Sunday, September 20, 2026

BRINGING THE WAR HOME

Moscow hit by 'largest-scale attack' on capital so far, mayor says

People walk in Red Square cloudy weather in Moscow, Wednesday, Aug. 19, 2026.
Copyright Copyright 2026 The Associated Press. All rights reserved.

By Nathan Rennolds
Published on

Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy confirmed that Ukraine had targeted the Moscow region overnight, saying a "key" oil industry facility as well as a logistics facility were hit.

Ukrainian forces launched their "largest-scale attack" on Moscow since the war in Ukraine began, the city's mayor said on Sunday.

In a post on Telegram, Sergey Sobyanin reported that Russian air defences had shot down more than 1,600 drones across the country since Saturday, 450 of which he said had been heading towards the capital.

"Several drones reached the territory of the Moscow refinery, and one struck a residential building. There were no fatalities," he wrote. Moscow Oblast governor Andrey Vorobyov said two people had been killed in attacks across the wider region.

Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy confirmed that Ukraine had targeted the Moscow region overnight, saying a "key" oil industry facility as well as a logistics facility were hit.

"Our long-range responses had a very significant impact in the Moscow region last night," he wrote in a post on X, adding that the attacks had involved FP-1 attack drones and Palianytsia missiles, among other munitions.

"Moscow must end its brutal war and choose peace instead of building layered rings of air defense at the expense of other regions," Zelenskyy continued, while also sharing video footage appearing to show the aftermath of the strikes.

Russian attacks on Ukraine

It comes as Ukrainian authorities reported that a child had died following a Russian strike on the Kyiv region, bringing the death toll from the attack to four.

Timur Tkachenko, the head of the Kyiv Regional State Administration, said on Sunday that the child died in hospital after having been injured in an attack on the Vyshhorod district.

"The Kyiv region has endured more than a day of enemy attacks," Tkachenko said in an update, adding that 31 structures had been damaged across five districts.

In the southern Kherson region, a 71-year-old priest was also killed in a drone attack on a monastery in the village of Chervonyi Mayak on Saturday, per local authorities. Four others were reportedly injured in the incident.

According to Zelenskyy, who has been calling for further sanctions against Moscow, Russia launched over 2,000 attack drones, 1,700 aerial bombs and 19 missiles against Ukraine this week.

 

Russia votes as Moscow reports record drone attack

Russia votes as Moscow reports record drone attack
Air defences claimed 450 drones downed on the approach to the capital and more than 1,600 on all lines of defence since September 19, as turnout passed 45% and counting began in the Far East. / bne IntelliNewsFacebook
By Ben Aris in Berlin September 20, 2026

Moscow faced its biggest Ukrainian drone attack as Russia entered the final day of parliamentary voting, Mayor Sergey Sobyanin said on September 20.

Air defences shot down 450 drones on the approach to the capital, Sobyanin said, putting the total repelled on all lines of defence since September 19 at more than 1,600; the defence ministry counted 1,110 destroyed across Russia overnight. Two people were killed in Moscow region, a 74-year-old man and a 44-year-old woman, Governor Andrey Vorobyov said, and about 20 were injured, 15 of them taken to hospital, Meduza reported. The Moscow Oil Refinery in Kapotnya was damaged, a combined heat and power plant in Dzerzhinsky was struck, and Vnukovo, Domodedovo, Sheremetyevo and Zhukovsky airports restricted flights.

The Kremlin spent the year engineering a low-key managed vote it could win quietly, and Ukraine's drones have put the war in front of voters on their way to the polling station instead. Russian officials say that was the point of the strikes. Ukraine has not said so.

Sobyanin called the attack an unprecedented attempt to disrupt the election and said "the enemy failed in this regard". Foreign ministry spokeswoman Maria Zakharova said commission staff in regions being attacked were "challenging all this terrorist scum" simply by turning up for work, and Central Election Commission chairwoman Ella Pamfilova said saboteurs had left four large regions in the Far East without communications during voting, TASS reported. Polling hours in Russian-held Donetsk were cut to six on September 20 because of drone activity.

President Volodymyr Zelenskiy said the overnight operation used Flamingo and Pelican missiles alongside drones and hit oil and logistics facilities: "These are billions of dollars that sustain the war machine," he said, AP reported, making no mention of the election. Ukraine's long-range campaign has shifted steadily onto refineries, fuel depots and logistics sites, part of a turn by both sides towards each other's civilian economy. The Kapotnya plant refines 11mn tonnes a year and supplies about 40% of Moscow's fuel market, according to Kyiv Independent.

Turnout stood at 45.1% at 07:50 Moscow time on September 20, the Central Election Commission said, after 40.79% at the close of the second day, TASS reported. In occupied Zaporizhzhia, voting for the Russian parliament for the first time, the commission put turnout at 72.88% by the evening of September 19.

Remote electronic voting, the most contested part of the system, ran on the federal platform in 32 regions and on Moscow's separate system, covering 48.4mn registered voters between them. Close to 6mn ballots had been cast online by 02:00 on September 20, 3.33mn on the federal platform and about 2.5mn in Moscow, RIA Novosti reported. Moscow's monitoring headquarters said the system was under "large-scale cyberattacks" hitting three network layers, while Dmitry Reut, deputy chairman of the city election commission, said they were being repelled without voters noticing, Kommersant reported. Online tallies are published as a single regional block and cannot be set against paper counts station by station, which is the core of the objection to them.

Roughly 4,500 polling stations processed ballots on the first day far faster than the national average of 20 an hour, some at 230 an hour, with the heaviest clusters in Chechnya, Dagestan, North Ossetia and the Leningrad, Voronezh, Smolensk and Ivanovo regions, according to a count by the investigative outlet IStories that The Insider published. Communist Party deputy Sergey Kazankov published video he said showed a commission member pushing two packets of ballots into a box in Mari El after observers left the room, and more than 1,300 observers were refused entry to polling stations on September 18. In Moscow, 92% of those who voted on the first day did so electronically.

There is no independent national count to test any of it against. Golos, the last independent Russian election monitor, closed in July 2025 after its co-chair was jailed, and Russia did not invite an observation mission from the Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe.

About 1,600 veterans of the Ukraine war are standing across the parliamentary, regional and local contests and roughly 200 for the Duma itself, after United Russia rewrote its rules to ease them onto its slates, the New York Times reported. President Vladimir Putin has called them the country's "new elite".

Counting began as stations closed in Kamchatka and Chukotka, with the last ballots due in at 20:00 local time in Kaliningrad and first figures expected from about 18:00 GMT. No results had been published by midday on September 20. United Russia is expected to keep control of the chamber; what is open is whether it holds the 300 seats needed for a two-thirds Duma majority, and how far its vote has slipped in industrial regions, where the Kremlin's own pollsters could not agree on its standing in the final week.

 

Missile War Monitor: Ukraine hits the refinery that fuels Moscow as Russia cuts power in Odesa

Missile War Monitor: Ukraine hits the refinery that fuels Moscow as Russia cuts power in Odesa
Ukrainian drones set the Moscow Oil Refinery alight in what the mayor called the heaviest raid yet on the Russian capital, hours after Russian strikes left 178,700 customers without power in Odesa / bne IntelliNews / bne IntelliNewsFacebook
By bne IntelliNews September 20, 2026

Ukrainian drones set fire to the refinery that supplies about 40% of Moscow's fuel overnight, in what the city's mayor called the heaviest drone attack on the capital yet.

Moscow Mayor Sergei Sobyanin said a facility on the grounds of the Moscow Oil Refinery at Kapotnya, operated by Gazprom Neft, was damaged in the raid of September 19 to 20. A logistics warehouse complex at Sofyino in the Ramensky district of Moscow oblast, run by Sovremennye Skladskie Tekhnologii, burned the same night. Moscow region Governor Andrei Vorobyov reported at least two people dead and six injured across the province without tying the casualties to either site.

The strike puts Ukraine's refinery campaign inside Moscow's city limits at a moment when the Russian fuel system can least absorb it. Gasoline production covered only about 70% of domestic demand at the end of August, and half of Russia's six largest diesel-producing refineries had cut or halted runs this month, Reuters reported, citing fuel market participants. A plant inside the city is no longer only a symbolic target.

"I also approved new long-range operations in response to Russian strikes. We are preparing to expand our long-range capabilities," President Volodymyr Zelenskiy said on September 19, the day before the raid.

What Moscow says was damaged, and what it does not say

Sobyanin's account is narrow. He said a facility on the refinery grounds was damaged and that the attack was the most massive yet on the capital. He did not say the refinery had stopped, and no Russian official, company statement or outlet has said its output fell. Gazprom Neft has not commented. Until one of them does, Kapotnya is a fire and not a shutdown, and this monitor records it as one.

The plant's scale is not in dispute. Reporting puts its capacity at about 11mn tonnes a year and its share of Moscow's fuel at about 40%, with a larger share of the wider region's gasoline and jet fuel.

Ukrainian drone maker Fire Point said its FP-1 long-range drones took part. That is the manufacturer of the weapon describing the effect of its own weapon, and it carries no independent confirmation.

A second impact site was reported on Orekhovy Boulevard in southern Moscow. No facility was identified there and no damage was described.

The night before, and the one still being counted

This edition carries two nights rather than one.

On the night of September 18 to 19, Russia's defence ministry claimed 344 drones were destroyed over 16 regions and the Black Sea. It named no damaged facility, and no regional governor reported economic damage anywhere on that list. The correct reading is that no economic facility was reported hit, not that none was hit: the assessment of the Tatarstan refinery strike that arrived five days late is the standing reminder that Russian damage surfaces slowly.

The night of September 19 to 20 is reported only for Moscow and Moscow oblast, because Sobyanin and Vorobyov posted early given the scale of the attack on the capital. At the time of writing, governors in Ryazan, Leningrad, Volgograd, Samara, Krasnodar, Rostov, Tatarstan and Bashkortostan had said nothing about that night. The Russian side of it is not yet reported.

Russia's fuel arithmetic

The cumulative picture is firmer than any single night. Reuters, citing market participants, reported that Kirishi was fully shut and that Volgograd and NORSI were running at about a quarter of nameplate capacity, with the six biggest diesel producers accounting for about half of Russian diesel output. The International Energy Agency counts a successful strike on a Russian refinery once every three days over the first eight months of this year.

At Nizhnekamsk in Tatarstan, satellite imagery published on September 18 by the monitoring project Dnipro Osint indicates the September 13 strike hit the ELOU-AVT-7 crude distillation unit. Militarnyi says that unit processes 9.2mn tonnes a year, about 52% of the refinery's primary capacity. That is capacity read off an image rather than an outage confirmed by Tatneft, which has said nothing, and it amends an existing ledger row rather than opening a new one.

Odesa loses power, Kherson loses a pipeline

Russia's own targeting stayed on the grid and the logistics chain.

DTEK said 178,700 consumers were without power on the morning of September 19 in the Peresypskyi and Prymorskyi districts of Odesa, with more than 60,000 households already restored, and warned of possible disruption to critical infrastructure and electric transport. Neither the company nor the region named a damaged facility, so none is named here. These were emergency cuts rather than the scheduled kind, and they follow the pattern of winter grid attacks that has run through this war.

Odesa Governor Oleh Kiper said one strike hit again an administrative building that had been attacked the previous day, starting a fire on the upper floors, and also damaged two residential buildings, a two-storey educational facility, a car and a minibus. Nobody was hurt overnight. The September 18 strike on the same building injured 10 people, two of them rescue workers.

In Kherson region a gas pipeline was destroyed, along with administrative buildings, stores and a mobile phone tower. Five high-rise blocks and seven private houses were damaged and two people were killed. No source identifies the operator or says whether the line was transmission or local distribution.

Warehouses in Dnipro and a shopping centre in Nikopol were damaged by drones and artillery. No owner was named, which is now routine for the warehouse and retail targeting both sides practise.

Russia's defence ministry said Geran-4 Seeker drones struck two commercial vessels, a Ukrainian dry cargo ship bound for Odesa and a tanker docked in Odesa port, asserting both carried military supplies. It named neither vessel, described no cargo and produced no evidence, and Ukraine has not confirmed any damage. It is a claim, and the ledger carries it as one. Ships have been a target for a year, as the shift to crippling ports set out.

The nights, counted

All figures below are claims by one side, not counts.

Ukraine's air force said Russia launched 174 drones and two Zircon anti-ship missiles from Kursk region on the night of September 18 to 19, about half the drones jet-powered, and claimed 138 drones and three Banderol or Dan-T munitions downed or suppressed, with both Zircons failing to reach their targets. It recorded strikes at 15 locations and debris at nine.

For the night of September 19 to 20 the air force command said 138 drones were launched and 101 shot down or neutralised, with no regional breakdown published.

The 141 figure circulating for the earlier night covers drones and Banderol munitions only. The two Zircons sit outside it, so no overall interception rate can be drawn from it.

Manpower

A new standing section, because the competition for soldiers is now an economic story on both sides.

Ukraine's 100-day window for servicemen who went absent without leave to return without prosecution closes today. It opened under Cabinet Resolution 767 of June 12 and has run through more than 70 units. No total for the number who came back has been published. The General Staff has said only that returns exceeded new departures during August, without giving a figure for either.

On September 18 Prime Minister Serhii Koretskyi said the National Guard had created a recruitment centre for foreign volunteers, to handle interviews, checks and training for contract service. No pay rates were published. Former defence minister Mykhailo Fedorov said in June that Ukraine wanted foreigners in 30% to 50% of assault and infantry positions, which is a stated aim and not an achievement.

Russia has announced no change of manpower policy in the past 48 hours. Its State Duma election ran from September 18 to 20, and the reported internal discussion of a further mobilisation has been framed around what follows that vote. Nothing has been decreed.

The economics are visible without a decree. Sakha postponed a 5.4% public-sector pay rise by two months, citing what it called unforeseen spending on contract soldier payments. Rostov region refused a 4% rise for civil servants and Sakhalin indexed teachers, doctors and childcare workers by nothing at all. Russian regions allocated RUB813.4bn to military-related spending in 2024, 3.6 times their 2021 military spending, and the finance ministry projects their combined deficits widening to RUB1.9tn this year from RUB1.5tn.

That is soldier pay displacing civilian pay through a regional budget, which is the cleanest form the labour competition takes. Rosstat unemployment stands at 2.3%, yet vacancies at the largest job site fell 13% year on year in August while active applications rose 25%, the most competitive market in eight years, and 93% of employers still say they are short of staff. A labour shortage and a hiring freeze at the same time is what happens when military pay sets the floor for wages.

Recruitment itself is being bought at a rising price. The average sign-on bonus went from RUB2,167,000 in July to RUB2,339,000 in early September, and Volgograd raised its to RUB3.4mn. Irkutsk quadrupled what it pays recruiters, to RUB1.5mn for signing a foreign or stateless recruit. Several regions have cut their death benefits while doing it: Bashkortostan's fell from RUB2mn to RUB100,000 in stages and Orenburg abolished its in July.

Weapons and technology

The significant development is defensive. On September 19 Ukraine's Security Service released video of a jet-powered interceptor downing a Geran-5, the Russian jet-powered strike drone that propeller interceptors have not been able to catch. Zelenskiy confirmed it and claimed a second downing the same day. It is the second Ukrainian interceptor to be publicly unveiled; the crew involved credited a system called STING in one account, and the attribution between the two is not settled.

The Geran-5 wreckage carried a Chinese TELEFLY TF-TJ2000A engine rated at 200 kgf. That is the clearest foreign-component finding of the week: Chinese propulsion in Russia's fastest long-range strike drone. It sits alongside the sanctions-evasion routes that EU measures against Kyrgyzstan were written to close. Ukraine's own interceptor problem, set out in the hunt for air defence ammunition, is what makes a working answer to the Geran-5 matter.

On the Russian side, Reuters reported that of 228 ballistic and hypersonic missiles fired between July and August 8, more than half were RM-48U, a converted air-defence training target with a warhead of 150 to 180 kg. Ukrainian analysts at the Prosecutor General's Office put its average miss distance at about 300 m, which is why these land in residential blocks. The figures come from Ukrainian intelligence and Ukrainian analysts, with no named individual behind them, and they extend the expansion of Russia's missile arsenal this monitor has tracked.

Arson, sabotage, drone incursions and unexplained fires at defence, aviation and energy sites in the EU and the UK, August 4 to September 17 2026. Non-exhaustive. Attribution is given as the authorities state it and no further.

The pattern

Two economies are being taken apart at different speeds and with different bookkeeping. Ukraine went for a refinery inside Moscow and a warehouse park on its edge. Russia went for a city grid in Odesa, a gas pipeline in Kherson and warehouses in Dnipro. Both sides hit the thing that moves or heats something rather than the thing that fires back.

The asymmetry is in what gets admitted. Ukraine publishes launch points, weapon types, interception counts and the number of locations hit, on a night when the number was not flattering. Russia published a figure for drones destroyed over 16 regions and named not one damaged building, then, on a night when its capital was burning, let two governors describe two fires and left the rest of the country silent.

That silence is doing work. A refinery that supplies 40% of a capital's fuel caught fire and the operator has said nothing about its output. The number that would settle whether this was a bad night or a bad quarter for Russian refining is the one number nobody will print.

Behind both ledgers sits the same shortage. Russian regions are postponing teachers' pay rises to fund sign-on bonuses and Ukraine is opening a recruitment office for foreigners. Each side is running out of the same thing at once, and buying it at a rising price.


On production, the Multilateral Sanctions Monitoring Team assessed that up to 25,000 North Koreans may be working in Russian military drone manufacturing, entering on student visas to evade UN sanctions, and named the Alabuga special economic zone in Tatarstan. Bloomberg reported it first. Alabuga is the plant Ukraine struck in 2024 and it is still the centre of Russian drone assembly.

A representative of the maker of Ukraine's Bars jet drone told NV that production runs at more than 2,000 a month across variants, with none held in reserve. That is a manufacturer talking about its own output and nobody has verified it.

What is not being published remains part of the story. Ukraine's air force stopped releasing exact ballistic missile launch and interception figures on August 13. The effect shows in this window: two Zircons were named for the night of September 18 to 19 with no interception claim attached to them.

No single-night record was set on either side in this period. The largest salvo against Ukraine was 174 drones.

Arson and sabotage in Europe

Three items, and the attribution on each is narrower than the headlines around them.

In Latvia, the State Security Service opened criminal proceedings over a published threat demanding the country stop supplying Ukraine by October 7, issued in the name of a pro-Kremlin group calling itself Global Citizens Against War 1984. One person was detained in Riga on September 10 and remanded, and storage devices were seized. That is a security service case and a detention, not a charge tested in court, and no Latvian state body has attributed the threat to the Russian state. Firms in Poland and Portugal were named in the same threat.

In Britain, Illia Bilyk, 21, a Ukrainian national, pleaded guilty to five counts of racially and religiously aggravated criminal damage over graffiti attacks on three east London mosques, a primary school and the Islamic Shariah Council in January 2025. The BBC, working with Hope Not Hate, linked him to the network behind the 2025 arsons at properties connected to Keir Starmer and named a Russian diplomat as the suspected handler, while saying it could not conclusively establish that identification. British police said they had no evidence the attacks were state-sponsored and the Russian embassy denied any connection. A guilty plea to criminal damage is what exists on the record.

In Slovakia, a fire at the ZVS Holding ammunition plant at Snina on September 16 shut part of the site and suspended production. Owner Czechoslovak Group says it started during roof repairs by an external contractor, and Defence Minister Robert Kalinak suggested welding may have sparked it while stressing that investigators had established no cause. No evidence of sabotage has been presented and no state body has suggested any. It enters the table as an unexplained fire at a defence site and nothing more.

Poland scrambled fighters and raised air defence readiness during the overnight strike on Ukraine on September 18. No aircraft or drone crossed into Polish airspace and no incident is recorded.

Major strikes and targets

Three tables follow. Russian strikes on Ukraine first, Ukrainian strikes on Russia second, arson and sabotage in Europe third. The tables record strikes and incidents only; the corporate and macro consequences discussed above are deliberately not in them.

Russians vote for new parliament after campaign marked by near silence

Russians began voting on Friday in three days of parliamentary elections to choose the 450 members of the State Duma, after a campaign with little public debate or television coverage. More than four years into the war in Ukraine, candidates have also had few opportunities to challenge Kremlin policies.



Issued on: 18/09/2026 - RFI

Precinct election commission members set up a polling station for the upcoming parliamentary elections in Moscow, on Thursday, 17 September 2026. © Pavel Bednyakov / AP Photo

Russia has barely appeared to be in election mode, with minimal coverage on state-controlled television.

The low-key campaign is deliberate, political analysts told RFI.

“The Kremlin has carried out a sort of special operation around this election campaign, instructing the media under its control to drastically reduce their coverage of the elections,” Alexander Morozov, a Russian political scientist and researcher at the New Eurasian Strategies Centre, told RFI.



A subdued campaign

The aim is to avoid adding to uncertainty among Russians after years of conflict, Morozov argued.

“The war has been going on for a long time and the population feels a great deal of uncertainty about the future,” he said.

An official in the presidential administration called for the campaign to have a “therapeutic” character – designed to reassure rather than stir political debate, Morozov said.

Issues that might otherwise have dominated an election campaign – including military losses, the economic cost of the conflict, fears of further mobilisation and questions over what follows the war – have received limited attention.

Candidates themselves are also operating within narrow boundaries.

“They are not allowed to criticise military operations, the conduct of the war or the Kremlin,” said Nikolai Petrov, a political scientist at the New Eurasian Strategies Centre.

“They may only denounce certain failings on the part of the authorities, criticise them for not carrying out Vladimir Putin’s orders quickly enough, or raise local issues.”



Opposition candidates

Opposition candidates have faced a series of court challenges and disqualifications during the campaign.

The liberal Yabloko party – Russia’s only registered party to have openly campaigned against the war – has faced much of the pressure. Russia’s Supreme Court cancelled the registration of its nationwide list of candidates in August, citing electoral-law violations including alleged copyright infringements and funding issues. The ruling was upheld on appeal.

Individual candidates have also been removed from races.

Yabloko candidate Dmitry Smirnov in Nizhny Novgorod had his registration cancelled following a dispute over a photograph of late Motorhead singer Lemmy Kilmister. A German cross worn by the musician in the image was judged by an expert in the case to resemble Nazi symbolism.

Another Yabloko candidate was barred following posts containing Facebook and Instagram logos without the required reference to their parent company Meta, which Russia has designated an “extremist” organisation.

Other cases have involved photographs of late opposition leader Alexei Navalny or references to organisations associated with him that have been banned by Russian authorities.

Independent monitors and media have documented dozens of opposition candidates being removed or prevented from standing in federal and regional elections, many over alleged displays of “extremist” symbols.
War and the ballot

Yabloko had called for a ceasefire and negotiations to end the fighting in Ukraine, a position that distinguished it from the other registered parliamentary parties.

The authorities were less concerned about Yabloko winning seats than about allowing the election campaign to become a measure of support for ending the war, Petrov said.

“The Kremlin was not worried that a few Yabloko candidates might get into the Duma,” he said. “It feared that their appeal might elicit a positive response and show that support for a ceasefire was not as marginal as it wanted people to believe.”

Although Yabloko’s federal list has been excluded, a small number of its candidates are still standing in individual constituencies. Reuters reported this week that the party remains the only registered political organisation openly campaigning against the war.

United Russia, the party closely associated with President Vladimir Putin, currently dominates the State Duma, while the other parties represented in parliament have broadly backed the Kremlin’s conduct of the war.

The vote is also about shaping the next parliament around the political order that has emerged during the conflict, Morozov said.

“The aim is to form a Duma whose members would present themselves, alongside Vladimir Putin, as the architects of victory over Ukraine,” he said.

The composition of parliament is only part of what is at stake, Petrov argued.

“These elections are about the government’s image and the reaffirmation of its authority,” he said.

Voting continues until Sunday after a campaign that has offered Russians relatively little public debate over the issue that has transformed their country more than any other over the past four years – the war in Ukraine.

BROWN AND RED FASCISM

Germany’s AfD asks Kremlin to turn Russian gas back on, Hungary prepares to turn it off

Germany’s AfD asks Kremlin to turn Russian gas back on, Hungary prepares to turn it off
Germany's far-right AfD party has proposed to start talks with the Kremlin to turn Russian gas imports back on next year, while Hungary says it will turn them off. / bne IntelliNews
By Ben Aris in Berlin September 18, 2026

Berlin and Budapest are moving in opposite directions. Germany’s AfD (Alternative für Deutschland) riding high on a recent election victory is in talks with the Kremlin on turning Russian gas supplies back on, while Budapest, previously one of Russia’s few allies in Europe, says it will cut off supplies completely next year.

The AfD has opened talks with Kirill Dmitriev, the head of Russia’s sovereign wealth fund and Russian President Vladimir Putin’s go-top man on international business on restoring Russian gas supplies to Europe’s largest economy next year and potentially reopening the Nord Stream pipelines, Reuters sources report.

The proposed meeting between Dmitriev, who has also been acting as the Kremlin’s special envoy in Ukraine ceasefire negotiations, and AfD co-leaders Alice Weidel and Tino Chrupalla could take place as early as March 2027, according to Reuters. Israel, the United Arab Emirates and India are being considered as venues. The organisers say a meeting would only take place after a peace framework had been agreed between Russia and Ukraine.

Organisers have also discussed bringing the other US special envoys into the talks, Steve Witkoff and Jared Kushner. However, a senior US official told Reuters that neither had been informed or invited to the proposed meeting yet.

The proposal is likely to cause a storm in Brussels, which has been revving up to ban imports of Russian gas completely by January and more recently has also suggested a ban on Russian LNG too, on which the EU has been heavily dependent this year as it races to fill gas storage tanks which are at record low levels ahead of the start of the heating season, now only two months away. However, with gas prices double what they were pre-war, a permanent change, the Germany economic model has been broken, and the country is slowly deindustrialising.

Russia accounted for 52% of Germany’s gas imports in 2021, according to Germany’s Federal Network Agency. Nord Stream 1 deliveries progressively collapsed during 2022, reaching zero by the beginning of September that year after an explosion destroyed three of the four strands of the twin pipelines Nord Stream 1 & 2. The surviving strand was sealed by Danish authorities last year and can be turned on within a day, Putin reminded partners in recent remarks. That strand could carry around 25bcm of gas and is already full of the technical gas that would allow it to be immediately restarted.

The AfD has increasingly made restoring access to Russian energy part of its economic platform, which contributed to its landslide victory in the recent Saxon-Anhalt regional elections in eastern Germany. Weidel told Reuters in June that Germany should end its boycott of Russian oil and gas, and has described “cheap energy from Russia” as “the secret of the success of ‘Made in Germany’.”

For his part, German Chancellor Friedrich Merz has vowed “not to give one inch” in his support for Ukraine and resistance to Russian pressure. However, with his popularity having fallen to 14% in the last poll and facing another crushing defeat in two more regional elections in Mecklenburg-Western Pomerania and Berlin this weekend, it is possible that Merz’s CDU will not manage to clear the 5% of the vote threshold that could trigger the collapse of his coalition, or see the Chancellor ousted.

The Nord Stream pipeline issue is especially poignant as it makes landfall in Mecklenburg-Western Pomerania. Recent polling cited by Reuters puts the AfD well in the lead in those elections with 37%, compared with 35% for the governing Social Democrats, but the CDU is polling in single digits in the region.

Most of the German establishment is opposed to restarting Russian gas imports and even if the AfD wins control of another region, they have no voice in the Bundesrat and no power to actually close a deal with Gazprom that operates the pipeline. The announcement of the talks remains little more than an electoral strategy not a business deal.

“Germany cannot become dependent on Russia again,” said Michael Kellner, a Green MP who was responsible for German energy policy during the crisis following the interruption of Russian gas supplies.

“We cannot repeat the mistakes of the energy crisis,” he said. “It cost us €50bn. We cannot want to go back to that. It would be treason. Putin is using the AfD to his own ends.”

However, Roderich Kiesewetter, an MP from Merz’s Christian Democrats, told Reuters that the talks could strengthen voices within his own party that favour a return to Russian gas.

“The AfD is on Russia’s side, willing to betray both Ukraine and Germany. Russia uses energy, especially Nord Stream, as a hybrid weapon for military purposes. Reopening Nord Stream would be a disaster for European security and isolate Germany.”

The politics of restarting Russian gas imports stink. The economics of turning the pipelines back on make perfect sense. EU gas storage was only 68.84% full on September 17, according to Gas Infrastructure Europe, while Germany’s stocks were considerably lower at 56.02% - about 20pp lower than they were a year ago at this point in the year. Under EU rules, the tanks are supposed to be 90% full on November 1, and the chances of that happening are now zero. Germany tanks will be only 67% full by the deadline, according to IntelliNews Lambda calculations and the price of gas has already tripled since the start of the restocking season in May to €80/MWh and is likely to go higher say market participants.

The European Commission (EC) remains committed to cutting off gas imports completely, despite the gas shortage and soaring prices. New regulations were adopted in January banning new short-term contracts that went into effect in April. Imports under long-term Russian LNG contracts are due to stop from January 2027 and long-term pipeline imports from September 30, 2027, although the pipeline deadline can be postponed until November 1 if storage targets are not met.

Hungary bails on Russian gas supplies

In a remarkable parallel development, Hungarian Prime Minister Peter Magyar announced on the same day that Hungary will end its imports of Russian gas completely, backtracking from earlier comments after his election that Hungary would continue to buy Russian methane for now and reversing the policies of his predecessor Hungarian Prime Minister Viktor Orban.

Orban rebelled against European sentiment and maintained good relations with the Kremlin throughout his career and was amongst the most resistant to severing energy links with Moscow. Now Magyar is allying with Brussels and says he wants to shut down the pipelines arriving in Hungary as soon as the same autumn 2027 deadline.

Economy and Energy Minister István Kapitány told Telex that Hungary was working on “alternative supplies” and believed the country could obtain sufficient non-Russian gas by next October if current plans proceeded as expected. He said Budapest was in discussions over additional LNG supplies and potential imports from Romania.

The change would be substantial. According to the European Commission’s 2026 country report, Russia supplied 74% of Hungary’s imported gas in 2025 and more than 90% of its imported oil. Russian fossil-fuel imports were equivalent to 2.1% of Hungarian GDP.

One important potential source is Romania’s Neptun Deep Black Sea development, being developed by OMV Petrom (BVB:SNP) and Romgaz (BVB:SNG), which each hold 50%. The €4bn project remains on schedule to produce first gas in 2027 and is expected eventually to add about 8bn cubic metres a year to Romanian gas production.

Hungarian companies are also signing longer-term LNG contracts and will need to reserve sufficient import and transport capacity through neighbouring countries, Kapitány said.

The apparent reversal therefore has an important qualification: Hungary’s timetable largely reflects a legally binding EU phase-out rather than a unilateral decision by Budapest to abandon Russian energy. But like the AfD’s mooted talks with the Kremlin, Magyar’s announcement probably has more to do with politics and energy security policy.

One of Moscow’s traditionally closest energy partners inside the EU is now building the infrastructure and contracts needed to live without Russian gas. At the same time, a German party whose support has risen sharply is putting the resumption of that trade back onto the political agenda.'

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