Wednesday, December 04, 2024

 

Middle Eastern elites: PKK represents symbol of willpower and freedom

Middle Eastern political elites have emphasized that the Kurdistan Workers' Party (PKK) represents a school of willpower and struggle for freedom. They also highlighted the importance of achieving stability and development in the region.

Middle Eastern elites: PKK represents symbol of willpower and freedom
 26 November 2024 

An online seminar organized by the Arab Initiative for the Freedom of Leader Abdullah Ocalan, with significant participation from Arab and Kurdish political leaders, shed light on the reality of political parties in the Middle East and North Africa, the major challenges they face, and ways to enhance their role amid rapid political, social, and economic transformations.

The seminar, moderated by Egyptian journalist Ilhami El-Meligy, coordinator of the Arab Initiative for the Freedom of Leader Abdullah Ocalan calan, discussed a range of important topics. These included diagnosing the current situation of political parties, proposing possible solutions to overcome crises, and reviewing historical and contemporary experiences. A common theme was the necessity of restoring the freedom of the international thinker leader Abdullah Ocalan.

The seminar provided a comprehensive analysis of the state of political parties in the Arab world, shedding light on the challenges they face and the reasons for their decline. It also presented forward-looking, actionable visions. Participants agreed that revitalizing the role of political parties requires intellectual and practical efforts to rebuild trust with the public and achieve the desired democracy.

Absence of achievement and vision

At the beginning of the seminar, journalist Ilhami El-Meligy spoke about the Arab Initiative for the Freedom of Leader Abdullah Ocalan, launched in Cairo as a platform for collective struggle for Leader Ocalan’s freedom. He highlighted Leader Ocalan's philosophy, which has had and will continue to have a profound impact on issues of freedom and development in the region.

El-Meligy emphasized that the initiative reflects the deep importance of freedom as a prerequisite for achieving peace and stability. He noted that the seminar coincided with the significant 46th anniversary of the founding of the PKK, a party that represents a school of willpower and struggle for freedom, as well as mounting challenges faced by the region’s peoples. This underscores the need for concerted efforts from national and democratic forces to achieve stability and justice.

The first speaker, Egyptian politician Farid Zahran, president of the Egyptian Social Democratic Party and a former presidential candidate, highlighted the fundamental issue facing political parties: the lack of achievements and clear visions to inspire the public.

Zahran pointed out that repression and authoritarianism by ruling regimes have rendered parties unable to serve as incubators for political dreams, leading to political stagnation. As societies grapple with pressing economic challenges, such as the struggle for basic needs, major issues have disappeared from public agendas.

Zahran argued that political parties’ primary mission should now be to present a comprehensive political project that addresses the challenges of fascism and authoritarianism. This project must build on past experiences and offer practical solutions inspired by historical models, such as European experiences in overcoming political and social crises.

Then, Mohammad Alloush, member of the political bureau of the Palestinian People's Struggle Movement, talked about the importance of international struggle in confronting imperialism and Western hegemony, considering that political parties had historically been an effective tool in facing these challenges.

Alloush praised the experience of the Kurdistan Workers' Party, which drew inspiration from internationalist ideas to strengthen its role in popular struggle. He also criticized the stagnation that had affected many parties, pointing out that the weak connection between the past, present, and future had led to their diminished impact.

He proposed solutions involving the redefinition of the roles of political parties and addressing the intellectual and practical shortcomings that hindered their work. He also emphasized the importance of parties being open to global transformations without abandoning their identity and core objectives.

After that, Ms. Nisreen Doku, co-chair of the Syrian Future Party, who addressed the situation of political parties in Syria. She pointed out that these parties had long suffered from political repression and military dictatorship, which made them unable to achieve their goals or influence the political scene.

She added that the Syrian revolution opened the door for the emergence of new parties, but these soon turned into a military conflict that undermined the possibilities of political work, in addition to the rise of extremist organizations like ISIS and Al-Qaeda. She stressed the necessity of ending the armed conflict and creating a stable political environment that would allow for political freedom and promote pluralism.

Doku spoke about the experience of the Autonomous Administration in NE Syria after liberating the region from ISIS mercenaries, where an administration was established to ensure the safety of citizens and meet their needs. Institutions were then formed to guarantee a dignified life for the people, along with a local governance system balancing military and political aspects. The space for political parties to operate was also opened, and citizens were able to express themselves, compete in managing municipalities and districts.

Dr. Salah Sarwi, Deputy Secretary-General of the Egyptian Communist Party, offered a different perspective on the reasons for the weakness of political parties in the Arab world. He pointed out that the absence of civil society values is one of the key factors that negatively impacted their role. He also discussed the impact of economic nationalization following the July Revolution in Egypt, arguing that it was accompanied by political nationalization, which led to state dominance over political activity.

He further noted that the fall of the Soviet Union and the rise of political Islam in the region caused significant shifts in political and intellectual structures. He emphasized that overcoming these challenges requires focusing on public issues, building broad political alliances that encompass diverse groups, and promoting values of democracy and civil engagement.

Hassan Tork, President of the Egyptian Democratic Unionist Party, discussed the recent Egyptian experience, considering the initiation of national dialogue a positive step toward enhancing the country's political life despite existing challenges, such as the influence of political money and nepotism.

He explained that Egypt has begun to improve its political status after the Brotherhood's rule, which witnessed sharp societal divisions. He emphasized that the greatest challenge lies in building a political culture that encourages democratic engagement and strengthens trust between the state and its citizens, noting that the path to a more open political system requires greater efforts.

Dr. Qasem Soneibar, leader in the Libyan Popular National Movement, focused his remarks on the situation in Libya. He noted that while political parties are numerous, they are ineffective due to issues such as militia rule, political Islam movements, and internal divisions.

In addition to the sharp divisions among factions and militias, he highlighted blatant foreign interventions, which have brought Libyans back to earlier eras when they sought independence from Western powers. He stated that these conditions have rendered Libyan parties incapable of playing their natural role.

The Libyan politician stated that the absence of a stable political structure has contributed to the worsening of crises, making a political solution more complex. He emphasized the importance of uniting ranks within Libya and the necessity for political parties and national movements to contribute to a project that restores the country's unity and ends the ongoing chaos.

After that, Ahmed Bahaa El-Din Shaaban, the Secretary-General of the Egyptian Socialist Party discussed the challenges faced by leftist movements. As a leftist politician, he focused on the crisis facing leftist movements, particularly the challenges confronting the Arab and global left. He noted that the isolation of leftist parties from the masses and the aging leadership have diminished their influence.

He explained that socialist ideology faces global challenges, especially under the pressures of rampant globalization, which has weakened labor and political movements. He suggested a collective struggle against globalization while working to renew political ideas to align with current social and economic transformations.

Gharib Hesso, the co-chair of the Democratic Union Party in Syria, discussed his party's experience. He stated that the party is based on the philosophy of international thinker Abdullah Ocalan and the democratic nation project to organize society and achieve a balance between political and military aspects. He noted that the party has faced accusations of terrorism from Turkey as well as political pressures from Damascus.

Hesso affirmed that despite these challenges, the party's project continues, aiming to establish a democratic, multi-ethnic Syria with a focus on building a pluralistic society that respects everyone's rights. He criticized political parties that adopt popular demands but abandon them upon coming to power, instead turning to control the state's economic resources.

Hesso stressed the importance of dialogue among various Syrian political forces, adding that the Democratic Union Party is open to dialogue, with a strong belief in the goal of a free and democratic Syria. He pointed out that the party has never sought a Kurdish state or any other independent state and criticized the obstacles and challenges he believes are closing the door to a Syrian national dialogue.

On the experience of political parties in Sudan, Ali Saeed Ibrahim, member of the Political Bureau of the Sudanese Communist Party, began by congratulating the Kurdistan Workers' Party on its anniversary. He also expressed solidarity with the Kurdish people's struggle for their rights.

The Sudanese politician highlighted a major issue in Sudan: certain regions are tied to specific leaders or sectarian figures rather than political parties. He noted that political parties have proposed programs that do not align with the interests of the Sudanese people and are now disintegrating and losing their popular bases, having previously been dominated by political Islam.

He stressed the importance of national dialogue as a means to resolve Sudan’s political crises, emphasizing that the challenges facing Sudanese parties require joint efforts from all sides to overcome differences and build a better political future.

The final remarks were delivered by Saleh Muslim, the former co-chair of the Democratic Union Party, who stated that political parties are tools to improve society's conditions. He emphasized that society must organize itself in some way to be capable of making decisions about its own life. He affirmed that the role of political parties is to advocate for the demands of the masses, warning that they lose their function when they deviate from this role.

Muslim also discussed the experience of the Democratic Union Party, saying its goal is to create free individuals who possess their own will. He argued that if society is aware of its responsibilities, it will be capable of determining its destiny. He criticized some political parties for clinging to slogans that date back a century.

Muslim acknowledged that authoritarian regimes inevitably hinder the development of strong political parties, as they use all possible means to protect their interests. However, he expressed confidence that, through the unification of parties, raising public awareness, and renewing ideas, these obstacles can be overcome. He also expressed the Democratic Union Party's readiness to share its experience with other parties willing to learn from it.

Recommendations

The seminar undoubtedly discussed numerous profound aspects of the crisis facing political parties in the Middle East, including social and economic transformations. Globalization and economic changes have posed significant challenges to political parties, impacting their ability to present comprehensive programs that align with these shifts.

External interventions by regional and international powers, for instance in countries like Libya and Syria, have also contributed to deepening the crises of political parties, further diminishing their role. Additionally, the lack of public trust was highlighted, with participants noting that parties have become incapable of regaining the confidence of the masses due to their lack of new visions and actionable projects.

Most participants proposed several solutions, emphasizing the need for a roadmap to activate the role of political parties. They stressed the importance of delivering a political message that balances realism and ambition, focusing on public issues, and fostering collective action by forming broad political alliances encompassing diverse currents to find shared solutions to major challenges.

The participants also highlighted the need for leadership renewal by giving opportunities to a new generation of young leaders to revitalize the parties. They emphasized supporting pluralism by promoting the values of democracy and political diversity as fundamental pillars for any stable political system.



TURKIYE'S MERCENARIES IN SYRIA

Syrian rebels surround key city Hama on 'three sides', war monitor says


Islamist-led Syrian rebels surrounded the key city of Hama "from three sides" on Wednesday as they continued their offensive on government-held territory. This marks the latest win for the rebels after last week's takeover of the country's second city Aleppo, which in more than a decade of war had never completely fallen out of government hands.

Issued on: 04/12/2024 - 
By: NEWS WIRES
An anti-government fighter covers his ears as a multi-barrel rocket launcher fires against regime forces in the northern outskirts of Syria's west-central city of Hama, December 4, 2024. 
© Bakr Al Kassem, AFP


Syrian rebels on Wednesday encircled the key central city of Hama "from three sides", a war monitor said, despite a counteroffensive launched by government forces to retain control of the city.

Hama is strategically located in central Syria and, for the army, it is crucial to safeguarding the capital and seat of power Damascus.

The fighting around Hama follows a lightning offensive by Islamist-led rebels who in a matter of days wrested swathes of territory, most significantly Syria's second city Aleppo, from President Bashar al-Assad's grasp.

The rebels "have surrounded Hama city from three sides, and are now present at a distance of three to four kilometres (1.9 to 2.5 miles) from it," the Syrian Observatory for Human Rights said.

The Britain-based Observatory, which relies on a network of sources in Syria, said the government forces were "left with only one exit towards Homs to the south".

Key to the rebels' successes since the start of the offensive last week was the takeover of Aleppo, which in more than a decade of war had never entirely fallen out of government hands.

The head of the Islamist rebel group Hayat Tahrir al-Sham (HTS), Abu Mohammad al-Jolani, on Wednesday visited Aleppo's landmark citadel.

Images posted on the rebels' Telegram channel showed Jolani waving to supporters from an open-top car as he visited the historic fortress.

In Hama, 36-year-old delivery driver Wassim said the sounds were "really terrifying" and the continuous bombing was clearly audible.

"I'll stay home because I have nowhere else to flee to," he said.
'Fierce battles'

While the advancing rebels found little resistance earlier in their offensive, the fighting around Hama has been especially fierce.

Assad ordered a 50 percent raise in career soldiers' pay, state news agency SANA reported, as he seeks to bolster his forces for the counteroffensive.

A military source cited by SANA had earlier reported "fierce battles" against the rebels in northern Hama province since morning, adding that "joint Syrian-Russian warplanes" were part of the effort.

The Observatory said government forces brought "large military convoys to Hama" and its outskirts in the past 24 hours.

"Dozens of trucks" loaded with tanks, weapons, ammunition and soldiers headed towards the city, it said.

It said "regime forces and pro-government fighters led by Russian and Iranian officers were able to repel" an attack northwest of Hama.

It said the fighting was close to an area mainly populated by Alawites, followers of the same offshoot of Shiite Islam as the president.

German news agency DPA announced the killing of award-winning Syrian photographer Anas Alkharboutli in an air strike near Hama.
'Close contact'

The rebels launched their offensive on November 27, the same day a ceasefire took effect in the war between Israel and Hezbollah in neighbouring Lebanon.

Both Hezbollah and Russia have been key backers of Assad's government, but have been more recently mired in their own respective conflicts.

Russia, Iran and Turkey are in "close contact" over the conflict in Syria, Moscow said Wednesday.

Watch moreDomino effect? Assad's allies stretched thin as Syrian rebels pounce

While Russia and Iran both back Assad, Turkey has backed the opposition.

The United Nations on Wednesday said 115,000 people have been "newly displaced across Idlib and northern Aleppo" by the fighting.

Turkey meanwhile warned that it may be too soon to expect large-scale returns to Aleppo from among the three million Syrian refugees currently on its soil.

"To those who say they wish to go back now we say, 'wait, it's not safe for the moment'," said Turkish Interior Minister Ali Yerlikaya.

The Observatory says the violence has killed 704 people, mostly combatants but also 110 civilians.


'Spread very thin'

Human Rights Watch on Wednesday warned that the fighting "raises concerns that civilians face a real risk of serious abuses at the hands of opposition armed groups and the Syrian government".

Rights groups including HRW have since the start of the war documented violations of human rights on both sides, including what could amount to "crimes against humanity" by Syrian government forces.

Until last week the war in Syria had been mostly dormant for several years, but analysts have said violence was bound to flare up as it was never truly resolved.

"Many policymakers thought, well, Assad won, there is no war," said Rim Turkmani, director of the Syria Conflict Research Programme at the London School of Economics.

But "we've been worrying about this for years, that the fact that there is no intense violence doesn't mean that the conflict is over," she told AFP.

While the rebels may have advanced swiftly, it does not mean they will have the capacity to hold onto the territory they have captured.

Spearheading the rebel alliance is HTS, which is rooted in Syria's Al-Qaeda branch.

"It's very well organised, very ideologically driven," Turkmani said.

"However, they spread very quickly and very thin. And I think very quickly they're going to realise it's beyond their capacity to maintain these areas and, most importantly, to govern them."

(AFP)

Who is Abu Mohammed al-Golani, the leader of Syria's surprise insurgency?
Middle East

Abu Mohammed al-Golani, who is leading the Hayat Tahrir al-Sham (HTS) militant group's surprise advance in Syria, has spent a dozen years polishing his public image to win over international governments and Syrian religious and ethnic minorities, including distancing himself from al-Qaida.


Issued on: 04/12/2024
By: NEWS WIRES
File photo: This undated photo released by a militant group in 2016 shows Abu Mohammed al-Golani, leader of Syria's al-Qaida affiliate, second from right, discussing battlefield details with commanders in Aleppo, Syria. AP


Over the past dozen years, Syrian militant leader Abu Mohammed al-Golani has worked to remake his public image and the insurgency he commands, renouncing longtime ties to al-Qaida and consolidating power before emerging from the shadows.

Now al-Golani, 42, seeks to seize the moment yet again, leading his fighters in a stunning offensive that has put them in control of Syria’s largest city, reigniting the country's long civil war and raising new questions about President Bashar Assad’s hold on power.

The surge and al-Golani's place at the head of it are evidence of a remarkable transformation. Al-Golani's success on the battlefield follows years of maneuvering among extremist organizations while eliminating competitors and former allies.

Along the way he moved to distance himself from al-Qaida, polishing his image and his extremist group's de-facto “salvation government” in an attempt to win over international governments and the country’s religious and ethnic minorities.

Putting himself forward as a champion of pluralism and tolerance, al-Golani's rebranding efforts sought to broaden his group's public support and legitimacy.

Still, it had been years since Syria’s opposition forces, based in the country's northwest, made any substantial military progress against Assad. The Syrian president's government, with backing from Iran and Russia, has maintained its control of about 70 percent of the country in a stalemate that had left al-Golani and his jihadi group Hayat Tahrir al-Sham, or HTS, out of the spotlight.

But the rebels' descent on Aleppo and nearby towns, alongside a coalition of Turkish-backed armed groups dubbed the Syrian National Army, has shaken up Syria’s tense detente and left the war-torn country’s neighbors in JordanIraq, and Lebanon worried about this flareup spilling over.

Watch more  Domino effect? Assad's allies stretched thin as Syrian rebels pounce

Al-Golani’s ties to al-Qaida stretch back to 2003 when he joined extremists battling U.S. troops in Iraq. The native of Syria was detained several times by the U.S. military, but remained in Iraq. During that time, al-Qaida usurped likeminded groups and formed the extremist Islamic State of Iraq, led by Abu Bakr al-Baghdadi.

In 2011, a popular uprising against Syria's Assad triggered a brutal government crackdown and led to all-out war. Al-Golani's prominence grew when al-Baghdadi sent him to Syria to establish a branch of al-Qaida called the Nusra Front. The United States labeled the new group as a terrorist organization. That designation still remains in place and the U.S. government has put a $10 million bounty on him.

As Syria's civil war intensified in 2013, so did al-Golani’s ambitions. He defied al-Baghdadi’s calls to dissolve the Nusra Front and merge it with al-Qaida's operation in Iraq, to form the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria, or ISIS.

Al-Golani nonetheless pledged his allegiance to al-Qaida, which later disassociated itself from ISIS. The Nusra Front battled ISIS and eliminated much of its competition among the Syrian armed opposition to Assad. In his first interview in 2014, al-Golani kept his face covered, telling a reporter for Qatari network Al-Jazeera that he rejected political talks in Geneva to end the conflict. He said his goal was to see Syria ruled under Islamic law and made clear that there was no room for the country's Alawite, ShiiteDruze, and Christian minorities.

In 2016, al-Golani revealed his face to the public for the first time in a video message that announced his group was renaming itself Jabhat Fateh al-Sham and cutting its ties to al-Qaida.

Watch more Syrian rebels aiming for 'conservative Islamist proto-state', analyst says

“This new organization has no affiliation to any external entity,” he said in the video, filmed wearing military garb and a turban.

The move paved the way for al-Golani to assert full control over fracturing militant groups. A year later, his alliance rebranded again as HTS as the groups merged, consolidating al-Golani’s power in northwest Syria’s Idlib province.

Afterward HTS clashed with independent Islamist militants who opposed the merger, further emboldening al-Golani and his group as the leading power in northwestern Syria, able to rule with an iron fist.

With his power consolidated, al-Golani set in motion a transformation that few could have imagined. Replacing his military garb with shirt and trousers, he began calling for religious tolerance and pluralism. He appealed to the Druze community in Idlib, which the Nusra Front had previously targeted, and visited the families of Kurds who were killed by Turkish-backed militias.

In 2021, al-Golani had his first interview with an American journalist on PBS. Wearing a blazer, with his short hair gelled back, the now more soft-spoken HTS leader said that his group posed no threat to the West and that sanctions imposed against it were unjust.

“Yes, we have criticized Western policies,” he said. “But to wage a war against the United States or Europe from Syria, that’s not true. We didn’t say we wanted to fight.”

(AP)

'We feel abandoned': Fear rises among Aleppo’s Kurdish residents

The takeover of Aleppo by the Islamist rebel group Hay’at Tahrir al-Sham (HTS) has left the city’s Kurdish minority on edge. As Kurdish fighters reportedly withdrew from the area, a resident of the Kurdish quarter of Aleppo shared his concerns with the FRANCE 24 Observers team.

Issued on: 03/12/2024 - 

Aleppo's Kurdish district has been plunged into uncertainty since the arrival of HTS Islamist rebel groups. This image shows Kurdish fighters (left and right) and a Syrian islamist rebel (centre). 
© The Observers

By: Guillaume Maurice

On the night of November 29-30, Islamist rebel groups led by Hayʼat Tahrir al-Sham (HTS) seized control of Aleppo, Syria’s second-largest city. Within the Kurdish minority now trapped in the city, many fear reprisals from HTS, whose fighters include former members of the Al-Nusra Front, a group once linked to Al-Qaeda.

Read more  Key points on the rebel gains that reignited Syria's civil war

Since 2016, most of Aleppo has been held by Syrian President Bashar al-Assad’s army, except for the northern part which remained under the control of Syrian Kurdish forces.

This map shows areas of Aleppo under the control of the Islamist rebel HTS on December 2, 2024 in green. Zones controlled by the Kurdish-led SDF are shown in yellow. 
© LiveUaMap

The Sheikh Maqsoud district in northern Aleppo has been under the control of the Kurdish-led Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF) since the 2012–2016 Battle of Aleppo. The Kurdish forces navigated a complex web of alliances, clashing at times with Assad’s regime and fighting against other Syrian rebel factions.

When HTS advances were first reported, Kurdish fighters said they were ready to defend Sheikh Maqsoud. Some started converging towards Aleppo during the night.
Dans cette vidéo publiée le 29 novembre 2024 des membres de la minorité kurde d’Alep se disent prêts à défendre leur quartier de la ville, Cheikh-Maksoud. ©X/ofisa_agahi

As HTS fighters were taking control of Aleppo, clashes broke out between Kurdish fighters and members of both the HTS and the Syrian National Army (SNA), a coalition of Turkish-backed armed groups. Kurdish soldiers were reported captured.
This video, posted on December 1, 2024 and geolocated in northern Aleppo, shows Kurdish fighters being captured by HTS forces.

On December 1, the HTS issued a statement via Telegram calling on Kurdish fighters to evacuate Sheikh Maqsoud. “We propose that you leave Aleppo with your weapons, heading safely to northeastern Syria. We affirm that Syrian Kurds are an integral part of Syrian society, and should enjoy the same rights as the rest of the country's population,” the statement reads.

In this statement published on December 1, 2024, the Islamist rebel group HTS asks Kurdish forces to evacuate the city of Aleppo. In return, they agree not to attack Kurdish civilians in the city. 
© Telegram / aleamaliaat_aleaskaria

In response, the SDF commander-in-chief announced plans to evacuate Kurdish civilians from Aleppo.“We have intervened to establish a humanitarian corridor between our eastern regions and Aleppo [...] to protect our people from massacres,” reads the statement published on December 2.

But these announcements have done little to reassure Kurdish civilians in Aleppo.
'We don’t know what’s going to happen; we’re plunged into uncertainty'

A resident of Sheikh Maqsoud, who requested anonymity for security reasons, told The Observers he was deeply concerned.

We don’t know what’s going to happen; we’re plunged into uncertainty. We feel alone and abandoned.

I wasn’t in the area when the HTS attacked Assad’s forces in Aleppo, but I was nearby during their assaults on the Kurdish neighbourhood. The HTS used vehicles, shots were fired. There have been two or three attacks in the past few days.

Since Friday, we’ve had almost nothing to defend ourselves. We’ve received some support from the Syrian Democratic Forces, a few soldiers and weapons, but not much else, even though so many of us live here.

I don’t trust the Islamists’ promises not to harm us. They’ve already dismantled the Asayish –the Kurdish police force in the district. After that, they could easily turn violent.
'Are they just doing it opportunistically to expand their territory?'

For Broderick McDonald, a researcher at Oxford University, it is not clear how the HTS group will position itself vis-à-vis the Kurdish population, especially given the group's history.

This is part of HTS's strategy to make itself less confrontational with a whole host of different actors. It puts out statements not only to Kurdish groups but also to the government of Iraq, to the Russian government.

They are basically saying 'our fight is with Assad and as long as you do not align yourself with Assad, we don't have a problem with you.' Now, it's going to be difficult for them (the Kurds) to believe that, given the history of HTS. HTS has a track record of human rights abuses against many different minorities, including Kurds.

It is difficult to see how they will follow through on that. However it's interesting that HTS has tried as much as it can to avoid direct clashes with Kurdish groups. In fact, it's the SNA groups largely which are clashing or negotiating with the Kurds, much more than it is HTS itself.

There are still big questions: can you trust HTS to do this long term, or are they just doing it opportunistically to expand their territory? But by and large, I think they are trying their best to avoid getting into direct clashes with the Kurds and instead focusing their energy on the Assad regime.

As of the afternoon of December 2, videos circulating on social media showed Kurdish forces retreating from Aleppo toward the Kurdish-controlled regions of Raqqa and Manbij.
This video posted on Twitter on December 2, 2024 shows convoys of Kurdish forces withdrawing from Aleppo towards to the Kurdish-controlled regions of Raqqa and Manbij.

Sporadic clashes were reported later that day, though these accounts could not be independently verified.


Army resistance toughens as rebels near Syria’s Hama



By AFP
December 3, 2024

Thousands of Kurds join the exodus of civilians from the Aleppo region of northern Syria after its seizure by Islamist-led rebels. - Copyright AFP Wakil KOHSAR

Aya Iskandarani

Islamist-led rebels advanced on Syria’s fourth-largest city Hama Tuesday, buoyed by their lightning capture of swathes of the north in an offensive that ended four years of relative calm.

The sudden flare-up in the more than decade-old civil war in Syria just as a fragile ceasefire took effect in neighbouring Lebanon drew appeals for de-escalation from across the international community.

Islamist group Hayat Tahrir al-Sham (HTS) and its allies met much tougher resistance in the countryside north of Hama than they did in the Aleppo region on Friday and Saturday, a Britain-based war monitor said.

The Syrian Observatory for Human Rights reported the heaviest fighting with government forces so far as the offensive entered its seventh day.

“Clashes have erupted in the northern Hama countryside, where rebel factions managed to seize several cities and towns in the last few hours,” the Observatory said.

“Syrian and Russian air forces carried out dozens of strikes on the area.”

Syrian state media reported that the two air forces had bombed the rebels in their Idlib stronghold as well as their vanguard in Hama province.

Russia is a key ally of President Bashar al-Assad. Its 2015 intervention in the Syrian civil war turned the tide in his government’s favour but since 2022 the Ukraine war has tied down much of its military resources.



– ‘Threat’ to popular base –



Hama was a bastion of opposition to the Assad government early in the civil war.

For many of the city’s residents, the scars of a 1982 massacre by the army, aimed at crushing the banned Muslim Brotherhood, have yet to heal.

But its capture by the rebels would “pose a threat to the regime’s popular base”, Observatory director Rami Abdel Rahman said.

The countryside west of the city is home to many Alawites, followers of the same offshoot of Shiite Islam as the president and his security chiefs.

An AFP journalist in the northern Hama countryside saw dozens of Syrian army tanks and military vehicles abandoned by the side of the road leading to Hama.

“We want to advance on Hama after combing” towns that have been captured, a rebel fighter who identified himself as Abu al-Huda al-Sourani told AFP.

The United Nations says nearly 50,000 people have been displaced by the fighting since it began last Wednesday. Hundreds of people have been killed, most of them combatants, according to the Observatory.

– UN alarm –


The mounting exodus of civilians just as winter takes hold has triggered international alarm.


UN chief Antonio Guterres said he was “alarmed” by the violence and called for an immediate halt to the fighting.

The European Union called on “all sides to de-escalate”.

Speaking to reporters Monday, US State Department spokesman Matthew Miller said: “We want to see all countries use their influence — use their leverage — to push for de-escalation, protection of civilians and ultimately, a political process forward.”

Assad is no longer the pariah in the Arab world that he was at the height of the civil war.

Egypt, Jordan and the Gulf Arab states have all expressed concern over his government’s losses. At a summit in Cairo last year, Arab leaders agreed to reinstate Syria’s membership of the Arab League, marking the start of a slow rehabilitation.

HTS is rooted in Al-Qaeda’s former Syria branch and has faced accusations of human rights abuses including torture.


– Civilian exodus –


One anxious resident of Syria’s second city Aleppo, who declined to be identified, spoke of panic as the rebels overran it on Friday and Saturday.

“There were terrible traffic jams — it took people 13 to 15 hours to reach Homs,” he said.

Normally, it would take just a couple of hours to reach Syria’s third city, which lies between Hama and Damascus, he added.

A convoy of Kurds joined the exodus on Monday as Turkish-backed fighters seized areas east of Aleppo from Kurdish-led Syrian Democratic Forces, who control much of the northeast, an AFP photographer witnessed.

But others remained trapped inside the rebel-controlled city.

Nazih Yristian, 60, who lives in Aleppo’s Armenian neighbourhood, said he and his wife had tried to flee but the main road out had been cut. Since then, the couple have cloistered themselves at home, he said.

“No one attacked us so far, but we want to leave until things calm down. We have been displaced a lot and we will be displaced again.”

Russian President Vladimir Putin and Iranian counterpart Masoud Pezeshkian pledged “unconditional support” for their ally on Monday, according to the Kremlin.

But Assad’s key allies have been distracted by the wars in Ukraine, and in Gaza and Lebanon respectively.

Neighbouring Iraq too has expressed support and on Tuesday a pro-Iran group within the security forces called on the government to go further and send combat troops.

A spokesman for Kataeb Hezbollah, part of the Iran-backed “axis of resistance”, said the group had not yet decided to deploy its own fighters but urged Baghdad to act.

“We believe the Iraqi government should take the initiative to send regular military forces in coordination with the Syrian government, as these groups pose a threat to Iraq’s national security and the region,” the spokesman said.



Genocide as Charity: a critical look at the Mizrachi Organization of Canada

The work of the Mizrachi Organization of Canada shows how Israeli war crimes and crimes against humanity are embedded within the Canadian charitable sector.

By Miles Howe December 4, 2024
MONDOWEISS

The Israeli military’s Duvdevan Unit training in March 2022. The Duvdevan Unit is one of many Israeli bodies accused of committing war crimes and human rights abuses that donors can support through the Mizrachi Organization of Canada. 
(Photo: Israeli Defence Forces Spokesperson’s Unit)

No one charity epitomizes the synergy between rampant financial complicity in the aiding and abetting of Israeli war criminality and the laissez faire attitude that plagues the Canadian tax regulator, better than the Mizrachi Organization of Canada. Legally registered as a charitable organization as of 1979, Mizrachi Canada’s bold-faced website advertises itself as the Canadian home of the Religious Zionist Movement, ready and energized to move tax-deductible donations to supposedly worthy causes in Israel. With Canadian Jewish private and public foundations sitting on multiple billions of dollars, Mizrachi Canada serves as the most overt conduit for Canadians looking to support Israeli war crimes – and earn a charitable tax credit in the process.

Welcome to Canada, where Palestinian erasure is a charitable pastime and the Canada Revenue Agency, the charitable sector regulator, is either complicit or inept.

For starters, as I’ve written about in detail here, Mizrachi Canada operates as a tax receipt-issuing conduit for the Israeli website, jgive.com. Jgive.com, the forward-facing platform for the Israeli-based organization, ASUR Fund, plays virtual host to thousands of Israeli-registered charities. Thumbing its nose at customary international legal frameworks, like the Geneva Conventions and the Rome Statutes (which Canada has internalized into its own Criminal Code) hundreds of these Israeli charities are physically located in illegally occupied Palestinian territory.

Beyond their role in adding permanency to Israel’s illegal occupation, consider the operational parameters of some of the other Israeli charities hosted by jgive.com: Regavim works to delegitimize Palestinian territorial claims, specifically in so-called Area C of the West Bank. Elad Ir David runs an illegal settlement/tourist attraction that uses an ever-expanding, pseudo-archaeological, dig site as justification for expelling Palestinians from the town of Silwan. Women in Green claims to be an apolitical organization, yet is bent upon the destruction and subsequent Israeli settlement of Gaza. Im Tirtzu, an actual fascist organization, actively turns away aid trucks bound for Gaza.

In terms of overt support to the Israeli military, jgive.com also lists numerous ‘Hesder Yeshivas’ as Israeli charities. These quasi-educational facilities operate in a complementary capacity to military service in Israel, where soldiers undertake Talmudic studies alongside active duty. Dozens of other Israeli charities on jgive.com, like the Duvdevan Foundation, for example, provide material and financial support to active members of the Israeli military, drawing them into direct financial complicity in the aiding and abetting of an ever-expanding list of war crimes, crimes against humanity and genocide.

 Mizrachi Canada’s financial support of these internationally illegal Israeli recipients is listed in Table 1.

Name Dollar Amount (CDN) Description

ALON SHEVUT RELIGIOUS AND COMMUNITY $16,470.00 Illegal Settlement – Alon Shvut
BAIS ISRAEL $18,585.00 Illegally annexed East Jerusalem
BEIT KNESSET HAZORIM B’RINA $21,910.00 Illegal Settlement Outpost – Efrat
BEIT MIDRASH ‘ZICHRON MOSHE’ $18,610.00 Illegally annexed East Jerusalem
CHASDEI EFRAT $338.00 Illegal Settlement – Efrat
DOLEV HOMES FOR YOUTH AT RISK $64,360.00 Illegal Settlement – Dolev
EFRAT DEVELOPMENT FOUNDATION $323,923.00 Illegal Settlement – Efrat
HAKIBUTZ HADATI $93,083.00 Religious movement comprises several illegal kibbutzes in West Bank, (Migdal Oz, Kfar Etzion, Rosh Tzurim)
JOB KATIF/LA’OFEK $3,132.00 Illegal Settlement – Alon Shvut
KEREN AHIEZER ACHISAMCH $63,616.00 Illegal Settlement – Karnei Shomron
KIRYAT HAYESHIVA BET EL $98,055.00 Illegal Settlement – Beit El
MECHINAT YEDIDYA $44,304.00 Illegal Settlement – Gush Etzion district
MICHLOL MAALE LEVONA $46,988.00 Illegal Settlement – Ma’ale Levona
MIDRESHET HAROVA $77,645.00 Illegally annexed East Jerusalem
MIDRESHET HAVORA $10,621.00 Illegally annexed East Jerusalem
NETZER ARIEL $20,786.00 Illegal Settlement – Ariel
SHIRAT HATAMAR $1,079.00 Illegal Settlement – Efrat
SYNAGOGUE IN MEMORY OF NOAM RAZ $736.00 Illegal Settlement – Keida
TALMUD TORAH HADAR YOSEF $9,500.00 Illegal Settlement – Serves Binyamin Region
TESHIVA HAR BRACHA $159,259.00 Illegal Settlement – Har Bracha
GUSH ETZION FOUNDATION $1,742.00 Provides financial support for settlements
THE WOMEN’S BEIT MISRASH OF EFRAT $9,546.00 Illegal Settlement – Efrat
ULPANA L’BANOT KIRYAT ARBA $1,440.00 Illegal Settlement – Kiryat Arba
YESHIVA BNEI ROCHEL-KEVER ROCHEL $6,189.00 Illegal Settlement – Bethlehem
YESHIVAT HAKOTEL $31,743.00 Illegally annexed East Jerusalem
YESHIVAT HAR ETZION $148,441.00 Illegal Settlement – Har Etzion
YESHIVAT NETIV ARYEH $32,933.00 Illegally annexed East Jerusalem
YESHIVAT ORAYTA $11,040.00 Illegally annexed East Jerusalem
YESHIVAT SHAVEI HEVRON $125,789.00 Illegal Settlement – Hebron
YISHUV ELI $8,781.00 Illegal Settlement – Eli
YESHIVAT SHAVEI HEVRON $2,173.00 Illegal Settlement – Hebron
BNEI DAVID/YESHIVAT HESDER ELI $44,010.00 Hesder Yeshiva – Military adjacent educational training in lieu of active military service
YESH. HES, OR VISHUA HAIFA $1,119.00 Hesder Yeshiva
YESH. HESDER KIRYAT SHEMONEH $475.00 Hesder Yeshiva
YESHIVAT HESDER ACCO $39,042.00 Hesder Yeshiva
YESHIVAT HESDER DIMONA $6,000.00 Hesder Yeshiva
YESHIVAT HESDER HAREL $39,251.00 Hesder Yeshiva
YESHIVAT HESDER MAALOT YAAKOV $25,885.00 Hesder Yeshiva
YESHIVAT HESDER NEVE DEKALIM (V) $53,769.00 Hesder Yeshiva
YESHIVAT HESDER NOF HAGALIL $5,425.00 Hesder Yeshiva
YESHIVAT HESDER OR ETZION $11,814.00 Hesder Yeshiva
YESHIVAT HESDER RAMAT GAN $4,950.00 Hesder Yeshiva
YESHIVAT HESDER SDEROT $29,318.00 Hesder Yeshiva
YESHIVAT HESDER SHILOH $475.00 Hesder Yeshiva
YESHIVAT HESDER TFAHOT $31,315.00 Hesder Yeshiva
YESHIVAT HESDER YAFO $20,356.00 Hesder Yeshiva
YESHIVAT MA’ALE GILBOA $1,900.00 Hesder Yeshiva hybrid
BRIT OLAM $2,344.00 Israeli Political Party
FOUNDATION OF THE VETERAN PARATROOPERS $22,521.00 Military affiliated
GARIN TORANI LOD $19,620.00 Works towards Jewish-only settling in Jewish minority neighbourhoods
OREV $11,608.00 Israeli paratrooper division
REGAVIM $8,460.00 Conducts surveillance and legal warfare against Palestinians, specifically in ‘Area C’ of West Bank
WOMEN IN GREEN $11,403.00 Works towards colonization of ‘Greater Israel’
DUVDEVAN FOUNDATION $200,000.00 Supports members of Duvdevan Unit – Israeli military unit.
Table 1 – Illegal Israeli Intermediaries named by Mizrachi Canada
(Source: Mizrachi Canada 2023 Schedule 2 – Overseas Activity)

Internationalizing the scheme, jgive.com has aligned itself with a variety of charitable partners, which provide Zionist donors in America, Great Britain, and Canada the opportunity to use the jgive website to donate to the Israeli charity of their choice, in their home currencies, and receive charitable tax receipts in their home countries. None of this would be possible without ‘home country’ partners, because the Israeli charities themselves don’t have charitable status outside of Israel. In America, jgive.com’s charity partner is the Jerusalem-registered, Friends of Asor Fund USA. In Great Britain, the charity partner is registered as UK Toremet. For Canadian Zionists, the charitable tax receipting service is provided by Mizrachi Canada.

This isn’t actually legal in Canada. In Canada, if you’re a charity and you want to move money into the hands of an international intermediary, like an Israeli charity, you need to demonstrate direction and control over the money you’re providing and be able to prove that the international recipient is undertaking charitable programming that wouldn’t have taken place without your money. You can’t just blanket fundraise for pre-existing operations over which you have no control, like what Mizrachi Canada does for jgive.com. That’s called being an illegal conduit.

Canadian charities are also required to obey Canadian public policy statements. Global Affairs Canada has made it clear that the Canadian government does not consider the post-1967 Israeli presence in the occupied Palestinian territory to be “permanent” and, importantly, considers the Fourth Geneva Convention to be legally applicable and “establishes Israel’s obligations as an occupying power”.

As we all know, Article 49 of the Fourth Geneva Convention notes that the transferring civilian populations into occupied territory, along with forced deportation and transfer of indigenous populations, are war crimes. Canadian charities are legally responsible for the actions of their international intermediaries. And so, regardless of whatever passes for charity law in the apartheid state, Mizrachi Canada is legally responsible to Canadian law for the activities of its Israeli recipients.

Beyond the confines of the Income Tax Act and Canadian public policy, the actions of Mizrachi Canada’s Israeli intermediaries also contravene various aspects of the Canadian Criminal Code. Under the 1998 Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court, the transfer of civilian populations into a territory under occupation, along with the “extensive destruction and appropriation of property, not justified by military necessity and carried out unlawfully and wantonly”, are war crimes. The Rome Statute has been adopted in full into Canadian law through the Crimes Against Humanity and War Crimes Act (CAHWCA), as have the Fourth Geneva Convention of 1949, under the Geneva Conventions Act. War crimes and crimes against humanity, within both Acts, are indictable offenses under the Canadian Criminal Code.

The problem isn’t just limited to the activities of Mizrachi Canada. As I’ve written about in some detail here, Mizrachi Canada is not the only Canadian charity that moves money into the hands of Israeli intermediaries committing war crimes (for whom they are legally responsible). On a solely financial level, the jgive.com empire is certainly the key, international, operator within the world of ‘point and click’ Israeli charity. But the Canadian charitable organization Canada Charity Partners, for example, operates as a conduit for the Israeli-based website israelgives.org. Ne’eman Foundation Canada, prior to its revocation (which I’ve written about here), also hosted dozens of Israeli charities, many of them located within the illegal settlements and/or who provided material and financial support to Palestinian dispossession.

The overall problem is that these Canadian charitable organizations seem to be able to operate within a space of extra-legality. If/when the Canada Revenue Agency does finally act, as with the case of Ne’eman Canada, the actual repercussions are totally minimal – the charity simply dissolves and its place within the illegal, transactional, system is replaced.

Tragically, by financial accounts, genocide has been very good for those involved in the Israeli charity business. 2023 saw jgive.com’s parent company, the ‘ASUR Fund’ take in over 283 million NIS in donations (about $78 million USD). This is over double the 131 million NIS it brought in in 2022. For its part, in 2023 Mizrachi Canada brought in over $21 million CDN, about triple the over $7 million CDN it declared in revenue in 2022.
Asleep at the Wheel or In on the Deal?

Beyond the fact that the Canadian charitable sector is now actively an extra-legal hotbed of financial complicity in the aiding and abetting of Israeli war crimes, two serious issues present themselves.

Firstly, as an outside researcher, year in year out, by rights I should be able to chart out all of a Canadian charity’s international activity. Canadian charities are required to divulge their international activity, by intermediary name and received dollar amount, in the ‘Schedule 2 – Overseas Activity’ section of their yearly tax returns. Yet even this baseline of data, via which one might then begin the research process, is frequently absent. Consider that Mizrachi Canada, between 2007-2021, claimed to have moved over $46 million CDN into Israel. Only about $600,000 CDN of this was properly accounted for, by intermediary name and dollar amount, in its yearly tax returns. The rest, over a span of 15 years, quite simply, could have gone anywhere.

This lack of baseline reporting isn’t limited to Mizrachi Canada, either. The David Hofstedter Family Foundation, for example, consistently moves tens of millions of dollars CDN into Israel per year and simply lists the country code ‘Israel’ as its recipient. The endemic lack of reporting is the same with the United Israel Appeal of Canada, which is the main money-moving arm of the Jewish Federations of Canada and also moves millions of dollars CDN per year.

Having familiarized myself with the sector, it isn’t an underestimate to say that tens of millions of dollars CDN in tax-deductible donations move from Canada to Israel, every year, without any outside ability to know or understand where this money ends up, or what it is intended to do. The Canada Revenue Agency, for its part, appears either unable or unwilling to address this. So, while Mizrachi Canada and its activities are certainly illegal and problematic, the bigger issue is the endemic lack of reporting within the sector – and a regulator either asleep at the wheel or in on the deal.

Without fully delving into the conspiratorial, consider that the same private foundations – tied to family and corporate fortunes in Canada – whose names grace hospital wings, academic chairs, and art prizes, are the same ones underwriting Mizrachi Canada’s financial complicity in war crimes and genocide. Between 2000-2023, Canadian public and private foundations donated millions of dollars CDN to Mizrachi Canada and were responsible for about a third of the overall cash flowing through Mizrachi Canada to Israel during this period. Table 2 illustrates all Canadian foundation donors to Mizrachi Canada, between 2000-2023, that donated a minimum $200,000, cumulatively.

Legal Name Amount (CDN)

Jewish Community Foundation of Montreal $3,904,684.00
THE ROTHFAM FOUNDATION $3,888,448.00
ISRAEL KOSCHITZKY FAMILY CHARITABLE FOUNDATION $2,967,802.00
SILVER FAMILY CHARITABLE FOUNDATION $2,661,449.00
NATHAN AND LILY SILVER FAMILY FOUNDATION $2,277,118.00
THE JEWISH LEGACY CHARITABLE FOUNDATION $2,172,390.00
THE AMAYN CHARITABLE FOUNDATION $2,047,676.00
DAAT CHARITABLE FOUNDATION $1,744,830.00
THE SHELLO CHARITABLE FOUNDATION $1,727,500.00
THE JACK WEINBAUM FAMILY FOUNDATION $1,245,876.00
The Jonathan and Ethan Lax Foundation $1,222,429.00
THE BUCKINGHAM CHARITABLE FOUNDATION $1,148,893.00
Jewish Foundation of Greater Toronto $1,061,076.00
RAYJO CHARITABLE TRUST $1,037,526.00
THE FRIEDBERG CHARITABLE FOUNDATION $987,217.00
CANADIAN COUNCIL FOR ISRAEL $985,087.00
THE MEYER FAMILY FOUNDATION $961,204.00
THE CANADIAN COMMITTEE FOR THE TEL AVIV FOUNDATION $950,676.00
HERZOG FAMILY TRUST $840,902.00
THE WAYNE TANENBAUM CHARITABLE FOUNDATION $833,500.00
TORAH V’AVODAH CONGREGATION, $801,000.00
THE FRANCES TANENBAUM CHARITABLE FOUNDATION $769,212.00
BINAH CHARITABLE FOUNDATION $661,580.00
COLLEGE BETH JACOB POUR LES ENSEIGNANTS INC $660,352.00
THE JOSEPH TANENBAUM CHARITABLE FOUNDATION $656,175.00
THE SAMUEL AND BESSIE ORFUS FAMILY FOUNDATION $647,000.00
THE HERBERT GREEN FAMILY CHARITABLE FOUNDATION INC. $605,532.00
THE P SCHWARTZ FAMILY FOUNDATION $594,630.00
FAMGLAS FOUNDATION $549,070.00
THE ESTHERELKE TANENBAUM CHARITABLE FOUNDATION $428,212.00
BESSIN FAMILY FOUNDATION $425,996.00
THE JOSEPH AND FANNY TANENBAUM CHARITABLE FOUNDATION $374,650.00
Fondation Johanne & Normand Sternthal/Foundation Johanne & Norman Sternthal $318,120.00
THE FRANKEL FAMILY FOUNDATION $318,079.00
SEMINARY LOAN FUND $306,382.00
CHIMP: Charitable Impact Foundation (Canada) $300,979.00
THE KELMAN CHARITABLE FOUNDATION $284,447.00
BETH OLOTH CHARITABLE ORGANIZATION $270,800.00
THE MORRIS AND BEVERLY BAKER FOUNDATION $257,608.00
UNITED JEWISH APPEAL OF GREATER TORONTO $243,850.00
My Charity Fund $243,190.00
THE ESTARON FOUNDATION $236,544.00
THE S. SIGLER FAMILY CHARITABLE FOUNDATION $224,348.00
THE NUSBAUM FAMILY CHARITABLE FOUNDATION $218,449.00
KEREN HATORAH CHARITY FUND $203,146.00

Table 2 – $200,000+ CDN foundation donors to Mizrachi Canada (2000-2023).

This scenario arguably epitomizes the Faustian bargain at the heart of foundational philanthropy in Canada; tax-deductible donations prop up our social service regimes yet also slate resistant indigenous populations for extermination. These are the ‘too big to fail’ of the Canadian charitable sector. The tax regulator, for reasons unknown, has either abandoned its duties, is complicit, or is understaffed to the point of being incapacitated.
Archaeological dig at Notre-Dame unearths 2,000 years of history

The tragic 2019 fire at Notre-Dame Cathedral led to major discoveries during restoration work. Archaeologists unearthed treasures dating back from antiquity to the 19th century.


Issued on: 04/12/2024 -
By: Stéphanie TROUILLARD
Archaeologists excavate the floor of Notre-Dame Cathedral after the discovery of a 15th-century sarcophagus, March 15 2022. © Julien de Rosa, AFP


Busts of the crucified face of Christ, the torso of a man wearing a tunic are some of the artifacts on display at the Musée de Cluny, a museum of medieval art in Paris, where visitors can contemplate nearly ten centuries of history. Around 30 fragments from Notre-Dame Cathedral's rood screen, a stone tribune adorned with statues, are being exhibited for the first time. The tribune formed an enclosure between the choir and the nave where the faithful were seated.

“We thought these elements had been lost forever,” said museum's director Séverine Lepape, as she revealed the sculptures, which were made in 1230.

A bust dating from 1230 discovered in 2022 in Notre-Dame’s transept.
ʩ St̩phanie Trouillard, France 24


‘It's unbelievable’

The remains were unearthed during excavations carried out prior to the reconstruction of the cathedral, after the April 2019 fire.


Around 15 of the medieval sculptures were unearthed during renovation work in the 19th century led by French architect Eugène Viollet-le-Duc (1814-1879) .

Recent excavations following the 2019 fire uncovered around thousand pieces, including 700 fragments, some of which display polychrome traces that are well preserved. "Polychromy is the coloured adornment on the surface. It tells us what people saw when they were confronted with these sculptures before the application of colours disappeared,” said Damien Berné, the curator of the exhibition Making Stones Speak. Notre Dame’s Medieval Sculptures, which ends March 16, 2025.

Pieces of the rood screen painted in blue and accented with gold. © Denis Gliksman, Inrap

Delicate slivers of colour adorn these fragile artifacts: reds, blues, ochres and golds. “The rood screen is an exceptional discovery; the likes of which you only get once every hundred years. When we find a 13th-century sculpture, we're happy, but when we find 1,000, it's unbelievable," said archaeologist Christophe Besnier of the French National Institute for Preventative Archaeological Research (INRAP). "I feel privileged," added the lead archeologist for the February 2022 excavation of Notre-Dame’s transept crossing.

WatchThe renaissance of Notre-Dame Cathedral: Behind the scenes of a monumental restoration

Few opportunities existed before the fire to study the prestigious religious building so closely. During radical restoration work overseen by Viollet-le-Duc beginning in 1843, the architect recorded observations in his journal. But it was not until 1847 that an initial excavation campaign was carried out by Théodore Vacquer on the eastern edge beneath the square in front of Notre-Dame. The construction of a car park under the square in the 1960s also allowed for the discovery of architectural ruins, and for the creation of a crypt that would display the remains.

"From an archaeological point of view, the area was relatively unknown, except for the square. Notre-Dame was considered as a historical monument, not an archaeological site," said Dorothée Chaoui-Derieux, the chief heritage curator who has coordinated all the archaeological operations at Notre-Dame decreed by the State since 2019. "We have carried out around 20 diagnostic or excavation operations as part of this project, which have uncovered nearly 2,000 years of history," she added.

INRAP archaeologists work on skeletons at the burial site discovered in the nave of the Notre-Dame Cathedral on December 8, 2023. © Sarah Meyssonnier, AFP
Rebuilding 2000 years of history

For centuries, different occupations were superimposed on one another. The oldest levels date back to the early antiquity period. A dwelling from the very beginning of the 1st century was unearthed at a depth of 3.50 metres in the Soufflot cellar, in the heart of the cathedral. Remains related to housing and crafts from the Low Roman Empire were discovered under the cathedral’s square.

Read moreNotre-Dame, five years after the flames: A symbol of resilience

The excavations also made it possible to identify remains from the Middle Ages prior to the construction of the cathedral, including a large Carolingian building, dating back to the period when the Carolingian family of aristocrats ruled much of western Europe from 750 to 887.

The foundations of the cathedral were also uncovered for the first time. "This really illustrates the level of activity on the site dating from the very first century up until our era," said Christophe Besnier. "We have collected clues from almost every period. We will be able to reconstruct more than 2,000 years of history on this part of the Île de la Cité," he said, referring to the island on the River Seine where the cathedral is built.
Antique objects found by archaeologists after the discovery of a 14th century lead sarcophagus on March 15, 2022. © Julien de Rosa, AFP

For Besnier, each excavation is unique. Even if the discovery of the rood screen was an exceptional find, he refused to rate the discoveries. "Finding Gallic coins from the end of the 1st century BC in the Soufflot cellar was just as moving," said Besnier.

Chaoui-Derieux agreed. "Maybe they are less spectacular, but the discoveries of Merovingian layers on the south side of the cathedral and the 30-metre-long Carolingian building are just as important from a scientific point of view," he said.
A ‘data mine’

The 2022 discovery of two coffins beneath the nave of Notre-Dame were particularly publicised in French media reports.

While the identification of Canon Antoine de La Porte was made possible by the epitaph on his coffin, the identity of the other occupant remained shrouded in mystery.

In September, archaeologist Éric Crubézy finally announced that it could be the poet Joachim du Bellay, who was buried in the cathedral in the 16th century, according to analyses carried out at the Forensic Institute of the Toulouse University Hospital.

Yet doubts remain, according to Chaoui-Derieux. "The studies are still far from over. There are other signs suggesting this isn’t Joachim du Bellay but another individual."
A 14th century lead sarcophagus discovered in Notre-Dame on March 15, 2022.
 © Julien de Rosa, AFP

Notre-Dame hasn't finished revealing its secrets. Despite the completion of the restoration project, teams of archaeologists are still busy. "The work is not over. There are still important analyses to be carried out over the next two or three years," said Besnier. A year-long effort to stabilise all the fragments of the rood screen and its polychromy is currently underway. The discovery will also lead to a 3D reconstruction.

Read moreMacron takes world on first tour inside Paris’s restored Notre-Dame cathedral

During the work, the rubble left after the fire was also carefully collected and inventoried. "This is considered as archaeological remains which are now accessible to the scientific community," said Chaoui-Derieux. "There are specialists in wood, stone and metal who come to our reserves to take samples of these materials. They will be able to tell us more, especially about the construction of the framework, or about the different phases of restoration. It is a real source of data."

A person holds photographs of archaeological remains after the Notre-Dame fire on November 21, 2024. © Stephane de Sakutin, AFP

The fire that ravaged the cathedral and moved the entire world will have indirectly helped advance research, said Chaoui-Derieux. "It is obvious that no one would have wanted this disaster, but once it happened, we tried to find the silver lining. This is a tragedy which helped us enrich our knowledge."

Read more Notre-Dame set for further restorations, thanks to generous donations

(Translation of the original in French by Sonya Ciesnik.)