Monday, April 27, 2026

 

China discusses reopening border trade, cooperation in mining with Myanmar


Muang Long village in the golden triangle, Luang Namtha, North Laos. Stock image.

China and Myanmar discussed the resumption of border trade and cooperation in energy and mining during a visit to Naypyidaw on Saturday by Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi, according to a statement by the office of Myanmar President Min Aung Hlaing.

“We believe Myanmar will become a country with long-term development under your leadership,” Wang was quoted as saying in the statement, after a meeting with the 69-year-old former military chief. The two sides also discussed improving cooperation in agriculture and technology, and in cracking down on online scams.


Wang is in Myanmar until Sunday as part of a visit that also takes in Thailand and Cambodia. It follows a separate visit to Myanmar by Thailand’s Foreign Minister Sihasak Phuangketkeow, who offered backing for Myanmar’s bid to normalize ties with Asean. The bloc has banned Min Aung Hlaing from key summits since he ousted Aung San Suu Kyi’s civilian government in 2021.

Myanmar has been struggling with a weakened economy and an ongoing civil war since the 2021 military coup. The former junta leader Min Aung Hlaing was sworn in as president earlier this month after a widely-criticized election which was held in military-controlled areas only. Earlier this week, the regime imposed martial law in 60 out of 330 townships where ethnic armed groups are active.

 

Opinion: Can Kyrgyzstan’s mining reset work?


Silvercorp Metals is developing the Tulkubash and Kyzyltash gold projects in Kyrgyzstan. Credit: Silvercorp Metals

As 2025 ebbed away, a high-level government delegation from Kyrgyzstan met with mining investors in a non-descript meeting room in London to discuss a delicate new initiative: a reset between Kyrgyzstan and Western capital.

Barely five years after wresting control of the Kumtor gold asset from a North American operator, the same powers that championed the nationalization are now using surging demand for critical minerals as an opportunity to bring Western investors back into Kyrgyzstan. This bold strategy will test how far, and how quickly, trust can be rebuilt in an era of rising resource nationalism.

Trust is thin on the ground for both sides. The Kumtor saga saw the Kyrgyz government take control of the country’s largest gold mine from Canadian miner Centerra Gold, which had become the face of foreign mining capital after entering the country during the post-Soviet murk of the 1990s. The affair raised profound concern among investors around respect for property rights and political risk in Kyrgyzstan.

But it also brought to the fore unwelcome allegations of possible corruption in high places, ecological destruction and resource-stripping, leading many Kyrgyz to take a dim view of foreign mining investment. Any reset must therefore be politically defensible in Bishkek, the capital, while simultaneously convincing outside investors that contracts will be honoured and disputes resolved without arbitrary political intervention.

Sellable at home

Mining is a make-it-or-break-it issue in Kyrgyzstan’s politics. The 2005 Tulip Revolution saw then-President Askar Akayev overthrown, in no small part due to the perception that he was selling off Kyrgyzstan’s mineral wealth for the enrichment of his family and foreign mining corporations.

Incumbent president Sadyr Japarov, by contrast, made his name in 2013 leading a campaign of civil unrest that pushed for the nationalization of Kumtor and ultimately carried him to the presidency in the 2020 revolution.

As a president whose nationalist movement was built on opposing Western mining investments, Japarov will be keen to avoid two things in particular.

The first is doing anything that brings back memories of Kumtor. For projects actively backed by the state, that appears to mean no gold, no environmental disasters and no Canadians.  The mining reset accordingly emphasizes ESG standards heavily and targets investments in critical minerals projects, primarily by UK and European investors.

That’s not to say Canadian investments in gold are entirely off limits. In January of this year, Silvercorp Metals of Canada paid $160 million to acquire a 70% interest in the Tulkubash and Kyzyltash gold projects from UK-based Chaarat Gold. This deal, however, was not actively marketed by Bishkek, and involved swapping one foreign investor for another rather than bringing a new Western partner into a state-backed project.

The second potential pitfall is any perception that the government is once again handing control over Kyrgyzstan’s mineral wealth to foreigners without delivering real and lasting benefits at home. That concern is evident in the government’s decision to retain a 30% free-carried interest in the Silvercorp Metals investment.

It also likely explains why the state-backed assets offered to Western investors are minority stakes, mostly in polymetallic deposits with moderate mine lives. These involve complex metallurgy that Western expertise can unlock, but leave ultimate control in Kyrgyz hands and provide offramps in the medium term should public sentiment sour.

In practice, however, such offramps are unlikely to be needed: a move away from the Chinese capital (and, more to the point, the Chinese labour) that dominates projects in Kyrgyzstan is likely to prove popular politically.

On the first criterion then, the reset seems well engineered to garner domestic political support or, at the very least, not to generate opposition.

Credible abroad

What reassures Kyrgyz voters and politicians is of secondary importance for investors looking to re-enter the country. They will instead focus on political cover, investment suitability and legal protections.

The political signalling around the reset is its strongest point. In March 2026, the Foreign Ministers of five Central Asian nations, Kyrgyzstan included, travelled to London for talks with the UK government, with mining at the top of the agenda. There is a clear convergence of interests.

The UK is seeking to secure supplies of critical minerals and counter Russian influence in Central Asia, while the countries of the region hope to develop their mineral wealth for the benefit of their citizens and avoid over-dependence on their powerful neighbours to the north and east.

The projects on offer are also well selected. Rather than proposing copper or bulk commodity mega-projects, Kyrgyzstan leads with a portfolio of small-to-medium-size projects. The smaller ones, in particular, could be developed quickly and present only moderate capex requirements. These present good opportunities for Western investors thinking about dipping their toes back into the water.

Legal protection, however, is where the reset looks weakest. While investor briefing materials refer to discussions about adopting English common-law protections and establishing independent arbitration mechanisms, no new investor protections are yet in place. That leaves investors to fall back on existing bilateral investment treaty protections, where they exist. EU investors can rely on a modern treaty dating from 2024, while UK investors must dust off the 1994 treaty. Canadian investors, as Centerra discovered, have no investment treaty protection at all.

Legal risk alone is unlikely to derail the reset. It will, however, shape the kinds of investors Kyrgyzstan can attract and the terms on which they are willing to commit capital.

Niche appeal

The initiative has been carefully calibrated to navigate Kyrgyzstan’s volatile domestic politics. Focusing on critical minerals and diplomatic signalling is also a sensible strategy to woo back Western investors. However, the reset is unlikely to attract significant mainstream capital immediately given Kyrgyzstan’s recent history.

What it may do is open the door to a first wave of risk-tolerant equity, most likely from specialist mining investors.

This will not come cheap. Investors who understand the risks will discount Kyrgyzstan’s assets heavily. But if Bishkek is willing to accept that price and if the early projects are licensed, operated and exited without political interference, the country can rebuild its reputation as an international mining jurisdiction and pave the way for large-scale mainstream investment.


Matthew Fisher is General Counsel at La Mancha, an investment fund started by Egypt’s Sawiris family with about $3 billion in assets under management across emerging-market mining projects, with a particular focus on gold.

US Mint gold source tied to criminal networks in Colombia: NYT

Adobe Stock image.

The United States is increasingly being drawn into the opaque supply chains of illicit mining after an investigation by The New York Times tied some of its gold supply to Colombian criminal networks.

Drawing on interviews, trade records and field reporting, the NYT detailed how illegally mined gold in Colombia — often controlled by armed groups and drug cartels — is laundered through intermediaries and exported with seemingly legitimate paperwork before entering global supply chains.

In some cases, that gold made its way into the supply chain of the US Mint, which under federal law must use America-mined gold for its investor-grade coins.

The report highlights a fragmented chain of accountability. When questioned by a Times reporter, the US Mint blamed its suppliers, who then deflected the responsibility to other intermediaries. All parties maintained they had stopped accepting Colombian gold.

The US Department of the Treasury, which oversees the Mint, also denied the accuracy of these findings. A spokesperson also told the publication that buying foreign gold for investor coins does not violate the law.

At the same time, the NYT investigators noted that the Mint had long used a loose definition of “US gold,” allowing foreign material to qualify if offset by domestic purchases — a requirement that has not been enforced for more than 20 years, according to a 2024 federal watchdog report.

That year, roughly $1.5 billion of Colombia’s $4.1 billion gold exports ended up in the US, making it the largest single destination, according to trade data compiled by the United Nations.

Illegal gold in US market

The findings add to a growing body of evidence that illicitly mined gold has been penetrating formal US markets for years.

Previous investigations and enforcement actions have traced gold from Latin America — including Peru and Colombia — into North American refiners and traders, often after being mixed with legitimate supply and exported with falsified documentation.

Those cases have repeatedly exposed how difficult it is for downstream buyers to fully verify origin in a commodity that has such a long history in the global financial system. A World Wide Fund for Nature UK report earlier this year found that over 80% of financial institutions, including those in the US, were at risk of exposure to dealings with illegal mining for gold.

The latest findings also further highlight the persistent challenges in achieving full transparency in gold supply chains, as well as the limitations of existing oversight mechanisms.

Following the latest investigation, the Treasury said it is now reviewing the Mint’s procurement practices and has tightened its sourcing standards, the NYT report said.

War squeezes global mining as diesel and acid supplies tighten

Process of copper refinement in large electrolysis bathtub. Stock image.

From the Australian outback to Ethiopia and the Democratic Republic of Congo, the global mining industry is beginning to feel the effects of disruption caused by the war in Iran.

War-driven snarl-ups are starting to ripple through supply chains, squeezing access to key mining inputs while driving up costs to produce some of the world’s most sought-after metals. The biggest impacts are from diesel, the main fuel powering heavy equipment at mine sites, as well as sulfur, used in processing about a sixth of the world’s copper.

“The supply chain is breaking down,” Ivanhoe Mines Ltd. founder and co-chairman Robert Friedland told a conference in Switzerland Tuesday, warning that war’s impact on mining has barely started.

So far, there hasn’t been a significant impact on global metals output because big mining companies have been able to secure supplies and absorb higher costs. But smaller producers from Africa to Australia are starting to feel the pain as the conflict drags on. The longer the war continues, the greater the risks to an industry already strained by mining outages and project delays at a time of accelerating demand for critical minerals.

The Middle East accounts for about half the world’s seaborne sulfur and at least 10% of shipped diesel, according to data compiled by Goldman Sachs Group and Bank of America. Sulfur — and by extension, sulfuric acid — are vital inputs for a type of processing known as SX-EW, which accounts for 17% of copper supply, according to Goldman.

If war-related upheavals intensify, it could start eroding the 23 million tons of copper mined per year in a more meaningful way and drive up already elevated metal prices even more. Futures on the London Metal Exchange are more than 40% higher than a year ago, and in January touched a record high above $14,500 a ton.

Congo — the world’s No. 2 copper producer and biggest supplier of cobalt, a battery metal — is particularly exposed because most of its sulfur comes from the Middle East and its output is unusually reliant on SX-EW plants. SX-EW uses acid to leach copper and cobalt out of certain types of ore, without needing smelters that actually generate acid as a byproduct.

Securing new sulfur supply could take almost two months while inventories at some facilities cover only a month, according to a person with knowledge of the situation. Some smaller cobalt and copper operators are slowing output amid difficulties getting affordable sulfur and spiking diesel costs, said the person.

Local sulfur prices have surged to about $1,200 a ton, about double from before the Iran war, according to pricing agency Argus. Some local buyers said smaller parcels even reached $1,400 a ton as copper plants are eager to stock up.

If supply chain delays extend through June, Goldman analysts estimate the Central African nation could curtail about 125,000 tons of output this year.

In Zambia, a combination of disrupted supply from local smelters and the Middle East war means “sulfuric acid is a worry,” said Jonathan Morley-Kirk, finance director at Jubilee Metals Group Plc. The copper company has explored pooling purchases with other operators, he said on a recent earnings call.

Mining executives may offer a clearer read on disruption threats in the coming weeks as companies report quarterly results.

Adding to the Middle East’s sulfur disruptions, China has signaled plans to halt exports from May of acid produced as a byproduct of copper and zinc smelting. Beijing’s curbs could remove about 1.5 million tons of acid through December, or roughly a tenth of the seaborne market, according to Goldman.

That poses a particular challenge for Chile, which sourced about 30% of its acid from China last year. If restrictions hold through year-end, as much as 200,000 tons of acid-dependent metal output would be put at risk in the top copper-producing nation — or about 1% of global supply, Goldman analysts wrote in an April 21 note.

To be sure, Chilean copper giant Codelco produces most of the acid it consumes and locked in prices before the war, though it is closely monitoring suppliers’ ability to deliver, chief commercial officer Braim Chiple said. US copper producer Freeport-McMoRan Inc. is similarly hedged, though chief executive officer Kathleen Quirk said in an interview that acid supply is “on the list of things to worry about.”

While sulfur markets are tightening, traders say buyers are still able to secure alternative cargoes.

“The sulfur is there for those who can pay the price,” Graeme Train, Trafigura’s global head of metals and minerals analysis, said Monday at the FT Commodities Global Summit.

Some nickel producers in Indonesia have sourced sulfur from Central Asia and Canada, albeit at sharply higher prices, said a person familiar with the situation.

China’s Zhejiang Huayou Cobalt Co. said it doesn’t rule out cutting output if sulfur supply remains tight. The company, which uses sulfur at some of its Indonesian nickel plants, was “caught off guard” after prices surged, chairman Chen Xuehua said on a Monday earnings call.

In Australia, Lynas Rare Earths Ltd. is confident it can get enough sulfuric acid for its domestic processing plants and Malaysian refinery, but the big effect is prices, CEO Amanda Lacaze said on a Monday investor briefing. “We expect that sulfuric acid alongside some other transport cost increases, etc., will make it a little more challenging for us in terms of costs” this quarter.

Diesel disruptions are also pushing up mining costs, particularly for open-pit operations in copper, coal, iron ore and hard-rock lithium. Major producers such as Codelco and Antofagasta Plc estimate the impact at about a 5% increase in production costs — manageable given strong margins.

The bigger risk in some regions is physical availability. Congo again stands out, as copper-cobalt mines rely on imported diesel hauled across long, complex supply routes.

“This fragmented and logistics-intensive supply chain makes diesel availability particularly constrained and costly in mining regions,” BofA analysts wrote in an April 17 note. “Fuel availability in the DRC is not merely a cost variable, but a critical operational constraint.”

Global fuel upheavals tightened diesel availability in Ethiopia, according to Akobo Minerals AB, prompting the Oslo-listed firm to temporarily scale back operations at its Segele project.

In Australia, diesel shortages have already affected some smaller miners, while major producers remain largely insulated: Rio Tinto Group said in its latest production report that operational impacts have been limited, though rising fuel prices are lifting costs.

Fuel constraints forced iron ore producer Fenix Resources Ltd. to curtail activity, reducing non-essential mining and haulage at its Western Australia operations, the company said last month. There are reports of difficulties in booking Indonesian coal shipments after June because of concerns over securing diesel supplies.

Some of the world’s largest mining companies, with operations from Southeast Asia to Latin America, are starting to warn investors of rising costs tied to the Middle East conflict.

Teck Resources Ltd. warned of higher fuel costs for its flagship Chilean copper mines Thursday in its earnings report. While the Vancouver-based company said it didn’t see a significant risk to fuel supply disruption, “there could be an amplified impact on costs at our Chilean operation due to the requirement for diesel imports.”

Freeport, which operates the massive Grasberg copper mine in Indonesia, lifted its 2026 cost estimates in part because prices for diesel and sulfuric acid have been highly volatile with significant regional dislocation.

The chairman of Chile’s state-owned Codelco, Maximo Pacheco, said the war’s impacts have become an unexpected headwind for the industry.

“Nobody expected this to happen,” he said in an interview. “Producing copper today is more and more difficult.”

 

US, EU deepen cooperation on critical minerals with eye to broader agreement

Entrance of the Louise Weiss building, inaugurated in 1999, the official seat of the European Parliament which houses the hemicycle for plenary sessions. Stock image.

The US and the European Union on Friday deepened their coordination on critical minerals as part of a broader push by Western allies to loosen China’s grip on materials crucial to advanced manufacturing.

US Secretary of State Marco Rubio and European Union Trade Commissioner Maros Sefcovic signed a memorandum of understanding for a partnership on producing and securing critical minerals, with a specific action plan for trade announced separately.

Rubio did not mention China in his remarks, but said the preliminary agreement with Brussels reflected growing awareness among Western allies of the importance of supply chains and critical minerals for their economic success.

China has used its chokehold on the processing of many minerals as geo-economic leverage, at times curbing exports, suppressing prices and undercutting other countries’ ability to diversify sources of the materials used to make semiconductors, electric vehicles and advanced weapons.

“The over-concentration of these resources, the fact that they’re dominated by one or two places, is an unacceptable risk. We need diversity in our supply chains,” Rubio said before signing the memorandum.

Sefcovic told reporters he hoped the memorandum would jumpstart the overall push, and expressed hope that some initial pilot projects to test the price floor mechanism could kick off before the end of the year.

“The direction is clear,” he said. “Critical minerals … are the core of every industry shaping the future.”

US Trade Representative Jamieson Greer, who also met with Sefcovic on Friday, announced a separate action plan to coordinate trade policies on critical minerals to address what they called “the non-market policies and practices that have distorted critical minerals supply chains.”

Greer said Washington and Brussels would explore how trade measures, such as border-adjusted price floors, could strengthen domestic critical minerals industries and downstream sectors critical to industrial competitiveness.

Speaking at the State Department, Sefcovic said the agreements would strengthen the transatlantic relationship and ensure faster work on their joint goals.

“I totally agree with Mr. Secretary (Rubio) that now the real test will be the execution of this project. How can we transform these agreements which we are signing into concrete, tangible projects to deliver for our business operators?”

‘Pervasive non-market policies and practices’


Washington and Brussels first announced their intent to develop an action plan in February when US Vice President JD Vance unveiled plans to create a preferential trade bloc for critical minerals, potentially with coordinated price floors.

Washington already has signed similar action plans with Japan and Mexico.

The US-EU action plan said it was imperative to address “pervasive non-market policies and practices (that) have left critical minerals supply chains of market-oriented economies vulnerable to a myriad of disruptions, including economic coercion.”

The plan said the longer-range view was on developing a plurilateral initiative with like-minded partners on trade in critical minerals that could bolster supply chain resilience for critical minerals for all.

The US and EU will discuss various measures and mechanisms, it said, including coordinated trade policies and mechanisms based on reference prices, such as border-adjusted price floors, standards-based markets, price gap subsidies, or offtake agreements, focusing on mutually agreed select critical minerals and associated supply chains.

They also agreed to examine other possible measures, including standards for mining, processing, recycling, or trade in critical minerals; technical and regulatory cooperation; investment promotion and screening cooperation; and coordinated rapid responses to prevent disruptions and crises. Stockpiling cooperation is another possible measure, it said.

(By Andrea Shalal and Simon Lewis; Editing by Chizu Nomiyama and Paul Simao)

Brazil rejects ‘TerraBras’ as US minerals deal stalls

Brazil’s government sees no need for a state-run critical minerals company. (Stock image)

Brazil sees no need to create a state-run critical minerals company, Industry Minister Marcio Elias Rosa said Friday, pushing back on proposals for a state-backed entity.

“There is no need whatsoever to create a state-owned company to carry out the exploration or processing of critical minerals,” Rosa told local broadcaster CanalGov, adding the current regulatory framework already offers incentives for the sector.

His comments come as a proposed national framework for critical minerals remains stalled in Congress and the Lula administration misses its own deadline to deliver a broader mining strategy.

The bill, led by federal deputy Arnaldo Jardim, includes a fund of up to 5 billion reais ($1 billion) to back mining projects, though officials have raised concerns about provisions that could expand state intervention.

Finance Minister Dario Durigan said the forthcoming framework will prioritize national sovereignty and domestic value creation without relying on broad tax breaks,. He argued strong global demand is already sufficient to attract investment while targeted tools like the Eco Invest programme will be used selectively to support projects.

“Brazilian critical minerals are too great for any potential political impediments to stand in the way,” Neil Harrington, senior vice president for the Americas at the US Chamber of Commerce, said at a São Paulo summit last month.

“It makes too much sense from a strategic, economic and investment perspective for both countries not to engage in this sector,” Harrington noted.

Policy uncertainty is not halting projects but is making capital allocation more selective, particularly for higher-risk downstream investments, as developers seek clearer signals on permitting, financing and the state’s role, Carlos Nogueira, senior advisor Brazil at consultancy Plusmining, told MINING.COM.

The absence of a clear policy is not stopping investment but is limiting how much capital Brazil could attract, while measures such as fast-tracked permitting could significantly accelerate project timelines, Adriano Drummond Trindade, a Brazilian mining lawyer, added.

Other analysts point to a broader policy vacuum that is highlighting rising friction between Brasilia and Washington, with missed diplomatic engagements, blocked visits and trade tensions complicating efforts to secure a bilateral minerals agreement ahead of Brazil’s October election.

State by state

Despite the lack of a federal deal, the US is deepening engagement at the regional level. Goiás is advancing a memorandum of understanding with US partners to expand research, investment and processing tied to the Serra Verde rare earths operation. 

Serra Verde has secured a $565 million loan from the US International Development Finance Corporation and is currently the target of a $2.8 billion acquisition by USA Rare Earth (NASDAQ: USAR).

The deal could potentially create one of the few Western producers of heavy rare earths outside China. It includes a 15-year supply arrangement with minimum pricing, marking a shift from previous exports to China.

Pela Ema rare earth mine in Brazil. (Image courtesy of Serra Verde.)

Rafaela Guedes of the Brazilian Centre for International Relations said the transaction strengthens Brazil’s role in diversifying supply but warned it falls short of building an industrial base.

“Without clear policies for adding value, building technology, and aligning mining with industry, Brazil may end up negotiating assets one by one instead of from a national strategy,” she said.

Other companies, including Aclara Resources (TSX: ARA) and Meteoric Resources, have also secured US-backed financing for early-stage projects.

Strategic market

Brazil’s vast rare earth reserves make it a strategic prize as Beijing tightens export controls. President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva has pushed for domestic processing and diversified partnerships, including recent agreements with India, while resisting pressure to simply export raw materials.

Domestic processing is increasingly driven by project economics rather than policy alone, particularly in rare earths and lithium where pre-processing is often necessary, though it raises capital costs and execution risks for investors, Nogueira said.

Building a competitive rare earths value chain will likely require partnerships with the US to access advanced processing technology and innovation, as Brazil faces steep technical barriers to matching China’s capabilities, Juan Ignacio Guzman, head of GEM consulting said.

Incentives rather than export restrictions are the more effective path to building domestic processing, while proposals such as export taxes or state intervention risk undermining competitiveness, Trindade said. He added that current geopolitics could favour Brazil as a neutral investment destination if policy clarity improves.

Debate over a potential state-backed entity, often dubbed “TerraBras” (Terra= land or earth in Portuguese and Bras= shorthand for Brazil), has added to regulatory uncertainty, even as authorities insist no such plan is under consideration. Instead, officials say the focus remains on attracting private investment and expanding refining capacity.

Geopolitical competition is likely to steer Brazil toward a flexible framework that avoids choosing between the US and China, preserving access to Chinese processing while encouraging Western investment and technology partnerships, Nogueira said.

Advisory firm Speyside Group points to Brazil’s combination of mineral diversity and relatively clean energy as a competitive advantage, but warns that fragmented policy, weak implementation and misalignment with global ESG standards could delay projects and raise costs.

With 13 bills related to critical minerals under review, according to the National Mining Agency (ANM), analysts say legislative gridlock is already weighing on investment decisions and delaying partnerships. Without a unified strategy, experts say Brazil risks missing a window to align foreign interest with its industrial ambitions as demand for critical minerals accelerates.


Latin America is heading into 2026 with resources at the centre of a growing global power struggle, as governments and investors focus on who controls critical minerals and the supply chains behind them. If the region matters to you, don’t miss MINING.COM’s series tracking the geopolitical forces reshaping it and why markets are increasingly driven by global alliances as much as local politics.

Other countries in the series:

 

Leftist candidate in copper giant Peru wants new mining rules

Roberto Sanchez. Image from Sanchez’ Facebook.

A leftist presidential candidate on the verge of reaching Peru’s runoff election is pledging to overhaul mining rules in one of the world’s leading copper-exporting countries.

Vowing to redistribute wealth to Peru’s rural communities, Roberto Sánchez, 57, plans to review tax contracts with major mining companies, redraft the country’s market-friendly constitution and hike taxes to levy windfall profits at a time of buoyant metals prices. He also wants to phase out open-pit mining — the way virtually all of Peru’s big mines operate — blaming the practice for harming the environment.


“We don’t want to expropriate a single dollar or an inch of land from anyone, we want to broaden the benefits by democratizing access to wealth,” Sánchez said in an interview. “Neocolonial Peru is over.”


Sánchez currently holds a razor-thin margin of only around 17,000 votes over right-wing populist Rafael López Aliaga for the chance to take on conservative Keiko Fujimori in a June 7 runoff. An electoral court is reviewing tally sheets that represent as many as a million votes. Whoever wins will become Peru’s 10th president in a tumultuous era and will not have a congressional majority, which could hinder any efforts to revamp existing policies.

The Andean country is the world’s third-largest copper producer and a key supplier of gold, silver and zinc, with mining accounting for 60% of its exports. It is a significant base of operations for global mining companies including Glencore Plc, Anglo American Plc, Freeport McMoRan Inc. and MMG Ltd.

Sánchez also said he wants to review free trade agreements and a host of contracts involving the Camisea natural gas fields which supply a major liquefaction terminal, known as Peru LNG, on the Pacific coast. Major players in Camisea include Pluspetrol SA and Shell.

“Standards must be set in a way that benefits the people,” Sánchez said in the interview at his party headquarters in the capital Lima. He declined to say who are serving as his top economic advisers.

Tapping international reserves

Sánchez has been critical of Peru’s veteran central bank chief Julio Velarde, considered the steady hand that has largely insulated the resource-based economy from the country’s chronic political turmoil.

He declined to say whether he’d nominate Velarde for a fifth term, stressing he would meet with him with the caveat that “no one is indispensable.”

But in a sign of pragmatism, he stressed the importance of preserving the institution’s autonomy and the country’s macroeconomic stability.

Sánchez added he is considering using Peru’s almost $100 billion in international reserves — which are vast by any measure, at about a third of gross domestic product – to fund spending on health, infrastructure and education.

“We need a strong fiscal chest for the major transformations we want to carry out,” he said.

Sánchez said the country’s needs would prevent him from prioritizing a controversial plan to buy new fighter jets, a decision that current Interim President José María Balcázar has said will fall onto the next administration.

A signing ceremony for an up to $3.5 deal with Lockheed Martin Corp. was abruptly postponed last week, drawing US backlash. In the wake of the controversy on Wednesday, Peru’s defense and foreign ministers resigned.

Currently a lawmaker, Sánchez served as foreign trade minister under the administration of ousted former President Pedro Castillo, while Fujimori will face her fourth consecutive runoff vote, having lost the last three.

Overall, Sánchez’s platform mimics the key promises that swept Castillo into the presidency in 2021, spooking investors at the time while drawing support in Peru’s impoverished Andean regions. Castillo was eventually ousted and arrested in late 2022 after attempting to shut down congress and the judiciary.

Sánchez has campaigned as Castillo’s heir, donning the same traditional hat from Peru’s Cajamarca region and promising to pardon him on Day 1 of a future administration.

Since Peru’s April 12 election, the country’s sol currency has been the worst performer in Latin America, with analysts pointing to Sánchez’s unexpected rise as the key factor. Government bonds handed investors less than 0.3% return, underperforming most emerging-market sovereign peers.

Still, if elected, Sánchez’s ambitious reforms are bound to hit roadblocks, including a new bicameral congress where left-wing forces will be outnumbered by conservative ones. To redraft Peru’s constitution, for example, Sánchez is proposing to repeal a law that prohibits convening a constituent assembly through a referendum. But to do that he would need conservative support in congress.

Similarly, while Castillo offered big reforms during his presidential campaign, once in office he failed to deliver them, a fate that could also beset a Sánchez presidency.


The leader of the Juntos por el Perú party is now in second place in the official vote count with just over 94% of votes tallied. But with as many as one million challenged ballots, Sánchez’s spot in the second round still isn’t secured. Electoral authorities say final results may take until mid-May.

The first round got off to a rough start when ballots arrived late to some polling stations mainly around Lima, which prompted authorities to allow some voters to cast ballots the next day.

López Aliaga, who has the most support in Lima, seized on the logistical problems to allege fraud. Sánchez has said he will respect the final results.

Since election day, López Aliaga has called for a redo of the entire election, later softening his demands to propose adding more voting days to accommodate the large share of Lima voters who were impacted by the logistical snags.

Sánchez said the delays had not tainted the election and criticized the resignation of electoral agency head Piero Corvetto amid the controversy. The candidate claimed the pressure that led to Corvetto’s departure was part of an alleged right-wing plot to “take control of the country’s institutions.”

“This is a serious damage because they intend to boycott and disregard the will of the people,” he said.

 

BV Calls for Greater Connectivity Across Value Chains

Matthieu de Tugny

Published Apr 26, 2026 10:17 PM by The Maritime Executive

 

[By BV]

Bureau Veritas Marine & Offshore (BV), a world leader in testing, inspection, and certification (TIC), declared its vision for the future of maritime trade during Singapore Maritime Week, with Executive Vice-President, Industrials & Commodities, Matthieu de Tugny delivering a keynote address detailing how digitalization, artificial intelligence, and the energy transition are fundamentally reshaping shipping and the global value chains it underpins.

During the keynote address, de Tugny outlined that the industry’s trajectory will be shaped by three intersecting forces: decarbonization, digitalization, and industry resilience. He stressed that the sector is moving beyond fragmented, vessel-level optimization towards more sophisticated inter-connected intelligence across the entire value chain, a shift that demands multi-sector collaboration.

Regarding artificial intelligence, de Tugny highlighted that AI is already generating tangible results across vessel operations, engineering, ports, and supply chains. The integration of sophisticated smart systems is supporting voyage optimization, predictive maintenance, digital twins, routing efficiency, and smarter logistics, delivering real-world gains today.

However, de Tugny also cautioned that AI’s potential can only be realized when underpinned by reliable, structured, and trusted data. Critically, he emphasized that human expertise remains central to the industry’s future, with AI serving to augment decision-making rather than replace the professionals who drive it.

De Tugny also highlighted BV’s capabilities in this area, having developed a suite of advanced solutions designed to help clients as they navigate this transformation:

  • - Digital Class: Integrates design, construction, and operational data to enable continuous, real-time assurance in place of periodic inspections, giving operators and owners a live view of vessel condition and compliance.
  • - Augmented Surveyor 3D: Combines drone-based inspections, AI-supported defect detection, and digital 3D asset models to improve the speed, accuracy, and safety of survey operations.
  • - SmartShip Framework: Supports clients along a progressive journey from connected vessels to autonomous functions and fully integrated maritime ecosystems, managing both the technical and regulatory dimensions of the transition.

De Tugny also addressed the global energy transition, calling for ambitious long-term planning alongside pragmatic near-term action. While next-generation fuels – including LNG, methanol, and ammonia – alongside new infrastructure and financing models are essential to achieving net-zero targets, de Tugny emphasized that existing fleets can already reduce their emissions footprint today through digital optimization, energy-saving technologies, and improved operational performance.


SINAY Boosts Maritime Intelligence Platform with MariTrace Acquisition

SINAY
(L-R) Yanis Souami, CEO & Founder of SINAY; Thomas Owen, CEO & Founder of MariTrace; David Lelouvier, COO & Managing Director at SINAY; and Simon Rathbone, Director of Software Development at MariTrace

Published Apr 26, 2026 5:38 PM by The Maritime Executive

[By: SINAY]

Maritime intelligence specialist SINAY has acquired UK-based vessel tracking platform MariTrace, strengthening the French company's position as an integrated provider of security, operational and environmental intelligence.

The move builds on earlier acquisitions of marine weather analytics provider OpenOcean in 2022 and container tracking service Safecube in 2024, and represents another step towards combining vessel, cargo and environmental data into a single source of operational intelligence for maritime stakeholders.

CRITICAL INTELLIGENCE PLATFORM
Amid strong market demand for reliable data, MariTrace provides real-time intelligence across maritime security, risk assessment, trade analytics and vessel tracking, with particular strength in the world's highest-risk maritime corridors, including the Strait of Hormuz, the Gulf of Aden and the Red Sea. The platform is used by 100-plus customers across insurance, security, ship-owning, offshore contracting and commodities, and operates in 24 countries worldwide.

SINAY CEO and founder Yanis Souami said: "This acquisition fully aligns with our mission to become the leading full end-to-end supply-chain visibility platform in the maritime industry. By bringing together vessel tracking, cargo visibility and environmental intelligence, we are giving customers the tools they need to make better-informed operational and commercial decisions in an increasingly complex risk environment."

STRATEGIC SYNERGIES
Safecube already enables SMBs to track their containers with ease, centralising shipment data and delivering automated alerts for ETAs and key events. Integrating MariTrace's vessel tracking with Safecube's container-level visibility gives customers a unified view that links cargo to its carrier, enriched with risk intelligence and more accurate ETA predictions.

At the same time, SINAY's expertise in environmental monitoring – including CO2 emission calculators and underwater noise assessment tools – provides an additional environmental compliance layer for MariTrace's customer base of vessel owners, offshore contractors and insurers, alongside existing security and risk data.

MariTrace CEO and Co-founder Thomas Owen said: "Joining SINAY allows us to expand our offering by combining our risk and tracking capabilities with a broader set of data and analytics. Together, we can deliver deeper insight into both operational risk and performance."

Founded in 2008, SINAY has grown into an international provider of maritime data intelligence, with 130 employees, EUR 10m in annual revenue and EUR 12m raised from international investors.

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