the lack of initiative shown by the Arab world and the old guard sitting in Ramallah. If she was still a young revolutionary she would probably take her gun and use it on the cowards in the security ranks of the Palestinian Authority. These men in Ramallah are handing over young Palestinian revolutionaries like Leila Khaled, to Israel and have even shot some of the youth who are rising up and resisting the brutal military occupation.

The situation for all Palestinians is getting worse because of the Ramallah-run Palestinian Authority and their corrupt ways. The old men in charge are the antithesis of Leila Khaled and if Palestine should disappear it will not be because of her efforts, but the lack of effort from the old guard.

“He is not gaining anything,” she said recently of PA leader Mahmoud Abbas. “He puts conditions and Israel ignores them. Israel doesn’t give him any hint that they will accept a single one of his conditions. Let me tell you. Arafat went to Oslo and signed [the agreement]. What did Israel do? They confined him in Muqata in one room and killed him.”

More importantly, she never lost sight or focus of the enemy of Palestine, asking the big question: “Who planted terrorism in our area? Some came and took our land, forced us to leave, forced us to live in camps. I think this is terrorism. Using means to resist this terrorism and stop its effects — this is called struggle.”

Sadly, for the rest of Palestine and the world, it seems that Leila Khaled’s struggle is nearing its end after suffering from a brain haemorrhage over the weekend. At the time of writing, although in a coma, the 80-year-old’s doctors have said that she is still fighting. I would expect nothing less from such a heroic figure.

Opinion
April 7, 2025 

The views expressed in this article belong to the author and do not necessarily reflect the editorial policy of Middle East Monitor.



 
Palestinian roots, Brazilian spirit: The impact of Palestinian-Brazilian women


A woman waves a Palestinian flag during a demonstration against Israel’s military offensive in the Gaza Strip in Rio de Janeiro, Brazil
[TERCIO TEIXEIRA/AFP via Getty Images]
April 11, 2025 
MEMO

Across oceans and continents, Palestinian women — whether in the besieged neighbourhoods of Gaza or the sprawling cities of Brazil — are united by a deep legacy of resistance. In the face of occupation, exile and systemic discrimination, their strength is not just survival — it’s the power to lead, organise and demand justice on their own terms.

For Palestinian women who have made Brazil their home, their journey is one of balancing and celebrating their Palestinian roots while embracing the opportunities and challenges of Brazilian life. These women have a foot in two worlds — one marked by the struggles of their ancestors and the other by the vibrant, ever-changing landscape of Brazil.

This unique blend of Palestinian heritage and Brazilian influence has created a distinctive identity for these women, allowing them to contribute to their communities in profound ways. From activism to cultural preservation, Palestinian women in Brazil are making a lasting impact.

When many Palestinians began to emigrate, particularly in the 1950s and 1960s, Brazil became one of the largest destinations for Palestinian refugees, particularly those fleeing the aftermath of war and occupation. Among them, Palestinian women carried their heritage to Brazil, not only as survivors but also as bearers of culture, stories, and a deep sense of identity.

READ: The Brazilian far right is pushing to oust a Councilwoman over her support for Palestine

One of the most visible aspects of this heritage has been the role Palestinian women have played in the cultural landscape of Brazil. Through food, art and music, they have helped introduce Palestinian culture to Brazilian society. The traditional Palestinian dishes such as musakhan, hummus and falafel have found a place in Brazilian kitchens, and Palestinian women have become key figures in preserving and sharing these culinary traditions.

But beyond food, Palestinian-Brazilian women have been active in preserving their heritage through education and arts. While cultural preservation is an important aspect of the Palestinian diaspora in Brazil, Palestinian women in the country are also making significant strides in the fields of social activism and political engagement. As the world continues to grapple with issues such as gender inequality, violence against women and social justice, Palestinian-Brazilian women have been active in raising their voices and creating change.

Similarly, many Palestinian women have become involved in the feminist movement in Brazil, highlighting the unique challenges faced by women from immigrant communities. In the context of Brazil’s political landscape, these women have worked to amplify the voices of marginalised communities, ensuring that the struggles of Palestinian women and other immigrant populations are not overlooked.

That spirit echoes through the lives of women like Fatima Hussein, a dentist and the first Muslim woman to run for city council in Florianopolis. Her campaign wasn’t only about breaking barriers in local politics — it was also a statement of presence. “I am here to give voice to the voiceless,” she declared, representing not only Muslim and Arab-Brazilian communities but the broader struggle of marginalised women across Brazil.



Fatima Hussein in her dental clinic. [Fatima Hussein/Middle East Monitor]Similarly, Soraya Misleh, a Brazilian journalist and activist of Palestinian descent, has dedicated her career to telling the Palestinian story through a feminist and anti-colonial lens. Her writings bridge Latin America and the Middle East, drawing attention to the common threads between Palestinian resistance and the struggles of Indigenous and Afro-Brazilian communities. Through her voice, Gaza’s pain becomes real in São Paulo — and so does its hope.

In academia, Soraya Musleh, a Brazilian researcher of Palestinian origin, has worked to dismantle stereotypes about Arab women, revealing the historical depth of their involvement in literature and political resistance. Her research on Palestinian women’s roles from the 19th century to the post-Nakba period shows that their fight has never been new — only rarely told.


Among the notable Palestinian-Brazilian women shaping their communities is Shahla Othman, whose personal story exemplifies resilience and cultural pride. Born in Brazil as the daughter of a Palestinian refugee, Shahla grew up deeply connected to both her Palestinian roots and her Brazilian heritage. This dual identity has fueled her commitment to building bridges of understanding, advocating passionately for refugee rights, and celebrating Palestinian culture within Brazilian society.

Through her activism and public engagements, Shahla consistently emphasises how her Palestinian background has profoundly influenced her values of perseverance and solidarity, while her Brazilian upbringing enriches her approach to multicultural dialogue and social justice. Shahla Othman stands as a vibrant symbol of how Palestinian-Brazilian women uniquely contribute to shaping inclusive and dynamic communities



Oula Al-Saghir, a Palestinian-Brazilian singer, embodies a vibrant fusion of her rich cultural roots with the dynamic spirit of her adopted homeland, Brazil. Born to Palestinian refugees in Syria, Oula discovered her passion for music through her father, an oud player, and began performing publicly at just four years old. Forced by conflict to relocate to Brazil, she continued pursuing her artistic dreams, founding the band Nahawand, which features Palestinian, Tunisian and Brazilian-Lebanese musicians, highlighting traditional Middle Eastern instruments like the bazuq, qanun and riq to celebrate and preserve Palestinian cultural heritage.

Oula’s artistic journey resonates profoundly with the unwavering resilience and steadfast resistance exhibited by Palestinian women in Gaza. Just as Oula channels displacement into powerful expressions of cultural preservation through music, women in Gaza stand as symbols of strength, sustaining their families and communities amidst immense hardship.


Dr. Bacila Badwan, a renowned cardiologist based in Santo Angelo, Rio Grande do Sul, is the daughter of a Palestinian refugee displaced during the 1948 Nakba. Born in Uruguaiana, a city in southern Brazil, she has not only built a distinguished medical career but has also emerged as a prominent civic and cultural leader.

As president of the Cruz de Lorena Women’s Rotary Club and an active member of the Palestinian Arab Federation of Brazil (FEPAL), Dr. Badwan exemplifies the dual commitment many Palestinian-Brazilian women carry: serving their local communities while remaining deeply connected to the struggle for justice in Palestine.

Her efforts were formally recognised when she was named an Honorary Citizen of Santo Angelo by Mayor Jacques Goncalves Barbosa.

Badwan’s story is part of a broader tapestry of Palestinian women across Brazil who are shaping society with purpose and resilience. Whether as doctors, educators, artists, or activists, these women are weaving their Palestinian heritage into the Brazilian social fabric — building bridges between continents and generations.

Their stories mirror those of women in Palestine who, in the face of daily adversity, remain pillars of strength. Whether raising families under occupation, organising communities, or leading resistance through education, these women reflect the same resilience seen in their diaspora sisters.
Netanyahu slams Canada PM over comment on Gaza genocide, arms embargo

BIBI ELECTION INTERFERENCE

April 11, 2025 
MEMO


Canadian Prime Minister Mark Carney gestures as he speaks during a campaign rally in Hamilton, Ontario, Canada on April 10, 2025 [Mert Alper Dervış/Anadolu Agency]

Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu yesterday criticised Canadian Prime Minister, Mark Carney, over comments made during a recent rally, accusing him of lending credibility to claims that Israel is committing genocide in Gaza.

“Instead of standing with Israel — a democracy fighting a just war against the Hamas barbarians — [Carney] chooses to attack the world’s only Jewish state,” Netanyahu posted on X, calling on Carney to “backtrack [his] irresponsible statement!”

The post came in response to footage from a Tuesday rally in Calgary, where a protester shouted, “Mr Carney, there is a genocide happening in Palestine.” Carney replied, “Thank you… I’m aware. Which is why we have an arms embargo.”

Carney later explained that due to the noise at the rally, held ahead of Canada’s 28 April election, he only caught part of what the protester shouted. “You hear snippets of what people say and I heard Gaza,” he said. “My point was I’m aware of the situation in Gaza.”

In March 2024, Ottawa announced it would halt all future arms exports to Israel. The decision was part of a broader parliamentary motion calling on the international community to advance a two-state solution to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, consistent with Canada’s long-standing policy. Previously, in September 2023, Canada had already suspended around 30 arms export permits to Israel.

Carney, formerly the governor of both the Bank of Canada and the Bank of England, became leader of the Liberal Party and was sworn in as prime minister in March 2024. He succeeded Justin Trudeau, who had served since 2015.

Majority of Canadians support continued arms ban on Israel, arrest warrant for Netanyahu: Poll

MEMO
March 26, 2025


Members of the Palestinian diaspora, students and local supporters of the Palestinian cause gather during the ‘Rage For Gaza!’ emergency demonstration outside the Alberta Legislature in Edmonton, Canada, on March 19, 2025. [Artur Widak – Anadolu Agency]

More than half of Canadians support maintaining a ban on weapons sales to Israel, with nearly half backing its expansion to include a full two-way weapons embargo, according to a recent poll, Anadolu Agency reports.

The Mainstreet Research survey, commissioned by the National Council of Canadian Muslims (NCCM), found that 55% of respondents support Canada’s prohibition of weapons exports to Israel due to the situation in the Gaza Strip.

Additionally, 49% believe Canada should go further by restricting the sale of weapons parts, military services and training to Israel.

The poll revealed strong public support for the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) arrest warrants for Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and his former Defense Minister Yoav Gallant.

More than 56% said Canada should uphold the ICC’s decision, which could theoretically lead to Netanyahu’s arrest if he enters the country.

Among Liberal Party voters, support for recognizing the ICC warrant is particularly high, with 70% in favor. Conservative voters are evenly split on the issue, with half either supporting Netanyahu’s arrest or are unsure.

The survey was conducted on a sample of 1,090 Canadians between March 22 and March 23, with a margin of error of +/- 3% at a 95% confidence level.

Canada announced a complete ban on all arms shipments to Israel in March 2024. Foreign Minister Melanie Joly said the decision followed a parliamentary motion that passed with a significant majority.

In September, Canada announced it was suspending 30 permits for arms sales to Israel and canceled a contract with a US company to sell Quebec-made ammunition to the Israeli army.


Democratic freedoms at risk as Germany’s new government prioritises support for Israel


After the Israel-Palestine-conflict escalated again and a new war starts in Israel, the Israeli flag is shown in front of the German parliament building in Berlin. [Photo via Getty Images]


Opinion
by Malika Salha
April 10, 2025 
MEMO

As Germany enters a new political chapter under the leadership of the Christian Democratic Union (CDU) and the Social Democratic Party (SPD), civil liberties are already showing signs of erosion. Both parties have pledged unwavering support for the Israeli government, but that loyalty now comes at the expense of Germany’s own democratic order. Protests are banned, speech is criminalised and legal procedures are bypassed – not for public safety, but to enforce ideological conformity with German foreign policy.

The doctrine of Staatsräson – a political reasoning the state gave itself that has no power of law and has long been cited as Germany’s historical obligation to Israel – is no longer symbolic. Under the incoming CDU-SPD coalition, it is being used to justify the political suppression of dissent, the misuse of police powers and interference with international legal obligations. What is under threat is not merely freedom of expression, but the very structure of the rule of law.

Undermining the ICC: Germany pledges protection for Netanyahu

As the International Criminal Court (ICC) prepares potential arrest warrants for Israeli leaders over alleged war crimes in Gaza, top German officials have made clear they will not comply. CDU leader Friedrich Merz announced that Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu would be protected from prosecution in Germany. Chancellor Olaf Scholz echoed the message, stating he “cannot imagine” Netanyahu being arrested on German soil.

These statements directly violate Germany’s obligations under the Rome Statute and the country’s ICC cooperation law (IStGHG). The judiciary – not the executive – is tasked with acting on international warrants. By pledging obstruction, both Merz and Scholz breach the separation of powers and subordinate political authority to legal procedure. What they offer instead is impunity, not justice.

On the ground: Protest bans and police violence


Since October 2023, pro-Palestinian demonstrations across Germany have been banned without legal justification. Registered protests have been cancelled minutes before they begin, often with excessive force deployed against participants. One Berlin-based activist described the shift:

“We arrived for a protest that had already been approved. The police cancelled it as the crowd gathered. Then they attacked us. Women were beaten. I’ve lived here for decades, but I’ve never seen the German police act this way.”

The violence is not random. Police officers have confirmed that they receive internal lists identifying banned phrases, slogans and symbols before every protest – usually without any legal explanation. One officer recalled: “We were told to arrest anyone saying ‘From the river to the sea’, but they didn’t tell us what law that supposedly breaks. They just said: this is antisemitic – take them in.”

Officers also expressed discomfort with the chain of command, where speech was prioritised for intervention even over acts of violence: “Why are we arresting people for what they say (…) [t]hat doesn’t make sense to most of us.”
Illegal deportations and arbitrary detentions

The SPD-led Interior Ministry in Berlin has presided over a wave of politically motivated deportations targeting foreign nationals accused of supporting Palestinian activism. In at least one case, internal records show that Berlin’s immigration office opposed the deportation on legal grounds – only to be overruled by federal officials with arguable legal authority.

Four individuals were deported without trial or conviction. “This wasn’t about safety,” said one lawyer familiar with the case: “It was about silencing political voices that don’t align with government policy.”

Suppressing Jewish dissent and artistic freedom

Germany’s crackdown has not stopped at the borders of ethnicity or religion. Jewish and Israeli critics of Israeli policy have also been targeted. An open letter signed by dozens of Jewish artists and scholars condemned what they called “a disturbing crackdown on civic life.” The letter stated:

“Public gatherings have been banned not just for Palestinians, but for Jews and Israelis. In one especially absurd case, a Jewish Israeli woman was detained for standing alone in a public square with a sign denouncing the war waged by her own country.”

The signatories criticised the misuse of Holocaust memory to justify state repression: “We reject the pretext of protecting Jews to justify racist violence. What frightens us is the prevailing atmosphere of racism and xenophobia in Germany, hand in hand with a constraining and paternalistic philo-Semitism.”
Weaponised memory

Philosopher Omri Boehm, a Jewish Israeli and descendant of Holocaust survivors, was disinvited from a Holocaust memorial event after criticising the Israeli military’s actions in Gaza.The symbolism was inescapable: a Jewish intellectual barred from speaking about ethics and remembrance at a Holocaust site because his views no longer aligned with state-approved ideology. The exclusion of Boehm marks a profound rupture in Germany’s post-war identity. Holocaust memory is no longer an ethical guide; it has become a political instrument.

This shift extends beyond commemorative spaces. In April 2024, German authorities barred several invited speakers from attending a Palestine Congress in Berlin. Among them were Greek economist and former finance minister Yanis Varoufakis, Palestinian writer Salman Abu Sitta and British-Palestinian surgeon Ghassan Abu Sittah. The event was shut down by police shortly after it began.

Ghassan Abu Sittah, who had recently worked in Gaza with Médecins Sans Frontières, was banned from entering the European Union (EU) under a Schengen-wide measure, later overturned by a German court for lack of legal grounds​.

The legal measures reveal a growing constitutional crisis. In both cases, authorities cited vague threats without presenting evidence. Varoufakis was reportedly subject to a “political activity ban” –an arguably unlawful move against an EU citizen​. The court found that the case against Abu Sittah rested on unsubstantiated claims and did not meet the threshold of serious risk.
Legal order in decline

The CDU and the SPD – who were primarily responsible for overusing executive power unconstitutionally – are now the architects of a legal regime in which fundamental rights will no longer be universally applied, but selectively granted based on political alignment when it comes to any criticism against the brutal war of Israel against Palestine. From street-level arrests to international law, both parties have demonstrated a willingness to compromise legal norms in order to protect Israel from criticism.

This is not an accident of history. It is a calculated reordering of law and power executed from the highest levels of government.

Dissent criminalised, democracy dismantled

Germany’s Constitution was founded in the shadow of authoritarian collapse. Its core provisions were meant to prevent the return of unchecked executive authority. Today, those provisions are being hollowed from within, not by far-right radicals, but by centrist leaders who claim to defend democracy.

“I used to feel at home here,” the Berlin organiser told us. “But since October 7, I feel like I’m being watched. Judged. Treated like an enemy of the state.”

What is unfolding in Germany is not a defence of Jewish life. It is the criminalisation of political opposition. And as the CDU and SPD prepare to govern, they will not just keep overruling the balance of rights and power. They are remaking executive powers in their own image, compromising on basic human rights.


The views expressed in this article belong to the author and do not necessarily reflect the editorial policy of Middle East Monitor.
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Bin Salman’s shame as Arabs dance while Gaza burns


German record music label Keinemusik Dj’s playing music during an outdoor party at Jabal Al-Fil, Al-Ula in Saudi Arabia, next to iconic Elephant Rock on 7 April 2025 [Keinemusik/X]



Opinion
by Yvonne Ridley
yvonneridley
April 10, 2025 
MEMO

The Arab world must not and cannot remain silent any longer. It is, after all, this very silence that has allowed the slaughter of Palestinians to take place in Gaza these past 550 days.

It’s very easy to criticise Britain and remind everyone why the Union Flag is known around the world as the Butcher’s Apron, and the US is an open target because many of the culturally bereft Americans still thought that they were the indigenous people of the Americas until President Joe Biden formally apologised for “the blot” on his country’s history. And the Israelis, of course, have embraced unprecedented savagery because the West has given them a green light to think that they really are “Chosen People” and can therefore get away — literally — with murder.

But what excuse does the Arab world have to hunker down and pretend that a genocide is not happening in their backyard in the 21st century? I’m not sure how history will judge them, but the only conclusion I can reach is that they are spineless cowards ruled by regimes and despots who despise them. What has happened to the descendants of the Arabs who took on the might of the Persian and Roman Empires, and won, taking justice and freedom to societies steeped in corruption and immorality?


You might have guessed by now that I am angry; very angry.

Why? Among the masses of social media posts exposing Israel’s daily atrocities against journalists, medical staff, patients and the children of Gaza, one from the alternative news agency @Warfare Analysis caught my eye.






A video showed scenes of unbridled hedonism, dancing and what looks like a pop festival taking place just a few hundred miles away from Hellfire missiles raining down on tented refugee camps and engulfing Palestinian journalists in flames.

According to Warfare Analysis, this festival was happening near the “forbidden city” at Jabal Al-Fil, Al-Ula in Saudi Arabia. In the shadows of the legendary Elephant Rock, Western music played as the Arab party goers, men and women, mingled in the fading sunlight with Western influencers and others.

The graveyard of dignity: 57 Muslim states and the silence over Gaza

I imagine that it was a similar scene that greeted Moses when he came down from Mount Sinai and saw the Israelites worshipping the golden calf. According to the Biblical account, that’s when he realised that his people weren’t ready to obey God’s commandments.

This video was not of some 1950s Hollywood Biblical epic, but from 2025 Saudi Arabia, currently under the control of the reformer Crown Prince, Mohammed Bin Salman. I’m all for having fun, but the idea of such hedonism just a few hundred miles from the epicentre of the Gaza Genocide is outrageous. Have these Arabs become so inured to what is happening to their brothers and sisters in Gaza that their humanity button has been switched off?

Tourist guides in Saudi boast that Al-Ula, is a “must-visit destination if you enjoy history and nature.” And yet it is a forbidden city; a place mentioned in the Qur’an that we should not visit. Al-Ula has an “Old Town” where there are houses, shops and mosques, but just 22 kms away lies Mada’in Salih, also known as Hegra. Hegra is a UNESCO World Heritage site, so listed because of the rock carvings done by the notorious people of Thamud.

They are mentioned in the Qur’an many times, but only as examples of “wrongdoers”.

Prophet Salih was sent to correct the wicked ways of the Thamud, described in the Qur’an as being powerful, incredibly wealthy and resourceful. They were able to carve monuments and buildings out of the mountains, a sort of twin city to Jordan’s famous Petra. They were so wealthy and powerful that they didn’t live there, but carved the rockfaces purely for the sake of showing off their ability to do so.

The Thamud ignored Prophet Salih, who warned them to change their wicked ways or brace themselves for a punishment from God. In their arrogance they mocked the warning, and when God’s punishment duly arrived, it was swift. The people of Thamud were obliterated by an earthquake and no trace was left of them, except for the monuments that they had carved.

Prophet Muhammad (peace be upon him) warned his Companions travelling through the region not to venture into Al-Ula as it was forbidden to Muslims. He also cautioned them not to eat or drink anything from the area, in a timeless lesson that still applies today: Muslims should always remain steadfast and loyal to the teachings of Islam and avoid any activities or practices that go against it.

As a Muslim convert, I believe that there is no deity except God (known as Allah in Arabic), and that Muhammad is the Last and Final Messenger of God. It is an article of faith that I believe without question that the Qur’an is the Word of God, and the example, Sunnah, of the Prophet is the best example for us to follow if we want to put Islam into practice in our daily lives.

OPINION: The uneasy ties between Palestinians and Arab states

I have to wonder, therefore, at the recklessness of other Muslims who go clubbing and partying in Al-Ula. This recklessness is compounded by the fact that their God-fearing Palestinian counterparts are being blown apart by Israeli missiles a few hundred miles away.

I also have to wonder at Bin Salman, who might easily have taken lessons in arrogance and foolishness from the Thamud. I wonder how many of the learned Saudi sheikhs and scholars languishing in Saudi prisons tried to remind him about the idolatrous influences of Al-Ula, with emphasis on the importance of loyalty to Islamic teachings in the face of worldly temptations?

Like the Thamud, this arrogant royal appears to be a lost cause.

Yes, he has made a few perfunctory statements of support for the Palestinian cause but, in reality, he has thrown his lot in with the genocidal maniacs in Israel.

Bin Salman is keen to demonstrate to the West that everything in the kingdom is “normal” by Western, rather than Islamic standards, and that the Gaza Genocide is having no impact on day to day life. But he is wrong. Surely it can only be a matter of time before the young pro-Palestinian Saudi citizens rebel against such irreligious decadence.

I believe that 21st century Lions of the Desert in the Arab world will rise up fearlessly, invoking the likes of Omar Al-Mukhtar and Emir Abdelkader, when they realise that the Saudi regime is not only seeking the leadership of the Muslim world, but also dragging it down towards Hell in a handcart.

Apparently, Bin Salman’s worst fear now is that, having thrown in his lot with the Zionists state, the Israelis should lose the war. In order to try and make sure that this does not happen, he is prepared to go to any lengths in private to show support for Israel, regardless of the bloody Israeli offensive in Gaza and the ethnic cleansing of the Palestinians, who face being displaced into the Sinai Desert (and there’s another connection with Prophet Moses). Should the latter happen, says Egyptian analyst Maged Mandour, it would be the political equivalent of Egyptian President Abdel Fattah Al-Sisi slitting his own throat. Sisi is another Arab who has the backbone of an amoeba and would be no great loss if he took such a dramatic step.


The Arab youth showed the world what they could do during the Arab Spring, and if ever the Palestinians needed them to do so again, that time is now.

They too must feel humiliated at the lack of any meaningful action in support of the Palestinians by their regimes; their honour is being besmirched by those who claim the right to rule over them, squander their resources on vanity projects and crawl on their knees before the Donald Trumps, Vladimir Putins and Ursula von der Leyens of this world.

Resistance against occupation is a legitimate right under international law, so let it be the Arab world which champions that right and exposes once and for all the hypocrisy of those who pay lip-service to the laws and conventions developed to deliver justice for the downtrodden and oppressed people of the world. Occupied Palestine, especially the Gaza Strip, would be a good place for this to begin.

The views expressed in this article belong to the author and do not necessarily reflect the editorial policy of Middle East Monitor.

Israel has turned Gaza into a 21st century concentration camp


Opinion
by Dr Mustafa Fetouri
MFetouri
April 10, 2025 
MEMO


Palestinian children live in difficult conditions and on Palestinian Child’s Day they want the war to end and to eat, drink, read and play like their peers around the world in Khan Yunis, Gaza on April 04, 2025. [Doaa Albaz – Anadolu Agency]


The basic definition of “concentration camp” is simple: a large place where a large group of people, usually civilians, are imprisoned without due process. There are various reasons as to why they are kept in confinement, including their ethnicity, religion or because they oppose the authorities ordering their imprisonment.

Encyclopaedia Britannica goes further, describing the targeted group as belonging to the “Other” more than for just being individuals, simply because of their belonging and identification with a certain way of life. It also explains that a concentration camp must not be described as a “prison” because that implies that the people held there have broken the law, and that due legal process was followed. And why might people be kept in such place? “For security reasons [and] exploitation or [collective] punishment,” says the encyclopaedia.

Inside concentration camps there is no differentiation between individuals based on age or health, meaning that those so detained can include children, women, the elderly and the chronically ill. Even worse, while they are confined they are generally denied access to health care, decent living spaces, and access to basics such as water, food and electricity. They are usually given the bare minimum of such necessities.


From this we can determine that there is a prime example of such a camp in the Gaza Strip.

The enclave fits such a description perfectly, except for being described as an open-air prison; more on this later. The group of people who are kept in the Gaza concentration camp are Palestinians, Arab and predominantly Muslims and civilians. Nobody in the mainstream media, particularly in the West, has to my knowledge pointed out that in October 2023 Israel started to transform the enclave into a 21st century concentration camp.

Between 2007 and 2023, when the current genocide started, Israel was already controlling all of the crossing points into Gaza, determining who could enter and leave, and limiting the amount of food, medicine, fuel and everything else, including machinery and general items. This policy suffocated the Palestinian economy in the enclave, pushing unemployment up to almost 85 per cent from a pre-war figure of around 46 per cent. Almost 90 per cent of the population, some two million people, have been displaced at least twice as they try to survive the indiscriminate bombardment of the Israeli army.

Moreover, it is Israel’s standard policy to make sure that the majority of Palestinians are pacified against resisting the occupation of their land, which is their legitimate right. This strategy was formulated in a metaphor that says that it is necessary to “mow the grass” every now and then, a sick euphemism for bombing Gaza to deter resistance. In a paper entitled “Mowing the Grass: Israel’s Strategy for Protracted Intractable Conflict”, written by two Israeli academics, they analyse the strategy as simply non-stop war, with no end in sight.

Since October 2023, that has become “destroying the lawns”. Israeli’s former defence minister used a more specific term when, last year, he was commenting on Israeli efforts to end resistance in the occupied West Bank. Yoav Gallant, indicted by the International Criminal Court as a war criminal, said that, “We are mowing the grass, [but] the moment will also come when we will pull out the roots.”

In many news reports Gaza is being described as an open-air prison, but in light of the ongoing genocide such a description is an understatement and potentially misleading since it implies that the people kept inside have been through due legal process, been charged and found guilty or are awaiting sentencing by a legitimate court.


This is not the case, though.

The entire population is being punished, indiscriminately, without any due process. Furthermore, they are being forced into this situation by an occupying power that has no legal justification for its continued occupation of Palestinian land.

No matter who you are in Gaza, you aren’t getting enough — if any — food, water, medicine and fuel. Babies, children, women and the elderly are no exception. All are suffering from what Gallant ordered in 2023: a “complete siege on the Gaza Strip. There will be no electricity, no food, no fuel; everything is closed.”

All of this is part of Israel’s transformation of the Gaza Strip into a concentration camp. The ongoing genocide is part of long-term strategy of ethnic cleansing to clear all Palestinians out of Gaza so that Donald Trump can have his “Riviera of the Middle East”. His plan, of course, is not only fundamentally flawed, but also illegal and potentially a crime against humanity.

The question remains: how long can Israel and its backers sustain such strategies after trying them for decades without achieving their desired results? If Israel wants to end the Palestinian resistance in Gaza and beyond it must first end its occupation of the land that it has been stealing over the past eight decades, not only in Gaza but also in the West Bank including East Jerusalem (as well as Syria and Lebanon).

Israel will not have peace until it views Palestinians as human beings and not “human animals” (Gallant again); people with legitimate rights within Israel itself and beyond. The idea that lethal, overwhelming force will, one day, destroy Palestinian identity and force the people of Palestine to accept the status quo is a fantasy. Years of oppression, killing and ethnic cleansing have not prevented the rise of Hamas and other resistance groups, or their ability to fight back despite their losses. Resistance is a symptom of Israel’s brutal military occupation, not its cause. End the occupation, and there is no need for resistance, and what is possibly the world’s only 21st century concentration camp can return to normal.

The views expressed in this article belong to the author and do not necessarily reflect the editorial policy of Middle East Monitor.


The Greater Israel Initiative: A Complex Expansion Vision
Israeli soldiers sign new petition demanding prisoner swap, end of war in Gaza


April 12, 2025 
MEMO


Israel continues to deploy soldiers, tanks, military aircraft and armoured vehicles near the Gaza Border as Israeli attacks continue on Gaza on May 1, 2024 [Mostafa Alkharouf – Anadolu Agency]


Hundreds of Israeli soldiers signed a new petition Friday demanding the government reach a prisoner swap deal and end the war on the Gaza Strip, Anadolu reports.

Israeli public broadcaster KAN said the soldiers who signed the letter are from different divisions and specialties in the army, including intelligence unit 8200, special forces and elite units, such as Sayeret Matkal, Shayetet and Shaldag.

KAN added that between 20% to 30% of the signees are active reservist soldiers.

According to an Anadolu count, six petitions have been signed since Thursday, with the first signed by about 1,000 Air Force personnel that was later joined by 1,000 academics.

The second by hundreds of armored corps and navy servicemembers; the third by dozens of reserve military doctors; the fourth by hundreds of the army’s intelligence unit 8200 members; the fifth by nearly 100 military doctors and the sixth by hundreds from various units, including special and elite forces.

Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu vowed in several statements to fire active soldiers who signed any petition.

The Israeli army renewed its assault on Gaza on March 18, shattering a Jan. 19 ceasefire and prisoner exchange agreement.

Nearly 51,000 Palestinians, most of them women and children, have been killed in Gaza since an Oct. 7, 2023, Hamas attack. The military campaign has left the enclave in ruins and rendered it almost uninhabitable.

The International Criminal Court issued arrest warrants last November for Netanyahu and his former Defense Minister Yoav Gallant for war crimes and crimes against humanity in Gaza.

Israel also faces a genocide case at the International Court of Justice for its war on the enclave.


Netanyahu: ‘Reserve forces petitions funded by foreign parties aiming to bring down government’


April 12, 2025 
MEMO


Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu speaks during a press conference at his office in Jerusalem on 16 February, 2025 [EVELYN HOCKSTEIN/POOL/AFP via Getty Images]

Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu accused protest petitions demanding an end to the war on Gaza and a prisoner exchange, signed by Israeli reserve and retired officers, of being foreign-backed initiatives aimed at bringing down his government.

According to Netanyahu, these are: “The same petitions again: once in the name of pilots, once in the name of naval personnel, and once in the name of others. But the public doesn’t believe their propaganda lies in the media.”

“These letters were written not in the name of our heroic soldiers. They were written by a small handful of fringe elements—loud, anarchist and disconnected pensioners, most of whom haven’t served in years. This is not a movement. It’s not a groundswell. It’s a noisy minority backed by foreign-funded NGOs whose only goal is to bring down the right-wing government,” Netanyahu added.

Netanyahu noted: “These weeds are trying to weaken the State of Israel and the IDF and are encouraging our enemy to harm us. They already broadcast a message of weakness to our enemies once. We won’t allow them to do this again.”

“Israeli citizens learned the lesson—a refusal to serve is a refusal to serve, no matter what dirty name they give it,” he remarked, stating, “Whoever encourages refusal will be fired immediately.”

Israeli Air Force Commander Tomer Bar told Air Force officers and soldiers who signed a public letter calling for an end to the war in Gaza that the letter: “Expresses a lack of trust and damages unity within the corps.”

Active reservists who signed the letter will not be able to continue serving in the IDF,” he added.

Netanyahu and Bar’s comments come following a letter signed by almost 1,000 Israeli Air Force reservists and retirees, published by Israeli media on Thursday, demanding the return of Israeli captives held in Gaza, even if it means ending the war.

The letter stated: “The continuation of the war doesn’t contribute to any of the declared objectives and will lead to the death of hostages, (Israel Defence Forces) soldiers and of innocents.”
Saudi Arabia, Qatar condemn Israeli closure of 6 UNRWA-run schools in occupied East Jerusalem


April 12, 2025 
MEMO


Students walk past one of the United Nations Relief and Works Agency (UNRWA) schools in East Jerusalem, as local media report that police forces raided several UNRWA schools in the city and informed them of a decision to close and evacuate the schools within a week. Jerusalem, February 18, 2025. [Photo by Saeed Qaq/NurPhoto via Getty Images]

Saudi Arabia and Qatar condemned on Friday an Israeli decision to close six schools run by the UN agency for Palestinian refugees (UNRWA) in occupied East Jerusalem, according to statements, Anadolu reports.

The Saudi Foreign Ministry reiterated “the Kingdom’s firm rejection of the Israeli occupation authorities’ continued obstinance and systemic targeting of UNRWA and its humanitarian and relief work amid the silence of the international community.”

It urged the international community “to assume its responsibilities in the face of ongoing Israeli violations against the Palestinian people.”

Qatar described the move as “a new crime in the ongoing series of Israeli crimes in the occupied Palestinian territories.”

The Foreign Ministry reaffirmed Qatar’s rejection of the Israeli “politicization of education aimed at diminishing the role of UNRWA.”

READ: Israel orders closure of UNRWA schools in Jerusalem’s Shuafat camp

It urged the international community “to take urgent measures to hold Israel accountable and to ensure its compliance with international laws.”

The Palestinian Foreign Ministry said Tuesday that Israeli authorities ordered the closure of the six schools in the Shu’fat refugee camp and in the neighborhoods of Silwan, Wadi al-Joz and Sur Baher.

It urged “intensified international efforts to preserve UNRWA’s mandate and ensure its continuity.”

Israel cited the lack of a license to open a school and did not specify for how long the school would remain closed.

In October 2024, the Israeli Knesset (parliament) passed two laws banning UNRWA’s operations in Israel and areas under its occupation, and prohibiting Israeli authorities from having any contact with the agency. The laws took effect Jan. 30.

Established in 1949, UNRWA has served as a critical lifeline for Palestinian refugees, supporting nearly 5.9 million people across Gaza, the West Bank, Jordan, Syria and Lebanon.
Israel turns water into slow-kill weapon against Palestinians: Gaza government

April 12, 2025 


Palestinians living in Jabalia Refugee Camp in northern Gaza are viewed trying to meet their water needs by filling jerry cans with water distributed by tankers, in Gaza City, Gaza on April 10, 2025. [Mahmoud İssa – Anadolu Agency]

The Gaza government’s media office warned on Saturday that Israel has turned water into a slow-kill weapon systematically denying Palestinians in Gaza access to clean water and exacerbating the humanitarian crisis in the enclave, Anadolu reports.

In a statement, the media office described Israel’s actions as part of “a broader strategy of collective punishment.”

The office condemned the continued interruption of water supplies, including the severing of crucial water lines, destruction of wells and water stations, and the cutting of electricity and fuel supplies needed to operate water and sanitation facilities.

It highlighted Israel’s recent disruption of two key water lines from the Israeli company Mekorot, which supply more than 35,000 cubic meters (over 1.2 million cubic feet) of water daily to over 700,000 Palestinians in the eastern and central regions of Gaza.

According to the office, Israel also cut the electricity supply to the water desalination plant in Deir al-Balah, located in central Gaza, halting its operations entirely and leaving 800,000 people in the central and Khan Younis areas at risk of severe water shortages.

Since Oct. 7, 2023, Israel has destroyed over 90% of Gaza’s water and sewage infrastructure, while preventing repair teams from reaching the damaged facilities.

The Gaza government reiterated its calls for the international community to intervene and hold Israel accountable for “an attempt to weaponize water” and further contribute to the suffering of Palestinians in Gaza.

The Israeli army renewed a deadly assault on Gaza on March 18, shattering the ceasefire and prisoner exchange agreement that took hold in January.

More than 50,900 Palestinians, most of them women and children, have been killed in Gaza in a brutal Israeli onslaught since October 2023.

The International Criminal Court issued arrest warrants last November for Netanyahu and his former Defense Minister Yoav Gallant for war crimes and crimes against humanity in Gaza.

Israel also faces a genocide case at the International Court of Justice for its war on the enclave.

The Greater Israel Initiative: A Complex Expansion Vision

Exploring the multifaceted strategies, aims, and debates behind the pursuit of Greater Israel

Map of Israel: CIA employee, Public Domain
Map of Greater Israel overlaying Google map.

The concept of Greater Israel envisions a territorial extension far beyond the internationally recognized borders of the modern State of Israel. Rooted in historical narratives and biblical promises, the idea seeks to incorporate significant portions of the lands surrounding Israel, typically extending from the Nile River in Egypt to the Euphrates River in Iraq.

This comprehensive vision includes territories such as the West Bank, East Jerusalem, Gaza Strip, parts of Lebanon, Syria, and Jordan.

This experimental article was entirely written by Ithy AI (Ithy.com) on behalf of NewsVoice

Historical and Ideological Foundations

The notion of Greater Israel has a long history intertwined with the origins of modern Zionism. Early Zionist leaders, notably Theodor Herzl, laid the groundwork for creating a Jewish homeland rooted in deep historical and biblical associations with the land. Biblical texts such as Genesis 15:18 and Deuteronomy 11:24 have been cited as proof of divine promises to the Jewish people, thereby establishing a religious and moral claim to the territory.

In the 19th and early 20th centuries, these ideas evolved from a vision into a political ambition as Zionist movements began outlining plans for a state that not only secured a Jewish homeland but reclaimed historic lands. Successive generations of leaders have continued to invoke these religious and historic justifications in support of territorial expansion.

Aims of Creating Greater Israel

The effort to create Greater Israel is driven by a combination of strategic, security, and existential motivations:

Security Considerations

One of the core arguments for territorial expansion is the notion that retaining control over additional territories enhances Israel’s defensive posture. Proponents claim that by establishing buffer zones, particularly in areas such as the West Bank and parts of Syria, Israel can better withstand external threats and prevent hostile entities from gaining a foothold near its borders.

In this context, each settlement or acquired territory is seen as a step towards fortifying national security.

Existential and Identity Factors

For many in Israel, the expansion is not merely a matter of strategic calculation but also an expression of Jewish identity and historical destiny. Given the long history of persecution and displacement, the establishment of a continuous Jewish state encompassing historically significant biblical lands is perceived as an existential imperative.

The return of residents to long-lost or evacuated areas further underscores the drive to reclaim a perceived historic order.

Economic and Diplomatic Dimensions

Beyond security and identity, economic motivations have also played a role in the expansionist agenda. Control over larger territories is seen by some as a means to improve resource management, stimulate economic growth, and ensure infrastructural benefits across expanded borders.

In addition, diplomatic entanglements—especially those cemented through alliances with nations like the United States—provide the political backing necessary to justify and sustain these long-term territorial ambitions.

Strategies and Tactics Employed

Israel’s approach to creating Greater Israel is multifaceted, combining military, political, and diplomatic strategies that have evolved over decades. These methods are not static; rather, they adapt to the geopolitical environment and the internal dynamics of Israeli politics.

Settlement Expansion

One of the most visible aspects of Israel’s efforts is the continuous development of settlements in the West Bank, East Jerusalem, and other disputed regions. Since the 1967 Six-Day War, there has been a systematic build-out of residential communities that gradually shift the demographic composition of these territories.

This method, sometimes described as a ”bit by bit” approach, is aimed at transforming the contours of the land with the hope of establishing irreversible facts on the ground.

Settlement expansion is often framed as a necessary security measure. By populating areas with Israelis, the government seeks to strengthen its claim and complicate any potential moves towards statehood for the Palestinians or negotiations regarding final borders.

Critics argue, however, that such movements are tantamount to de facto annexation and are widely considered illegal under international law.

Military Actions and Operations

Military initiatives have also been instrumental in furthering the goal of Greater Israel. Israeli military operations, particularly those conducted in strategically significant areas like the northern border regions and the Gaza vicinity, are often presented as preemptive measures designed to secure borders and neutralize hostile threats. Some actions can also be interpreted as steps toward territorial expansion.

In several instances, military force has been used in conjunction with settlement policies. For example, targeted operations against armed groups in neighbouring territories have allowed for the consolidation of control over strategic locations. These actions not only serve immediate security needs but also help to reinforce the broader ambition of a territorially expansive Jewish state.

Political Maneuvering and Legal Initiatives

Political discourse within Israel has played a crucial role in shaping the strategies aimed at realizing Greater Israel. Right-wing factions and extremist elements within the government have frequently articulated support for expansion policies.

Legal measures have been introduced to legitimize settlements and integrate them within the national legal framework. This has involved revisiting and sometimes revising international agreements that formerly restricted settlement activity.

Diplomatic support, particularly from allied nations such as the United States, further bolsters these initiatives. Through military aid packages, economic incentives, and diplomatic backing, international alliances have indirectly enabled the pursuit of policies that align with the Greater Israel vision.

Diplomacy and Exploitation of Regional Divisions

Another important strategic element is the exploitation of regional disunity. By capitalizing on the fragmented political landscapes of neighbouring Arab states, Israel aims to weaken collective resistance.

In some instances, policies and actions have been designed to exacerbate internal divisions within these countries, thereby reducing the likelihood of a unified opposition against Israel’s expansionist measures.

Plans like the Oded Yinon Plan—which proposed the dismemberment of larger Arab states into smaller, more manageable, and often hostile groups to Israeli influence—highlight a calculated use of regional dynamics.

Such strategies advocate for a long-term vision wherein internal strife among Arab nations could eventually enable Israel to extend its borders with relative ease.

Arguments Supporting and Criticizing the Expansion

The debate over Greater Israel is highly polarized, with both staunch defenders and vehement critics. It is important to examine the key arguments from both perspectives:
Supporting Arguments

Security Imperative

Proponents of Greater Israel argue that territorial expansion is a strategic necessity in a region fraught with hostility. Holding larger areas provides a buffer against potentially aggressive neighbours and non-state actors.

In a situation where numerous regional players and terrorist organizations pose threats, an expanded territory is seen as an insurance policy for the nation’s survival.

Historical and Biblical Claims

The historical and biblical narratives serve as a powerful legitimizing tool. Advocates contend that the Jewish people have an ancient and divinely sanctioned connection to these lands. By reclaiming territories that have been central to Jewish history for millennia, the expansion is portrayed as both an act of restoration and a fulfilment of historical destiny.

Economic and Demographic Considerations

Besides security, expansion is sometimes justified on economic grounds. Improved access to resources, the possibility of stimulating economic development in underutilized areas, and the strategic management of regional infrastructure are cited as benefits. Additionally, resettlement and demographic shifts are viewed as essential for consolidating control over contested regions.

Criticism and Challenges

International Law and Legitimacy

A significant criticism surrounding the Greater Israel project concerns its legal standing. Many view the unilateral expansion through settlement construction and military actions as violations of international law. Global organizations, including the United Nations, have largely condemned these practices, increasing diplomatic pressure on Israel.

Humanitarian and Social Impact

Expansion policies have profound implications for the local Palestinian communities. The displacement of populations, loss of livelihood, and ongoing humanitarian crises are central themes in the critical narrative. Critics argue that the expansion exacerbates regional conflicts and fuels cycles of violence that undermine prospects for lasting peace in the region.

Regional Instability

The pursuit of a Greater Israel has frequently intensified tensions in the broader Middle East. Military actions and political maneuvers aimed at consolidation often trigger backlash from neighboring states, thereby destabilizing the area further. The resulting fragile security environment makes sustained peace and coexistence even more challenging.

Comparative Analysis: Strategies, Actions, and Implications


Regional and International Dynamics

Israel’s ambition to create a Greater Israel is not an isolated pursuit; it is deeply embedded in a network of regional and global relationships. The intersection of domestic policy, transnational diplomacy, and historical narratives creates a highly complex environment where actions taken by Israel resonate far beyond its immediate borders.

Internally, the debate over territorial expansion reflects broader ideological divides. While right-wing and nationalist factions advocate for an expansive approach grounded in historical rights and security imperatives, more centrist and left-wing groups often express concerns about the long-term consequences for peace and stability.

This domestic contention plays out in parliamentary debates, judicial reviews, and public discourse, influencing the pace and nature of expansionist policies.

On the international stage, the United States has historically played a pivotal role by providing political, military, and economic support to Israel. This alliance has enabled Israel to pursue controversial policies with a certain degree of impunity.

However, international criticism, especially from European and Arab nations, continues to challenge the legitimacy of expansionist measures, thereby contributing to a volatile and unpredictable diplomatic environment.
Long-Term Implications of the Greater Israel Policy

The envisioned expansion of Israel into a Greater Israel carries significant long-term implications. Should these policies continue unabated, the regional landscape could change dramatically. For instance, the fragmentation of Palestinian territories, potential annexations, and intensified conflicts with neighboring states are possibilities that could lead to a redefined Middle East.

Furthermore, cementing controversial settlement patterns and military enclaves may lock Israel into a trajectory that complicates any future peace negotiations. While security is often cited as the paramount justification, intensified antagonism might lead to persistent cycles of violence and resistance.

The long-term risks include not only regional instability but also challenges to Israel’s international standing and potential isolation due to breaches of international law.

The continuous drive to achieve a biblical and historic destiny underscores a commitment to creating an environment that, once established, could become extremely difficult to reverse. While some view this as a necessary evolution for a nation constantly under threat, others argue that it is a dangerous experiment that undermines prospects for a negotiated peace settlement and damages Israel’s broader foreign relations.

This experimental article was entirely written by Ithy AI (Ithy.com) on behalf of NewsVoice

References
18 mars 2025


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José Martí: April 10 and 11

By Luis Toledo Sande

On July 6, 1878, when the Pact of Zanjón was still near, and he was far from the leadership he would achieve in the Cuban national liberation movement, José Martí wrote to Manuel Mercado: "Must I tell you how much superb purpose, how powerful a powerful outburst boils in my soul? That I carry my unhappy people in my head, and that it seems to me that their freedom will depend on a breath of mine in one day?"

He already sensed – or was aware of it – the growing importance that his revolutionary work would have. With it he achieved the recognition of his compatriots and the unity, never before achieved at that height, with which the patriotic movement arrived at the feat of 1895. Máximo Gómez called it "Martí's war", which speaks of the renewing organizational and conceptual character, with profound implications for then and for the future, that Martí imprinted on the conflict from his preparations.



On this path he created the Cuban Revolutionary Party, not only to lead the preparation of the armed struggle. In the Bases of that organization he expressed his conviction that it was urgent to give the independence movement a perspective that would lay the foundations for what he proposed with the desire to liberate and transform Cuba: to found in it "a new people and of sincere democracy."

Such a goal implied a thorough rethinking of the reality that he had known in a wide and representative portion of the world: from Spain, through several countries of our America, to the United States, where he spent the final years, about fifteen, of his life. All that experience grew and deepened with his study of the history of the world.

In the United States, which not a few had as a model of a democratic republic, he saw, in addition to the dangers that his voracity represented for our America, the irruption of a Caesarean and invasive republic, with serious consequences for the planet in general and even for the American people.

Freeing Cuba from such dangers required unity in the patriotic movement, beset by obstacles that included various conflicts, such as the antagonism between the political strands called militarism and civilism. It was urgent to reverse what the Party Bases characterized as "a society composed for slavery." That scourge continued to be "the great sorrow of the world," as Martí wrote in Simple Verses, when traditional slavery had already been abolished in Cuba.

The clashes between militarism and civilism would create confusion, and some would think that he was inclined to civilist positions, when what he was doing was forging a superior political solution. His purpose was to prevent both the militarist hypertrophies, akin to the caudillismo that continued to do so much damage in our America, and the legalism with which the Republic constituted in Guáimaro had hindered the action of the Liberation Army. But, to prevent such extremes, it would be healthy to keep alive the best heritage of the Republic of 1869, not to forget it.



Contingencies may have influenced the election of April 10 to proclaim the constitution of the Party in 1892. But Martí assumed it as an expression of homage to a Republic of which the independent Cuba, for which it was fought, deserved and should prolong the virtues embodied in a radical independence vocation and a democratic will that paid for civility.

The functioning of the Party – which was organized in emigration to evade Spanish surveillance, but in functional communication with the country – ratified in fact the aspirations of sincere democracy embraced by Martí. Its structure was simple: only two leading positions at its top, that of Delegate, the name chosen by Martí for the main position, and that of Treasurer. Both would have under their direction the numerous grassroots organizations, the clubs, as they were called following the practice already familiar in the Cuban independence movement.

These organizations – and the council bodies in which they were linked in localities where there were several of them – reproduced the simplicity of the leadership, and were guided by a functioning that cultivated centralized discipline and the ease of action and thought to make the general program defended a reality.

At all levels, the leaders were elected and recallable. They were elected with a periodicity that dynamited the notions of the "democracy" prevailing then, and today, in the world: in Martí's organization, elections were annual, and at the moment when the voting mass considered it necessary to depose any of its leaders, it could do so by voting, with order – as the preparation of a war required – but without waiting for the next electoral process.

While the treasury was governed by a rigor against corruption, the general functioning of the Party sowed seeds against bureaucratism. Structure and action required the greatest care, at the height of the ends defended. Just after the war began, and with the Spanish army in front, in his posthumous letter to Mercado, dated May 18, 1895, Martí confessed to Manuel Mercado the main objective of his endeavor: to overcome the danger represented by the United States. "What I have done until today, and will do, is for that," he wrote, in fact putting in the background the significance of the immediate end of the patriotic conflict: the necessary defeat of Spain.

If in the same letter he said: "In silence it has had to be, and as if indirectly," he did so referring to that crucial point, not to justify frustrating concealments. The newspaper Patria, also his creation, began to circulate on March 14, 1892, before the Party was proclaimed. It was not born, therefore, to function as a formal organ of the Party, but with another character: "It is a great prize to be an organ of virtuous and founding patriotism." This is how Martí defined it in "Generoso deseo," an article published in the same newspaper on April 30, 1892.



The former could make the Party a stumbling block for the radicalism of the revolutionary vanguard – headed by Martí – while the latter assured it the condition of propagator of the truth, with which it fulfilled one of the mottos of the guide's ethics: "The word is not to cover up the truth, but to tell it." he wrote in "Ciegos y desleales", which also appeared in Patria, on January 28, 1893, and which begins with this statement: "Politics is the truth".

A cardinal purpose of Martí in the war was to hold an assembly that would have a place of the first order in his efforts to reach Cuba. In the aforementioned letter he wrote to Mercado: "We continue on our way, to the center of the island, to depose, in the face of the revolution that I have raised, the authority that emigration gave me, and it was complied within, and must renew in accordance with its new state, an assembly of delegates of the visible Cuban people, of the revolutionaries in arms."

In the revolutionary program he forged, this renewal would not depend on personal prerogatives: it would be the faculty of the assembly, which he conceived in the most democratic terms possible for a war. Death, which surprised him on May 19, not only prevented him from finishing the letter, but also from reaching that assembly, which, without him, would no longer be the same. Although conjectures are avoided, it is inevitable to imagine what it would have been like with the presence of the leader capable of uniting the patriotic movement as no one had done before, and in whom the Mambi masses saw a natural president.

In his texts written during the campaign, it can be seen that he rejected the title of President, not only for himself, but in general. But would he have shirked the responsibility of that position? Wouldn't he have found another name for that mission? For the maximum leader of the Party, he coined Delegate, of clear democratic intention, and was elected to that position - which he honored with his exemplarity - in all the elections made while he lived.

The challenges that the Revolution had to face and overcome were immense, and Martí could not ignore the importance of his revolutionary zeal. He had to get to Cuba, and his resolution was to do it. To do so, he left New York on January 30, 1895 and embarked on an arduous tour of the lands and seas of the Caribbean.



To a large extent he did so with Máximo Gómez, and both faced obstacles and dangers. But if something does not appear in the numerous texts of Martí that are known, it is that he was willing to return to emigration. If he had been, why leave New York and run the dangers he ran from then on?

That he was not present in the war could be the desire of others, for different reasons – from wanting to take care of his precious life to, in the case of those for whom his renewing verticality could be uncomfortable, to keep him away – but he knew that his place was in Cuba, within it, fighting directly for it. He wrote one of his great farewells to Federico Henríquez y Carvajal, already on his way to war, dated March 25, 1895.

When he tells him: "For me, it is time," he does not reveal a suicidal vocation that he did not have and that in him would have been an unthinkable act of irresponsibility, but his clear understanding that his presence in the war was vital for the homeland. If he had to die in the conflict, he wanted him to be "stuck to the last trunk, to the last fighter," when there was no other worthy option than death. In the meantime, as he writes to Henríquez and Carvajal, he has much to do: "I can still serve this one heart of our republics."

He did not use vain words, and neither did he in that case. He knew what was in danger, and what was urgent: "The free Antilles will save the independence of our America, and the already doubtful and wounded honor of English America, and perhaps they will accelerate and fix the balance of the world. See what we do, you with your youthful gray hair, and I, dragging myself, with my broken heart." That is why, without a hint of vanity that he never had, he added: "I will raise the world." To do this he had to be at the center of events, not far away.

A false news story – according to which he and Gómez were already in Cuba – could have served to reinforce the arguments about his decision to arrive on the island at war. But to make it depend on that contingency is, at the very least, to trivialize reality, to underestimate the resolution by which he himself had signed in New York, as Party Delegate and together with Generals Enrique Collazo and José María Rodríguez, the latter representing Gómez, the order for the uprising that gave way to the outbreak of the conflict. And the top leaders of the revolution had to reach it: he, Party Delegate, and Gómez, head of the military branch of the organization.

Martí was not guided by masks or postmodern levities, but by the frank density of the missionary sense with which he assumed existence since, as a child, he "swore to wash away with his life" – not only with the eventuality of probable death – the crime of slavery, such as the one that Cuba continued to suffer in its condition as an oppressed nation in 1895, and especially the humble suffered in it.

That oath guided him in his responsibilities at the head of the independence movement, with the redemptive vocation in which the proclamation of the Revolutionary Party on April 10, 1892, and his arrival in Cuba, with Gómez and four other companions, through La Playita de Cajobabo, on the 11th of that month in 1895, were inscribed.

If in the selection of the first date one can see a surpassing tribute to the Republic of Guáimaro – Martí himself referred to the Party in the Homeland of the previous April 7 as an organization already standing – the date of the arrival of the expeditionaries to Cuba depended on various events. But both anniversaries have in the history of Cuba, and in the affectivity of the homeland, a closeness that goes beyond the mere chronological contingency. The tragedy of May 19, 1895 will lead to remembering other sides of the events.

RMH/Ltd

*Taken from Cubaperiodistas




Luis Toledo Sande

Cuban writer, researcher and journalist. PhD in Philological Sciences from the University of Havana. Author of several books of different genres. He has taught at the university and has been director of the Center for Martí Studies and deputy director of the magazine Casa de las Américas. In diplomacy, he has served as cultural counselor of the Cuban Embassy in Spain. Among other recognitions, he has received the Distinction for National Culture and the Social Sciences Critics Award, the latter for his book Cesto de llamas. Biography of José Martí. (Velasco, Holguín, 1950).