Wednesday, April 01, 2020

“Housing Is Health”: Calls Grow for California to Give Vacant Homes to Unhoused People Amid Pandemic

STORY MARCH 30, 2020


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TOPICS
Housing
Coronavirus

GUESTS
Carroll Fife
director of the Oakland office for Alliance of Californians for Community Empowerment (ACCE). She is an organizer, educator, mother and 20-plus-year resident of Oakland.
Martha Escudero
mother of two and Reclaiming Our Homes member.

LINKS
Carroll Fife on Twitter
Reclaiming Our Homes on Twitter
Reclaiming Our Homes

Image Credit: YouTube: Reclaiming Our Homes


We look at the crisis of homelessness during the coronavirus pandemic in California, where the number of cases has passed 6,000 with 132 deaths. The entire state has been ordered to shelter in place, leaving the state’s massive unhoused population extremely vulnerable. As the state braces for a surge in cases, tens of thousands of people are living on the streets. A recent study estimates that nearly 2,600 unhoused people will need to be hospitalized for the virus in Los Angeles alone — and nearly 1,000 will need intensive care. We speak with Martha Escudero, a member of a group of unhoused mothers, elders and families who have moved into vacant houses, and Carroll Fife, director of the Oakland office for Alliance of Californians for Community Empowerment (ACCE).

Transcript
This is a rush transcript. Copy may not be in its final form.


AMY GOODMAN: We turn now to California, where the number of cases has passed 6,000 with 132 COVID-19 deaths. The entire state has been ordered to shelter in place as California braces for a surge in cases, but more than 100,000 people are still living on the streets. A recent study estimates nearly 2,600 unhoused people will need to be hospitalized for the virus in L.A. alone, and nearly a thousand will need intensive care. Governor Newsom has pledged thousands of hotel rooms for homeless people. Los Angeles Mayor Eric Garcetti said that he will open recreational centers to shelter the unhoused. And San Francisco is looking to convert churches and schools into shelters. But calls are growing for the state to use vacant homes to shelter the unhoused and employ other more drastic measures to protect people without homes.

For more, we’re going to Oakland to Carroll Fife, the director of the Oakland office for Alliance of Californians for Community Empowerment, key organizer in the Moms 4 Housing movement earlier this year, when unhoused mothers occupied a vacant Oakland house until they were eventually able to win its sale. In a minute, we will also go to a mom in Los Angeles, who has joined a new movement to occupy empty houses.

Carroll Fife, we begin with you in California. Lay out the issue in Oakland right now. The moms movement, that we covered so extensively, has taken on new, urgent meaning right now, when people are trying to shelter at home, if they had one.

CARROLL FIFE: Correct. And thank you for the coverage, the intensive coverage that you all did. And just like the speaker from New York said, the situation in Oakland, California, is exactly the same. There are still vacant properties that are going unlived in, and people still are living on the streets. Mothers and children are still living on the streets. Moms’ House is still vacant. And we have a pandemic, that is supposed to — well, the governor has said that we have to shelter in place. But if you don’t have a place to shelter in, then you can’t do that, and it really puts everyone in jeopardy. So, if they’re as serious as they say they are, they will immediately open up these hotels, open up spaces. There are still luxury units all over the city of Oakland that have like huge vacancy rates. And we need to get people in them for the sake of everyone, for the sake of every single resident in our city.

AMY GOODMAN: I want to bring in — I want to go to Los Angeles. We’re joined by Martha Escudero, who is a mother of two and Reclaiming Our Homes member. She was the first to reclaim an empty house owned by California earlier this month. If you can start off by talking about the group of unhoused mothers, elders and families that are occupying 13 vacant homes to stay safe during the pandemic, Martha?

MARTHA ESCUDERO: Hello, Amy Goodman. Thank you so much for this coverage. Yes, we’re part of a group called Reclaiming Our Homes. I, myself, as a mother of two, Victoria and Meztli — they’re 10 and 8 years old. We became aware of these houses being empty. There’s 40 in El Sereno, where I’m at. And counting Alhambra and South Pasadena, there’s about 200 that are owned by the California state and are still sitting vacant while we’re in a crisis. The whole state of California’s rent has gone so high in these last few years that it’s become Skid Row. And it’s really immoral for us to be — for the state to be hoarding these empty houses while there are so many people on the streets, especially during this pandemic. So we feel that it’s really important for the most vulnerable people to be able to be housed and be able to keep up their hygiene, so that we don’t spread the virus. So we’re asking the governor to have all these vacant homes open immediately to be housed by the most vulnerable — the elderly, the ones that are chronically ill. And we believe that housing is a human right and should be affordable and equitable for everybody. And if the government’s not working fast enough, it comes to the power of the people to be able to love and protect each other and finding solutions for our government that’s not doing its job.

AMY GOODMAN: Can you talk, Martha, about the city’s response, Mayor Garcetti’s response to your whole movement? You’re speaking to us from one of the houses that your group is occupying, from where you’re living. He announced Los Angeles would use rec centers to shelter the unhoused, and Governor Newsom has announced the state will use hotels. What are you saying?

MARTHA ESCUDERO: Regarding the Caltrans homes, I know the mayor has no jurisdiction. However, there’s also county-owned, city-owned, and the school district owns a lot of vacant homes that are livable, that are ready. These homes, for example, a lot of the people are saying they were not properly taken care of. They had minor issues, some of them, and we were able to fix them — we, the people, the community, Reclaiming Our Homes. The government could do the same. They’ve been hoarding these for like 30 years, 20 years. They need to act faster, especially during this pandemic. This is immoral and unjust to have — they want us dead. You know, they’re not doing enough. So we need to take that power within our own hands. We’re forced to do that.

AMY GOODMAN: Carroll Fife, in Oakland, we just did a segment on health justice and what that looks like in a pandemic. Can you talk about the issue of racial justice in this pandemic, in unhoused people finding safe spaces to be in, not to infect themselves, their families and the overall community?

CARROLL FIFE: Well, housing is health. It’s foundational to health. And without it, you can’t actually have the things that you need in order to thrive, in order to live. And it’s a death sentence in Oakland for Oakland’s unsheltered population and for our seniors and for the people who don’t have access to the resources that our mutual aid organizations have been providing. Our hospitals are overstaffed, are just running over. They haven’t seen the whole — the curve actually hit right now. They haven’t seen an onslaught of the patients that they will probably get over the next few days or next few weeks. But they are not prepared. None of us were prepared for this. And just like our family down in L.A. said, if the government is not doing what they need to do, then we will be forced to do it ourselves.

And so, it’s a racial — it runs along racial lines like every other issue in our country, that it impacts black folks and brown folks the most. Right now our population of homeless folks in Oakland is 70%. So that means that if you’re unsheltered and it’s predominantly black, then it’s a death sentence for you. There are people on the streets that are frightened that their lives are going to end, because no one cares about them.

AMY GOODMAN: And, Carroll, can you talk about Oakland just passing a two-month freeze on evictions? And also, for those who have lost their jobs and this $2 trillion bill saying that Americans are going to get a check in the mail, how do people who are unhoused get a check in the mail?

CARROLL FIFE: You just — you don’t. It’s a farce. It’s a farce. And it is designed to make it appear that our government is doing something. But that’s still because of community pressure of groups like ACCE Action and Protect Oakland Renters, the group that worked together with our city councilmember, Nikki Fortunato Bas, to pass this moratorium, which is stronger than any other moratorium in our region, in the state, that it was because of community pressure that these things happened. And that is unfortunate. In the situations we’re living in right now, it really is life or death for so many people and marginalized people. We have to do better.

AMY GOODMAN: Carroll Fife, I want to thank you so much for being with us, Alliance of Californians for Community Empowerment, speaking to us from her home to keep the community safe and stop community spread. And Martha Escudero, mother of two and Reclaiming Our Homes member, speaking from the first Reclaiming Our Homes house, speaking to us, again, from home to protect the whole community.

Democracy Now! is produced by Mike Burke, Deena Guzder, Nermeen Shaikh, Carla Wills, Tami Woronoff, Libby Rainey, Sam Alcoff, John Hamilton, Robby Karran, Hany Massoud, Charina Nadura, Tey-Marie Astudillo, Adriano Contreras, María Taracena, Julie Crosby. I’m Amy Goodman.
The original content of this program is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-Noncommercial-No Derivative Works 3.0 United States License. Please attribute legal copies of this work to democracynow.org. Some of the work(s) that this program incorporates, however, may be separately licensed. For further information or additional permissions, contact us.

Up Next
#CancelRent: Tenants Demand Rent Relief & Organize Strikes as Unemployment Surges Due to COVID-19
#CancelRent: 
Tenants Demand Rent Relief & Organize Strikes as Unemployment Surges Due to COVID-19

STORY APRIL 01, 2020


This is viewer supported news. Please do your part today.DONATE

TOPICS
Housing
Coronavirus

GUESTS
Cea Weaver
campaign coordinator for Housing Justice for All, which is organizing to cancel rent during the coronavirus outbreak.

LINKS
Cea Weaver on Twitter
Housing Justice for All
Image Credit: Twitter: @MW_Unrest


Today is April 1, and millions across the country don’t have the money to pay rent. But despite eviction moratoriums and relief on mortgage payments in hard-hit states like California, Washington and New York, no rent freeze has been ordered. In response, tenants around the country are calling for immediate rent cancellation. Some are planning to “rent strike.” Meanwhile, many workers who lost their income due to the pandemic haven’t even been able to file for unemployment in New York state, with the unemployment website continually crashing and phone lines jammed. Seven-point-eight million people called the New York state Labor Department hotline last week, compared to the average 50,000. We get an update from Cea Weaver, campaign coordinator for Housing Justice for All, which is organizing to cancel rent during the coronavirus.

Transcript
This is a rush transcript. Copy may not be in its final form.


AMY GOODMAN: This is Democracy Now! I’m Amy Goodman in New York. Juan González is in New Brunswick, New Jersey. Today is April 1st. Millions across the country do not have money to pay rent in the midst of this pandemic. But despite eviction moratoriums and relief on mortgage payments in hard-hit states like California, Washington and New York, no rent freeze has been ordered. In response, tenants around the country are calling for immediate rent cancellation. Some are planning to rent strike. This is Crystal Stella Becerril, a tenant in Brooklyn, speaking to PIX News.


CRYSTAL STELLA BECERRIL: Asking them to reduce our rent by a minimum of 50%, beginning April 1st, so this Wednesday, with the possibility up to 100% rent reduction or forgiveness for those tenants who have completely lost all forms of income and won’t be able to pay. … We’re standing in solidarity with those who can’t, because we know that if three people in a building of 36 can’t pay rent, those people will be taken to court and be evicted. But if we stand in solidarity with them, the chances of that happening are reduced.

AMY GOODMAN: That’s Crystal Stella Becerril, a tenant in Brooklyn, speaking to PIX News. According to one estimate, 40% of renters in New York City may not be able to make rent this month. And while a record 3 million people in the U.S. applied for unemployment last week, many workers who lost their livelihoods still have not even been able to file for unemployment. Nearly 8 million people called the New York state Labor Department hotline last week, compared to an average 50,000 weekly calls.

For more, we’re joined by Cea Weaver, campaign coordinator for Housing Justice for All, which is organizing to cancel rent during the coronavirus pandemic. She’s here in New York, as Juan González is also in New Jersey.

Cea, talk about what you are calling for on this first day of the month. Yes, no one is talking about April fools in the midst of this pandemic, but clearly no one is canceling rent right now at a mass level.

CEA WEAVER: Yeah, so, you’re absolutely right. It’s April 1st, and millions of New Yorkers are going to be unable to pay their rent today. While the eviction moratorium is a step in the right direction, it does nothing to prepare for when we emerge from this crisis. And so we are calling for full universal cancellation of all rent that is accrued during this crisis. So that means you can’t pay — if you can’t pay now, you don’t have to pay, and you won’t be taken to court for this rent later, either.

JUAN GONZÁLEZ: And how do you respond to folks like Governor Cuomo, who has said he’s all for a mortgage and rent moratorium, but not for cancellations per se?

CEA WEAVER: Yeah, so, Cuomo has actually not called for a rent moratorium. He’s called for a mortgage moratorium for property owners. And, you know, I think that Governor Cuomo is simply just ignoring the fact that more than half of the state rents their homes. He has repeatedly said that the closure of housing courts, the eviction moratorium, is — taken care of the rent issue. I think that he’s got to be kidding himself if he thinks that that’s true. I know he can’t truly think that that’s accurate. All that that is is just the very definition of kicking the can down the road.

AMY GOODMAN: I want to turn to Governor Cuomo speaking about the eviction moratorium at his press conference Tuesday. He is then asked about what renters should do when that moratorium ends.


GOV. ANDREW CUOMO: You cannot be evicted for nonpayment of rent, residential nor commercial, for three months. Again, we pick these intervals, and you can say they’re somewhat random. But, you know, when is it going to end? Nobody knows. Pick an interval. So we said three months. You can’t be evicted, residential or commercial, for nonpayment of rent for 90 days. On that basis, my daughters have stopped paying me rent. I’m not even sure that their finances have dropped significantly, but I think they’re just taking advantage of the noneviction order that I myself posted. And I resent it.


REPORTER: Governor, what do you say —


GOV. ANDREW CUOMO: I love when they lie to me.


REPORTER: — renters should do once your 90-day moratorium on evictions ends and they likely owe several months of rent? You know, unemployment is obviously increasing.


GOV. ANDREW CUOMO: We’ll deal with that when we get to it.

AMY GOODMAN: So, that’s Governor Cuomo’s daily news conference from yesterday. Cea Weaver, if you could respond to what he said, and Governor Cuomo, who is now being talked about in all sorts of circles as a possible presidential candidate, a brokered convention, etc., what his history has been on housing here in New York?

CEA WEAVER: Cuomo has a long history of standing with the real estate industry and not standing with the tenants. He’s got a long history of standing with real estate over standing with public housing. He has worked in housing his whole career, and the entire time he has been on the side of the real estate industry. So it’s not surprising to hear that he’s not really taking seriously the rights of renters during this time and the fear that renters may feel about being unable to pay the rent on April 1st, on May 1st, on June 1st, and not really having a plan to move forward. It’s unsurprising, but it is terrifying, and we need the governor to take urgent action here —

JUAN GONZÁLEZ: And, Cea —

CEA WEAVER: — to take the rental [inaudible] response seriously.

JUAN GONZÁLEZ: Cea, do you have any sense whether across the country the movement is spreading of people saying they just won’t pay rent to their landlords?

CEA WEAVER: Absolutely. There are more people who are waking up to the housing crisis today than ever before. And that’s the thing that is giving me hope and making me feel like we’re going to win this thing. The housing justice movement has been saying for a long time that everyone is just one major life event away from an eviction. We say that — we say that a lot. We say, you know, if your mother gets sick or if you lose a job or if you have to — if you have a medical emergency yourself, that you may be just, you know, one paycheck away from an eviction. What’s happening right now is that that is happening to hundreds of thousands of people, millions of people, all at once in our society. And so, all of those people are turning to the housing justice movement and saying, “Wow! I was living that precariously.” And sort of a moment — it’s a moment where everybody is realizing just how the housing market is not working for renters, and trying — coming together to take political action.

AMY GOODMAN: And can I get your comment to Mayor de Blasio calling for a rent freeze for the 2.3 million tenants in nearly a million rent-stabilized units across New York, the city saying they’ll work with the state to suspend Rent Guidelines Board process for the upcoming year? De Blasio is saying, “We are in the midst of a crisis only comparable to the Great Depression. The people of our city are struggling, and a rent freeze is the lifeline so many will need this year to stay above water.” Cea?

CEA WEAVER: Yeah, so, I think, yeah, you said it yourself: The buck stops with the governor, unfortunately. And it’s great that de Blasio is taking a step, but we need Cuomo to take action. That’s just the scenario that we’re in right now. And then, I think it’s incredibly important to not forget the millions of other renters who are not rent-stabilized, who are living precariously without the right to a renewal lease, in unregulated apartments, who have also lost income, who also need immediate relief now.

AMY GOODMAN: Well, Cea Weaver, we want to thank you so much for being with us, campaign coordinator for Housing Justice for All, organizing to cancel rent during the pandemic.

And as we wrap up the show, Juan, this latest news that has just come out, of the Congressional Hispanic Caucus joining with many others, 3,000 medical professionals, as well as many immigration rights groups, for ICE to immediately release all 37,000 detainees in ICE custody, Juan?

JUAN GONZÁLEZ: Well, Amy, it’s clear that given the huge number of people in detention, in immigration detention, overwhelmingly, most of them have not been — they’ve not been convicted of any crime. They’re being detained while their status is adjudicated. And it seems positively mind-boggling that the federal government doesn’t realize, especially in the crowded conditions that many of the detainees are in, that it would be the proper humanitarian policy to release them, release them now, to prevent the spread of COVID-19. And their status can be adjudicated after this crisis is over.

AMY GOODMAN: Well, we have to come to the end of the show. We tried to reach Chris Smalls, who organized the Amazon protest and was fired, Amazon said, because he wasn’t keeping social distancing rules or quarantining, and, Chris Smalls alleges, because he organized the protest at Amazon to keep workers safe. But we will certainly continue to follow this issue.

And a little correction: Earlier in the headlines, I talked about Franklin Graham, the president of the Christian relief organization Samaritan’s Purse, who has helped to organize a hospital outside of Mount Sinai here in New York in the middle of Central Park. I mentioned he was a university president. He isn’t. That’s Jerry Falwell, who kept Liberty University open despite the concern of many staff, teachers and students.

That does it for our show. By the way, whether or not we have access to medical masks, using a scarf is a great idea when you go outside. We must all protect ourselves to protect the community. All safety to everyone. Juan, thanks so much for joining us. Democracy Now! produced by a remarkable team: Mike Burke, Renée Feltz, Deena Guzder, Nermeen Shaikh, Carla Wills, Tami Woronoff, Libby Rainey, Sam Alcoff, John Hamilton, Robby Karran, Hany Massoud, Denis Moynihan, Charina Nadura, Tey-Marie Astudillo, Adriano Contreras. Special thanks to Julie Crosby. I’m Amy Goodman, with Juan González. Be safe, all.
The original content of this program is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-Noncommercial-No Derivative Works 3.0 United States License. Please attribute legal copies of this work to democracynow.org. Some of the work(s) that this program incorporates, however, may be separately licensed. For further information or additional permissions, contact us.

Several States Pass Laws to Criminalize Protests Against Fossil Fuel Industry

MAR 31, 2020
https://www.democracynow.org


As the coronavirus pandemic rages on, a number of states have quietly passed laws to criminalize protests against the fossil fuel industry. Kentucky, South Dakota and West Virginia recently approved new laws imposing harsh penalties, including jail time, on protest actions that damage or block so-called critical infrastructure — such as pipelines — that are used for the production and transport of fossil fuels.

Olive Garden's parent company will now pay sick leave to hourly employees in a watershed moment for the restaurant industry
Hayley Peterson
Mar 10, 2020, 9:26 AM

Olive Garden employees now have access to paid sick leave. AP

Olive Garden parent company Darden Restaurants is giving all hourly employees paid sick leave, effective immediately, amid the coronavirus outbreak.
The policy change could pressure other companies to follow suit. More than four in 10 service industry workers have no access to paid sick leave, according to Labor Department data.
Little or no access to paid sick leave can result in some employees reporting to work while ill.

Darden Restaurants announced late Monday that it will give all its hourly employees paid sick leave benefits, effective immediately, amid the coronavirus outbreak.

Darden owns Olive Garden, Longhorn Steakhouse, The Capital Grille, Eddie V's, Cheddar's Scratch Kitchen, Yard House, Seasons 52, and Bahama Breeze.

Previously, hourly employees of these restaurants were not paid for any work hours they missed due to illness.

Under the new policy, paid sick leave will accrue at a rate of one hour for every 30 hours worked, the company said.

Current employees have been granted a "starting balance" of paid sick leave based on their most recent 26 weeks of work and "can use this benefit immediately," a spokesperson said.


The company said it has considered adding paid sick leave for a long time, and "now is the right time to do it."

"We are fortunate to have outstanding team members working in our restaurants committed to bringing our brands to life and creating lasting memories for our guests," Darden CEO Gene Lee said in a statement. "As we continue to make investments in our employees, we strengthen our greatest competitive edge — because when our team members win, our guests win."


Darden's new policy could pressure others to follow suit

The new policy makes Darden one of the first major companies in the US to change its paid sick leave policies in response to the coronavirus outbreak. It could mark a watershed moment for the restaurant industry if other companies follow its lead.

About one quarter of US workers have no access to paid sick leave, according to Labor Department data. In the service industry, which includes restaurant workers, the share of workers without access to paid sick leave jumps to 42%.

Little or no access to paid sick leave can result in some employees reporting to work while ill, which could be dangerous as the US seeks to contain the spread of the novel coronavirus.

Some members of Congress are now proposing a new measure that would give workers 14 days of paid sick leave during a public health crisis.

"Right now, the experts are telling people: Stay home if you're sick," Sen. Patty Murray, a Democrat from Washington, told the New York Times this week. Many workers aren't paid if they follow that advice, and "that's why paid sick days are such a critical part of this response," she said.


McDonald's restaurant workers push for paid sick leave and updated safety policies as coronavirus spreads across the US
Bethany Biron
Mar 10, 2020, 12:03 PM


McDonald's restaurant workers are urging company leaders to establish paid sick leave policies and enforce standardized health and safety policies amid the rapid spread of the coronavirus in the US. 

In a call on Tuesday, employees and members of the advocacy group Fight for $15 shared a list of demands that, in addition to paid sick leave, also includes proper sanitation training and paid time off in the event of store closures. 

"For those of us working in fast food, we're living paycheck to paycheck with no paid sick days. We can't do our job from home and we can't skip work," Fran Marion, a McDonald's worker in Kansas City, Missouri, said on the call.


"As we proactively monitor the impact of the coronavirus, we are continuously evaluating our policies to provide flexibility and reasonable accommodations," a McDonald's spokesperson said in a statement to Business Insider. 


McDonald's restaurant workers are demanding paid sick leave and updated safety protocols to protect against the rapidly spreading coronavirus.

In a call held by Fight For $15 — an organization that advocates on behalf of low-wage employees across a variety of industries, including fast food — McDonald's workers urged company leaders to take action to properly protect restaurant staff. In its demands, the group asked for paid sick leave for the duration of the recommended quarantine period, paid time off for missed shifts in the case of possible restaurant closures, updated and improved protections for employees on the job, and standardized training for coronavirus prevention.

The requests come after McDonald's CEO Chris Kempczinski announced Friday that the company would cancel its Worldwide Convention in Orlando for directors and franchisees, opting instead to hold the forum online due to the coronavirus outbreak.

"This decision was not made lightly," Kempczinski said in a video statement. "I, for one, was really looking forward to my first convention as CEO and I appreciate the significance of this announcement for the system. We're not alone, companies and countries alike are reassessing large gatherings."

The demands also follow Monday's monumental announcement by Darden Restaurants to provide all hourly employees paid sick leave benefits for the first time, effective immediately. The effort positioned Darden — owner of Olive Garden, Longhorn Steakhouse, and Capital Grille, among others — as one of the first major US companies to shift worker policies and protections in response to the coronavirus.


"As we proactively monitor the impact of the coronavirus, we are continuously evaluating our policies to provide flexibility and reasonable accommodations," a McDonald's spokesperson said in a statement to Business Insider. "Our people are the heart and soul of the McDonald's family and, of course, we will support them through this unique circumstance." 


How a lack of sick leave benefits hurts McDonald's workers 

While Kempczinski said on Friday that the company is "taking measures" to protect employees and customers and has provided "tools and resources" for restaurant hygiene and cleanliness, McDonald's employees on Tuesday's call said they have received little information regarding how to stay safe.

Restaurant employees have simply been instructed to place hand sanitizer next to registers and take extra care to wipe down touch screens and bathrooms, they said.

"The company canceled a meeting of executives and franchisees, but it's not making any plans for us front-line workers, who cannot afford to take a day off without pay if we get sick," Fran Marion, a McDonald's worker in Kansas City, Missouri, said on the call. "For those of us working in fast food, we're living paycheck to paycheck with no paid sick days. We can't do our job from home and we can't skip work."

While policies differ by state, as well as across franchisee-owned and corporate-owned restaurants, a McDonald's spokesperson said it's the company's "expectation that crewmembers stay home when they are sick." Additionally, McDonald's has decided to pay employees of corporate-owned establishments if they are required to complete a 14-day quarantine.


"We have implemented enhancements to bolster our standards, including: increasing the stock of sanitizing hand gel dispensers in the entrances and lobbies of our restaurants for customer use; increasing the cadence of sanitization of all surfaces and engagement kiosks, and disinfecting trays, dining tables and chairs after each use and reminding crew to always stay home when sick," the spokesperson said.

Still, this leaves workers of franchisee-owned restaurants at risk. Maurilia Arellanes, a McDonald's worker from San Jose, California, who has worked for the company for several years, said she has already struggled without sick pay, citing an incident last year in which she had her hours slashed after returning to work after recovering from the flu.

"I was so sick and I could barely get out of bed," Arellanes said on the call via a translator. "When I came back I found out that I had lost many of the hours that I had worked. I went from working 35 hours a week to 27 hours. I have struggled to make my rent of $750 a month in a small room in a family home and have had to cut back on the money I can send back to my mother in Mexico."
McDonald's could join Darden in setting the standard

Marion and Arellanes were joined by Judy Conti, government affairs director of the National Employment Law Project, who spoke about the larger impacts of a large corporation like McDonald's — which has 14,000 locations in the US alone — taking action. In the US, 42% of service workers lack sick leave benefits, according to the Department of Labor.

"This epidemic is making painfully clear what we actually already knew — that our shoddy collection of workers' rights in this country leaves us ill-prepared to handle this moment," Conti said. "Quite frankly, it leaves us ill-prepared to handle the flu, it makes us ill-prepared to handle a regular winter."

Conti added that the US is one of few industrialized nations that does not have a standardized national policy for sick leave, an oversight she called "deplorable."

"Benefits are by and large available to well-paid people who have resources to weather such times, as opposed to low-income workers who missing a day or shift of work can throw their entire month off as far as bills, loans, housing," she said. "It's unconscionable."

Amazon workers in Detroit are set to walk out after a third case of the coronavirus was confirmed there


ISOBEL ASHER HAMILTON, BRYAN PIETSCH
Apr 1st 2020

Workers at an Amazon fulfillment center near Detroit are set to walk out on Wednesday over concerns that the company mishandled the coronavirus at the facility.
A third case of the coronavirus was confirmed at the Detroit fulfillment center on Wednesday, the company told employees in a note shared with Business Insider.
The walkout in Michigan comes after a similar one in New York, where the employee who organized the protest was fired.

Workers at an Amazon fulfillment center outside of Detroit are set to walk out on Wednesday over concerns that the company mishandled the coronavirus at the facility.

A third case of the coronavirus was confirmed at Amazon's DTW1 fulfillment center in Romulus, Michigan on Wednesday, the company told employees in a note shared with Business Insider. The third worker infected with the virus was last at the facility on March 28, and Amazon told workers it learned of the case on Wednesday.

"We are scared to go to work and disgusted at Amazon's disregard for our safety and our health and the health of our neighbors," said Tonya Ramsay, a leader of the walkout and a worker at DTW1. "We aren't heroes and we aren't Red Cross workers — we are working people who pack and deliver goods. We're working through a crisis not by choice but by necessity."

Amazon workers are asking the company to take more safety precautions, like closing facilities for cleaning, as employees in its facilities around the country test positive for COVID-19, and say the company has failed to adequately sanitize buildings and hasn't been transparent about coronavirus cases at its facilities.

An employee at the Michigan facility told Business Insider that after the third confirmed case was shared with workers on Wednesday, Amazon has refused "to tell us if they were on day shift or night shift and what department they worked in... just sad."

The walkout in Michigan comes after a similar protest in New York, where the employee who organized it was fired. Chris Smalls, an assistant manager at an Amazon facility in Staten Island, told Business Insider his firing was retaliation, but Amazon said he was fired for violating social-distancing guidelines. New York's human rights commissioner has opened an investigation into the firing.

Amazon did not immediately respond to a request for comment regarding the Michigan fulfillment center.

"For weeks, workers and community members have been demanding that Amazon take action to address the glaring gaps in its response to the COVID-19 crisis that have put customers, neighborhoods and workers in dangers," workers at the Michigan facility said in a statement.



Special Report | 
Too poor to stay in? 
State responses to COVID-19 cannot ignore people’s economic realities

Protecting the health of the public must remain the top priority of states tackling COVID-19, but emergency measures cannot ignore the economic realities and pressures facing the poor and vulnerable.

NEW IN CEASEFIRE - Posted on Sunday, March 22, 2020
By Sabrina Tucci


A man wearing a face mask walks across a deserted street in Venice on March 18, 2020, during the country’s lockdown within the new coronavirus crisis. (Photo by ANDREA PATTARO / AFP)

Over the past week, we all have seen a dramatic escalation of cases of coronavirus (COVID-19) across the globe. As of March 22, there were more than 314,000 cases and 13,500 deaths confirmed globally. Of these, 53,578 cases and 4,825 deaths were confirmed in Italy alone, the most affected country in Europe and the one reporting the highest death rate worldwide. 793 people died of COVID-19 in Italy just this Saturday (March 21).

While the UK government has been criticized for lacking a solid plan to keep the UK public safe, and for not announcing the closure of schools and social venues until March 20, after weeks of opposition to the idea, many European countries have imposed drastic social distancing measures to limit the spread of, and damage caused by, the coronavirus. These measures include state of emergencies, quarantines, travel bans and restrictions, to name a few.

On March 10 Italy became the first country in Europe to lock down its 60-million population until March 25 and — following a recent announcement by its Prime Minister — now until April 3. This means no more operating factories and businesses unless strategic to the provision of primary goods and services. No more sporting events. No more schools and universities. No more cinemas, theatres and nightclubs. No more religious celebrations, including funerals for those dying because of the virus. No more just going out for a walk to take some fresh air. No more public gatherings. People are only allowed to go to the chemist , to the grocery store or to work (unless they can work remotely), and need to carry with them a document explaining their reasons for doing so. Police officers are monitoring the streets. Those caught outside with no valid reason risk monetary penalties, while those caught outside with symptoms risk prison sentences of up to 12 years.

As Spain, France, Germany, Belgium and many others have followed suit with similar lockdowns, human rights experts warn that these measures may infringe on a number of human rights, and particularly the right to work and earn a living.

In a statement on March 16, Amnesty International said that the measures taken by countries to protect public health in the wake of the current pandemic must not put people at risk of losing their jobs or wages because they cannot go to work. These measures must not make the payment of bills, rent or mortgages impossible.

This is particularly important for those who cannot simply “work from home”: those in insecure forms of labour, the self-employed, casual and gig workers, migrant workers, people on low incomes, ‘irregular’ migrants and people working in the informal sector — all of whom often do not get sick pay, parental leave, health care or other forms of social security benefits. This is also important for the sick or quarantined, and those caring for children because of school closures.

Protecting the health of the public must remain the top priority but emergency measures should not make people vulnerable to destitution; or put those already living in poverty at further risk. Without guarantees that these measures will not have adverse consequences to themselves and their families, people may feel they have no option but to defy the virus and disregard the public health initiatives governments are putting in place.

As warned by the International Labour Organization this week, not protecting people from jobs and income loss will also inevitably have a negative, ripple effect on the demand for goods and services, damaging all businesses regardless of their size.

Some countries are realizing that. On March 16, Italy adopted an emergency decree which temporarily introduces tax breaks and waivers for social security contributions, suspends loan and mortgage repayments for companies and families, increases funds to help firms pay those unable to work due to the lockdown, extends parental leave and offers funds to those who are self-employed and to families to pay for child care. On March 17, Spain announced a moratorium on mortgage payments and support for self-employed workers who are losing business because of the coronavirus crisis, as well as a halt to evictions and the guarantee of water, electricity and internet to vulnerable households.

While these packages are welcome news to the thousands impacted by the virus, in the long run, thorough institutional and policy reforms are needed to rebuild social security systems which can stimulate the economy and labour demand as well as strengthen societies, ahead of future crisis.

The packages are also likely to increase Italy and Spain’s budget deficits. As many in lockdown are supporting each other, not only by staying in to protect those most at risk from falling seriously ill, but also by taking to their balconies to applaud health care workers or to sing and play music, it is important that countries that have been severely affected by the virus will receive support and international solidarity as they rebuild their health systems and economies.



Sabrina Tucci is a freelance journalist and human rights activist. She was formerly at Amnesty International and has worked in refugee camps in Algeria and in immigration removal centres in the UK. She holds a Masters degree in Refugee Studies from City, University of London. Follow her on Twitter: @sabrinatucci

In Theory Bakhtin: Carnival against Capital, Carnival against Power

In the second and final part of his essay on Mikhail Bakhtin, political theorist Andrew Robinson reviews, and critiques, one of the central concepts in the Russian thinker's work: the Carnivalesque.

IN THEORYNEW IN CEASEFIRE - Posted on Friday, September 9, 2011 8:51 - 28 Comments

On International Worker's Day , Saturday 1st May 2010, 
the Four Horsefolk of the Post-Capitalist Apocalypse.
By Andrew Robinson
In the second and final part of his essay on Mikhail Bakhtin, political theorist Andrew Robinson reviews, and critiques, one of the central concepts in the Russian thinker’s work: the Carnivalesque.
Carnival and carnivalesque
In Rabelais and his World, Bakhtin discusses carnivalesque (or ‘folk-humour’,) a particular speech-genre which occurs across a variety of cultural sites, most notably in carnival itself.
A carnival is a moment when everything (except arguably violence) is permitted. It occurs on the border between art and life, and is a kind of life shaped according to a pattern of play. It is usually marked by displays of excess and grotesqueness. It is a type of performance, but this performance is communal, with no boundary between performers and audience. It creates a situation in which diverse voices are heard and interact, breaking down conventions and enabling genuine dialogue. It creates the chance for a new perspective and a new order of things, by showing the relative nature of all that exists.
The popular tradition of carnival was believed by Bakhtin to carry a particular wisdom which can be traced back to the ancient world. For Bakhtin, carnival and carnivalesque create an alternative social space, characterised by freedom, equality and abundance. During carnival, rank (otherwise pervasive in medieval society) is abolished and everyone is equal. People were reborn into truly human relations, which were not simply imagined but experienced. The body is here figured not as the individual or ‘bourgeois ego’ but as a growing, constantly renewed collective which is exaggerated and immeasurable. Life manifests itself not as isolated individuals but as a collective ancestral body. This is not, however, a collective order, since it is also continually in change and renewal. The self is also transgressed through practices such as masking.
Carnival is a kind of syncretic, ritualised pageantry which displays a particular perspective. It is a brief moment in which life escapes its official furrows and enacts utopian freedom. It is a form of life at once real and ideal, universal and without remainder. Its defining feature is festivity – life lived as festive. It is also sanctioned by the highest ideal aims of human existence, not by the world of practical conditions.
Carnival is also taken to provide a positive alternative vision. It is not simply a deconstruction of dominant culture, but an alternative way of living based on a pattern of play. It prefigured a humanity constructed otherwise, as a utopia of abundance and freedom. It eliminated barriers among people created by hierarchies, replacing it with a vision of mutual cooperation and equality. Individuals are also subsumed into a kind of lived collective body which is constantly renewed.
On an affective level, it creates a particular intense feeling of immanence and unity – of being part of a historically immortal and uninterrupted process of becoming. It is a lived, bodily utopianism distinct from utopianisms of inner experience or abstract thought, a ‘bodily participation in the potentiality of another world’. The golden age is lived, not through inner thought or experience, but by the whole person, in thought and body.
An emphasis is placed on basic needs and the body, and on the sensual and the senses, counterposed perhaps to the commands of the will. It lowers the spiritual and abstract to the material level. It thus recognises embodiment, in contrast with dominant traditions which flee from it.
Prefiguring James Scott’s analysis of ‘hidden transcripts’, Bakhtin portrays carnival as an expression of a ‘second life’ of the people, against their subsumption in the dominant ideology. Ir replaces the false unity of the dominant system with a lived unity in contingency. It creates a zone in which new birth or emergence becomes possible, against the sterility of dominant norms (which in their tautology, cannot cretae the new). It also encourages the return of repressed creative energies. It is joyous in affirming that the norms, necessities and/or systems of the present are temporary, historically variable and relative, and one day will come to an end.
Reading this in a contemporary way, we might say that carnival is expressive rather than instrumental. It involves the expression of latent aspects of humanity, direct contact among people (as opposed to alienation), and an eccentric refusal of social roles. It brings together groups and categories which are usually exclusive. Time and space are rearranged in ways which show their contingency and indissolubility. All of this is done in a mood of celebration and laughter.
In carnival, everything is rendered ever-changing, playful and undefined. Hierarchies are overturned through inversions, debasements and profanations, performed by normally silenced voices and energies.
For instance, a jester might be crowned in place of a king. The authoritative voice of the dominant discourse loses its privilege. Humour is counterposed to the seriousness of officialdom in such a way as to subvert it.
Carnival bridges the gap between holism (which necessarily absorbs its other) and the imperative to refuse authority (which necessarily restores exclusions): it absorbs its authoritarian other in a way which destroys the threat it poses. It is also simultaneously ecological and social, absorbing the self in a network of relations. Bakhtin insists that it opposes both ‘naturalism’, the idea of a fixed natural order, and ideas of fixed social hierarchies. It views ecology and social life as relational becoming. Perhaps a complete world cannot exist without carnival, for such a world would have no sense of its own contingency and relativity.
Although carnival succeeded in undermining the feudal worldview, it did not succeed in overthrowing it. Feudal repression was sufficient to prevent its full utopian potential from unfolding. But it is as if it created a space and bided its time. Bakhtin suggests that it took the social changed of the Renaissance era (the 15th-16th centuries) for carnival to expand into the whole of social life. The awareness of contingency and natural cycles expanded into a historical view of time. This occurred because social changes undermined established hierarchies and put contingency on display. Medieval folk culture prepared the way for this cultural revolution.
Bakhtin almost portrays this as a recuperation of carnivalesque: it was separated from folk culture, formalised, and made available for other uses. Yet Bakhtin portrays this as a positive, creative process which continues to carry the creative spirit. Bakhtin suggests that carnival and folk culture have been in decline since the eighteenth century.
Carnivals have turned into state-controlled parades or privatised holidays, humour and swearing have become merely negative, and the people’s ‘second life’ has almost ceased. However, Bakhtin believes that the carnival principle is indestructible. It continues to reappear as the inspiration for areas of life and culture. Carnival contains a utopian promise for human emancipation through the free expression of thought and creativity. Rabelais stands out here for a style which is irreducibly unofficial and unserious, and irrecuperable by authoritarianism.
Carnival and the Grotesque
Carnivalesque images often use an approach Bakhtin terms ‘grotesque realism’, drawing on the idea of the grotesque. This style transgresses the boundaries between bodily life and the field of art, bringing bodily functions into the field of art. It also celebrates incompleteness, transgression and the disruption of expectations. It often performs a kind of symbolic degradation aimed at bringing elevated phenomena ‘down to earth’ – to the material, bodily or sensuous level.
This was not conceived as an absolute destruction but as a return to the field of reproduction, regeneration and rebirth. The spirit of carnival was personified as a fat, boisterous man who consumed vast quantities of food and alcohol – similar to Dickens’ Ghost of Christmas Present.
The carnival body is seen as transgressing and outgrowing its own limits. This effect is achieved by emphasising the orifices and practices which connect the body to the world: eating, drinking, fucking, shitting, birth, and so on.
This is viewed as a kind of “materialism”. The “material” in this excessive, consumptive, reproductive and bodily sense must be contrasted with the material conceived in terms of privatisation and accumulation, as well as in contrast to its medieval adversary, the spiritual or ‘higher’ plane.
In capitalism, the body breaks away from the generating earth and people. Later uses of grotesque realism in literature tend to lose the universalist and holistic implications of the folk view of the body. Instead of finished forms, the different forms of life – animal, plant, human – are portrayed as incomplete and as passing into one another (think, for instance, of gargoyles with mixed human-animal features. This testifies to a view of being as incomplete).
Bakhtin believes that the grotesque is counterposed to the classical aesthetic of ready-made, completed being. The carnivalesque body in contrast expressed ideas of simultaneous death and rebirth. It is counterposed to the classicist idea of art as the pursuit of the sublime.
In medieval times, Bakhtin believes, carnival expressed an entire folk cosmology or perspective which was usually hidden. In this worldview, the earth itself is a kind of grotesque, fertile body. Laughter, counterposed to the monolithically serious official world, is also part of this phenomenon. There is also a vision of time involved, which treats the new and the future as sites of regeneration and abundance.
This contrasts with official ideas of a past ideal time or a timeless order.
The dominant worldview of medieval Europe was of a natural order which is hierarchical, stable, monolithic and immutable, but poised on the brink of disaster or ‘cosmic terror’, and hence in need of constant maintenance of order. This is similar to Aristotle’s view. For Bakhtin, such a view is oppressive and intolerant. It closes language to change.
The fear of ‘cosmic terror’, the pending collapse of order if things got out of control (or the threat posed by the Real to the master-signifier), was used by elites to justify hierarchy and to subdue popular revolt and critical consciousness. Today, we might think of this vision of monolithic order in terms of fantasies of ‘broken Britain’, of civilisation under siege from extremists, and a discourse of risk-management (and the crisis-management of ‘ungovernability’) in which ‘terrorism’, disease, protest, deviance and natural disaster fuse into a secularised vision of cosmic collapse.
This vision of collapse has infiltrated legal and political discourse to such a degree that any excess of state power seems ‘proportionate’ against this greater evil.
The folk view expressed in carnival and carnivalesque, and related speech-genres such as swearing and popular humour, opposes and subverts this vision. For Bakhtin, cosmic terror and the awe induced by the system’s violent power are the mainstays of its affective domination. Folk culture combats the fear created by cosmic terror.
The celebration of the immortal collective body in carnival bolsters fearlessness. The amorphous fears are brought ‘down to earth’ through parody and degradation, turned into something worldly which can be overcome, stripped of its metaphysical pretensions. It tends to produce a complete liberty conditioned on complete fearlessness.
Against the timeless force of becoming, the pretensions of serious officials and rulers, and even of one’s own serious self and ego, seem irrelevant and comical. Laughter overcomes fear because it is uninhibited and limitless. Carnival is differentiated from other kinds of humour because the crowd also includes itself in the world which is mocked, and which is reborn.
According to Bakhtin, the grotesque is widespread in folk culture, from the giants and demons of myth to colloquial swearing and insults.
Curses, parody and debasing are used to subvert the stabilising tendencies of dominant speech-genres. Today’s swearing retains only the remainders of this culture, since it keeps only the destructive and not the reproductive elements. Still, its continuing attraction shows that it carries the remnants of the energy of folk culture and carnival.
The culture of the ‘marketplace’ also figures in Bakhtin’s account of carnival. In contrast to today’s use of the ‘market’ to signify official discourse, the medieval market was a site of transgressive discourse. This may explain how the rising capitalists were able to use references to the market to hegemonise popular strata.
Today, a genre similar to carnivalesque appears in shows such as South Park and Monty Python. The grotesque also remains widespread in various fields of art, and many examples can be found.
It is, however, against Bakhtin’s method to treat all instances of carnivalesque or grotesque as equivalent to their historical precedents. Everything must be re-examined as a product of its own context. Today’s Bakhtinians often read such phenomena in directly Bakhtinian terms. It is likely, however, that Bakhtin would have seen in them a pale, individualised and spectacularised shadow of the original culture of carnival. He would nevertheless recognise that they contain some of the energy of the original.
Carnival and Contingency: Bakhtin’s Place in Critical Theory
Carnival in Bakhtin’s account is a kind of de-transcendence of the world, the replacement of the fixed order of language – held in place by a master-signifier or ‘trunk’ – with a free slippage of signifiers in a space of immanence. The contingency of being/becoming can be embraced as an ecstatic potential, but it can also figure in literature as a horrifying monstrosity, as in the works of HP Lovecraft, and more broadly in the horror genre.
Does this express an unconscious longing for carnival which is at the same time disturbing to other layers of the psyche? We are here in the field of the dispute between affirmative theories of contingency (such as Bakhtin, Nietzsche, Negri, Deleuze, and Bey) against negative theories of contingency for which the openness of the ‘Real’ or the finitude and contingency of existence is always threatening (a repetition of the ‘cosmic terror’ Bakhtin critiques, ranging from Schmitt, Burke and Hobbes to Heidegger, Lacan and Laclau).
Why is contingency not universally celebrated, in a carnivalesque spirit? According to Reich, active force becomes threatening through being associated, as a result of authoritarian conditioning, with repressed desires and fear of authority. There are also questions of the effects of carnivalesque decomposition on one’s own ego or sense of self, on identities, and on habitual social practices or familiar spaces.
Theories with an affirmative view of contingency tend to share with Bakhtinian carnival a belief in an eternal creative force which unfolds in difference – active force in Deleuze and Nietzsche, constitutive power in Negri, the instituting imaginary in Castoriadis and so on. Theories with a negative view, in contrast, believe in an eternal need for order which is constantly threatened by the contingent nature of existence. The establishment of order occurs with the decision, the master-signifier and so on.
Between these positions, a lot depends on whether the ‘evil’ of disorder is sufficient to outweigh the effects of repression. It seems to do so only from the standpoint of the privileged. From the standpoint of the excluded, it just makes things worse: the excluded are left with both disorder and repression.
Bakhtin’s challenge is deeper than this, however. Bakhtin believes ‘disorder’ can be affirmative. For Bakhtin, immanence is non-threatening because it is associated with the dialogical nature of language. Because networks and connections continue to be performed in a space of dialogical immanence, the loss of transcendence is not a loss of meaning, life, or social being.
This reverses the Hobbesian account: rather than social death ensuing from the chaos of the collapse of meaning, social death is an effect of the artificial separation, rigidity and silencing which result from transcendence. As Benjamin has argued, disaster is not waiting on the edge of existence; the present is the disaster.
Authors such as Michael Holquist reduce the radicalism of Bakhtin’s immanence by suggesting that monologue remains necessary to his thought, as the point against which transgression occurs. Bakhtin certainly takes aspects of language-use such as speech-genres and the self-other gap to be universal, but he affirms the possibility of a radically different type of genre which is open to its own deconstruction.
Each person necessarily has a perspective or frame, but these frames do not need to be unified, nor are they necessarily unchanging. A rhizomatic world such as carnival has its perspectives, frame, and patterns. It does not engender an existentialist ‘lightness of being’.
But, precisely because these patterns are dissensual, holistic, reflexive, consciously relative and situated, they create a kind of freedom. This is neither a repetition of monologue, nor its redemption through recognition of its own contingency. It is an entirely different perspective in which dialogue and immanence are actualised.
Bakhtin’s account of carnival is criticised by some authors, such as Max Gluckman, Victor Turner and Roger Sales, for ignoring carnival’s temporary character. For such critics, carnival is a kind of safety-valve through which people let off steam. It ultimately sustains and is functional for the dominant system. It might even reinforce dominant values by contrasting them with their opposites. James Scott responds that, if this were the case, the powerful would be more sympathetic to carnival than was actually the case. Also, carnivals did, in fact, sometimes pass over into rebellion. And rebellions often used symbolism borrowed from carnival.
It should be added, however, that not every carnivalesque act is emancipatory, because sometimes, it can disinhibit reactive desires arising from the system. Bakhtinian theory is sometimes used to defend texts which arguably reproduce dominant values, but do so in an ‘ironic’ or ‘humorous’ way. This happens because of the layers of prohibitions: the system often promotes something (such as sexism), then inhibits its unconstrained expression.
Hierarchies were perhaps simpler in medieval times. We get into complexities today around the distinction between ‘true’ transgressions and those which repeat dynamics of the system at a deeper level. The system can use such ‘false’ transgressions to channel the carnivalesque into its own reproduction. Consider, for instance, how the transgressiveness of football culture has been displaced into the fascism of the EDL.
The tendencally resistant space of fan culture, by being displaced through repression, is turned into the pseudo-transgression of performative racism. At one level, racial abuse is transgressive (of liberal norms), but on another, it reproduces dominant structures (of underlying racism).
Such displays are similar to true carnival in their excess and expressiveness, but they ultimately uphold the transcendentalism of the in-group through transgressions which reinforce their privilege at the expense of an out-group. This is especially clear from Theweleit’s work: reactionaries and fascists are terrified of being overwhelmed by the ‘floods’ and ‘bodies’ of interpenetration with the other, though they must constantly return to the point of the threat of interpenetration so as to ward it off.
If carnival brings down to earth, its rightist transmutation plants heads firmly in clouds, making the self feel secure in its place by putting the other in her/his place. It belittles the other and not the self; or it belittles both, but in such a way as to keep the gap between them.
Carnivalesque Activism
Carnival has become an underpinning for activist initiatives such as the Clandestine Insurgent Rebel Clown Army, the Laboratory of the Insurrectionary Imagination and Reclaim the Streets, particularly the Carnival against Capital. The free party movement can also be seen as a reclamation of the spirit of carnival.
The carnivalesque style of activism emphasises the deconstruction of relations, including those between activists and police, to create an uncontrollable space. Such tactics can be remarkably successful in disorienting and repelling the monologists of state power.
Abby Peterson’s studies of the ethnography of militant social movements emphasise an affective structure similar to Bakhtin’s carnival. The experience of lived immediacy and joy is constructed through a movement orientation to the enacted event with no separation between actor and audience. This serves as a means to integrate movements without reference to standard techniques of master-signification, though it does require ‘action spaces’ and in many cases adversaries. Peterson echoes Bakhtin’s idea of the immediacy of activist ‘rituals’ as something distinct from theatre or spectacle. David Graeber makes similar reference to puppetry and creativity in protets movements.
Figures of carnivalesque immediacy can also be found in authors such as Hakim Bey and Feral Faun. One can also liken Bakhtin’s view of creating new combinations with Situationist practices of derive and detournement.
Similar strategies can also be seen in social movements such as La Ruta Pacifica, who use techniques of ‘social weaving’ to recompose a sense of empowerment against the fear caused by civil war and state terror. Much of the state’s power is based on anxiety. The Bakhtinian hypothesis is that anxiety can be neutralised through joyous experiences of collective festivity.
These occasions strip power of its performed mystification, breaking into its ideological reproduction. They show its contingency by exposing it to ridicule and distortion. And they create a sense of counter-power through the permanence of the creative force of becoming, counterposed to the fixed order of being. It doesn’t so much confront state power as render it irrelevant and ineffectual.
Whether this is effective may depend on the tools the two sides have available to actualise their ideologies in spaces and practices. State tactics such as kettling are specifically designed to instil terror, as an antidote to joy. The popular culture which provided the basis for carnival is, in the most harshly capitalist countries, being destroyed by the penetration of the state into everyday life.
It persists, of course, in many marginal settings. We should remember here that the Europe Bakhtin discusses was itself a periphery in a world-economy focused on the Mediterranean. It is perhaps unsurprising, therefore, that its modes of resistance look like those of marginal sites today.
Reclaiming contingency and carnival in the dead heartlands of the core, where people are strongly invested in their official identities and the preservation of an order which they believe protects them, is a more difficult task.
Traditional carnivals continue to exist in places ranging from Germany and Notting Hill, London to the Caribbean and Brazil. Other related phenomena, such as holi in India, also persist. While state regulation is a problem, such events still provide platforms for alternative visions and for political critique.
One can also point to carnivalesque aspects in practices such as graffiti, which may bring ‘down to earth’ such contemporary sacred as police cars, banks, or corporate logos. And why do children so often add giant willies, sex-acts, or swear-words to street-signs?
The grotesque, exaggerated body and the bringing down-to-earth of systemic abstractions are present even in such small, apparently apolitical gestures. They signify what is missing in the official picture – much as those who perform such acts are often excluded from the official world. They create a full reality in which the world is restored to its fullness and creativity.
Overall, therefore, carnivalesque remains a potential counter-power in everyday life and activism, but is ‘cramped’ in its potential by the repressive construction of spaces of monologue. Medieval carnival was possible because the spaces it inhabited could be carved-out and defended through the ‘arts of resistance’ and the power of the weak. There is a need to recompose such powers to resist, in order to recreate spaces where alternatives can proliferate.
Click here for part one of this essay.
Andrew Robinson is a political theorist and activist based in the UK. His book Power, Resistance and Conflict in the Contemporary World: Social Movements, Networks and Hierarchies (co-authored with Athina Karatzogianni) was published in Sep 2009 by Routledge. His ‘In Theory’ column appears every other Friday.
Zombie Literature: Analyzing the Fear of the Unknown through Popular Culture
This paper will focus on how the rise in popularity of zombie literature in the 21 st century is reflective of a western cultural need to address the fear of the unknown through popular culture. Through the flesh-eating zombie, we enter a parallel world where everything familiar in our communities becomes evil. The genre reflects the fear in Western society of the neighbor who has turned against you, survival in the midst of government collapse, and the monster within. Zombie fantasy literature allows society a venue to deconstruct what is known while dealing with these fears and the unbridled hate of the unthinking zombie through a collective experience using popular culture. What this fantasy subgenre allows, the author will explain, is a monster that embodies an individual human's greatest fears. At times, the zombie reflects the fear of social breakdown; at others, the zombie reflects aging and death. The versatility of this embodiment of fear allows it to be a genre that continues to evolve. Using the writings of Mikhail Bakhtin on carnival and festive folk humor, the author will discuss how the zombie genre has provided fantasy lovers a desconstructive space to deal with fear, death, and hate in a genre that breaks down what western society has constructed for itself, and also allows readers to rebuild the future without constraint. Zombies, however, always leave room for humanity to hope for life and the future. This popular culture phenomenon goes beyond mere entertainment as it reaches into the heart of viewers and allows them to express their greatest emotions.