Thursday, May 04, 2023

China's AI industry barely slowed by US chip export rules

MAY 03, 2023

Flags of China and US are displayed on a printed circuit board with semiconductor chips, in this illustration picture taken on Feb 17.

Reuters

US microchip export controls imposed last year to freeze China's development of supercomputers used to develop nuclear weapons and artificial-intelligence systems like ChatGPT are having only minimal effects on China's tech sector.

The rules restricted shipments of Nvidia Corp and Advanced Micro Devices Inc chips that have become the global technology industry's standard for developing chatbots and other AI systems.

But Nvidia has created variants of its chips for the Chinese market that are slowed down to meet US rules. Industry experts told Reuters the newest one - the Nvidia H800, announced in March - will likely take 10 per cent to 30 per cent longer to carry out some AI tasks and could double some costs compared with Nvidia's fastest US chips.

Even the slowed Nvidia chips represent an improvement for Chinese firms. Tencent Holdings, one of China's largest tech companies, in April estimated that systems using Nvidia's H800 will cut the time it takes to train its largest AI system by more than half, from 11 days to four days.

"The AI companies that we talk to seem to see the handicap as relatively small and manageable," said Charlie Chai, a Shanghai-based analyst with 86Research.

The back-and-forth between government and industry exposes the US challenge of slowing China's progress in high tech without hurting US companies.

Part of the US strategy in setting the rules was to avoid such a shock that the Chinese would ditch US chips altogether and redouble their own chip-development efforts.

"They had to draw the line somewhere, and wherever they drew it, they were going to run into the challenge of how to not be immediately disruptive, but how to also over time degrade China's capability," said one chip industry executive who requested anonymity to talk about private discussions with regulators.

The export restrictions have two parts. The first puts a ceiling on a chip's ability to calculate extremely precise numbers, a measure designed to limit supercomputers that can be used in military research. Chip industry sources said that was an effective action.

But calculating extremely precise numbers is less relevant in AI work like large language models where the amount of data the chip can chew through is more important.

Nvidia is selling the H800 to China's largest technology firms, including Tencent, Alibaba Group Holding Ltd and Baidu Inc for use in such work, though it has not yet started shipping the chips in high volumes.

"The government isn’t seeking to harm competition or US industry, and allows US firms to supply products for commercial activities, such as providing cloud services for consumers," Nvidia said in a statement last week.

China is an important market for US technology companies, and selling products there helps create jobs for both Nvidia and its US-based partners, the company added.

"The October export controls require that we create products with an expanding gap between the two markets," Nvidia said last week. "We comply with the regulation while offering as-competitive-as-possible products in each market."

Bill Dally, Nvidia's chief scientist, said in a separate statement this week that "this gap will grow quickly over time as training requirements continue to double every six to 12 months."

A spokesperson for the Bureau of Industry and Security, the arm of the US Commerce Department that oversees the rules, did not return a request for comment.

Slowed but not stopped

The second US limit is on chip-to-chip transfer speeds, which does affect AI. The models behind technologies such as ChatGPT are too large to fit onto a single chip. Instead, they must be spread over many chips - often thousands at a time - which all need to communicate with one another.

Nvidia has not disclosed the China-only H800 chip's performance details, but a specification sheet seen by Reuters shows a chip-to-chip speed of 400 gigabytes per second, less than half the peak speed of 900 gigabytes per second for Nvidia's flagship H100 chip available outside China.

Some in the AI industry believe that is still plenty of speed. Naveen Rao, chief executive of a startup called MosaicML that specialises in helping AI models to run better on limited hardware, estimated a 10 to 30 per cent system slowdown.

"There are ways to get around all this algorithmically," he said. "I don't see this being a boundary for a very long time — like 10 years."

WHO dismisses lead Covid-19 origins investigator for sexual misconduct

Karim, who is not on the WHO panel, said if the emergency status is lifted, governments should still maintain testing, vaccination and treatment programmes.

Others said it was time to move to living with Covid as an on-going health threat, like HIV or tuberculosis.

"All emergencies must come to an end," said Lawrence Gostin, a law professor at Georgetown University in the United States who follows the WHO.

"I expect WHO to end the public health emergency of international concern. If WHO does not end it... [this time], then certainly the next time the emergency committee meets."

What will the Artemis Moon base look like?

By AFP
Published May 3, 2023

A prototype of a Moon rover developed by Leidos and Nascar is revealed at the Space Symposium in Colorado Springs - Copyright AFP STRINGER

Lucie AUBOURG

The next time NASA goes to the Moon, it intends to stay. Under the Artemis program, the US space agency plans to maintain a human presence, for the very first time, on a celestial body other than Earth.

But building a lunar base is no small feat. It will need power generators, vehicles and habitats, and the space industry is racing to meet the technological challenges.

“It’s the Super Bowl of engineering,” Neal Davis, lead systems engineer for the Lunar Terrain Vehicle at space company Dynetics, told AFP.

Dynetics revealed its prototype design for a Moon rover last month at the Space Symposium in Colorado Springs.

But it probably won’t be until later Artemis missions — 7 onwards — “where we’re starting to look at adding permanent habitations on the surface,” said NASA associate administrator Jim Free.

Artemis 3, the first planned landing, won’t happen until later this decade, so habitat building wouldn’t start before the 2030s.

The base would likely comprise multiple sites, he added, to diversify the targets of scientific exploration and to offer more flexibility for the landings.

– Power and communications –

Despite this distant timeline, companies are already chomping at the bit.

“Step zero is communications,” Joe Landon, CEO of Crescent Space, a new subsidiary of Lockheed Martin dedicated to lunar services, told AFP.

“Think about when you move into a new apartment, you’ve got to hook up your phone and your internet first.”

Starting out with a pair of satellites, the company wants to become the Moon’s internet and GPS provider.

This would relieve the strain on NASA’s Deep Space Network, which threatens to overheat in the face of all the upcoming missions, including private ones.

Landon estimates the value of the lunar market will be “$100 billion over the next 10 years.”

Astrobotic, with 220 employees, is one of three companies selected by NASA to develop solar panels.

They need to be placed vertically because at the Moon’s south pole — the intended destination because it has water in the form of ice — the Sun barely peeps above the horizon.

About 60 feet (18 meters) high, the Astrobotic panels will be connected by cables running several miles (kilometers), said Mike Provenzano, the company’s director of lunar surface systems.

The solar arrays will be fixed to vehicles that can run them out to different locations.

– Vehicles –

For its scientific expeditions, NASA has tasked industry with developing an unpressurized — that is to say, open top — rover for two people, ready by 2028.

Unlike the Apollo missions’ rovers, it will also have to operate autonomously for outings without an astronaut.

This means surviving frigid lunar nights, which can last two weeks, with temperatures dropping to around -280 degrees Fahrenheit (-170 Celsius).

Many companies have made a start.

Lockheed Martin has partnered with General Motors, leaning on the auto giant’s expertise in electric and off-road vehicles.

Dynetics, a subsidiary of engineering behemoth Leidos, has joined forces with Nascar.

Its prototype, which will achieve a top speed of nine miles per hour (15 kilometers per hour), includes a robotic arm and metal wheels that are braided like textiles to maximize traction on the sandy surface and deal with any rocks they encounter.

“But at the same time, they actually have a lot of openings to the outside so that they don’t collect that sand and carry it with us,” Davis said.

Moon dust, or regolith, poses a major challenge because, lacking erosion by water or wind, it is almost as abrasive as glass.

NASA has yet to announce the selected company or companies.

In the longer term, NASA is working with the Japanese space agency JAXA on a pressurized vehicle, in which astronauts won’t need to keep their suits on.

– Habitats –

Finally, the crew will need a place to hang up their helmets and call home.

NASA has awarded a $57.2 million contract to the Texas-based company Icon, which specializes in 3D printing, to develop the technology needed to build roads, landing strips on the Moon, and ultimately, dwellings.

The idea is to use lunar soil as a material. Other companies, such as Lockheed Martin, are developing inflatable habitat concepts.

“The beautiful thing is you can land it on the moon and inflate it and now there’s a much larger volume for the crew to live in and work in,” Kirk Shireman, vice president for the Lockheed Martin Lunar Exploration Campaign, told AFP.

Inside would be bedrooms, a kitchen, a space for scientific instruments, etc. — all mounted on a frame, so the habitat can be mobile.

The basic concept behind returning to the Moon under Artemis is to help NASA prepare for much more distant missions to Mars.

“Whatever money we have to spend to go develop these systems on the moon, we want those same systems to be applicable to go to Mars,” said Shireman.

Power to hospitals in Marianas could be cut over debts

Photo: RNZ Pacific/Mark Rabago

Hospitals and health facilities in the Northern Marianas could get their power cut today if the heads of the Commonwealth Utility and the Healthcare Corporations can't reach an agreement on servicing tens of millions of dollars in overdue bills.

RNZ Pacific has received confirmation from the utilities company that today is the disconnection date stated in a notice served to the Healthcare Corporation.

As of March 31 this year the outstanding balance was $US53.6 million.

On Monday this week the board chair of the Commonwealth Utilities Corporation, Janice Tenorio, rejected a proposal from Healthcare to pay $US225,000 monthly, saying it would not even cover their ongoing monthly bills which average between $US350,000 and $US400,000.

"While you shared the challenges and problems with CHCC's cash flow collections and the timing of federal reimbursements with CUC's board of directors at our meeting this afternoon, the outstanding arrears remain CHCC's obligation and only CHCC can determine what is absolutely doable to resolve the arrears and its billings going forward. CUC, on the other hand, can no longer continue to service CHCC without full payment for services already rendered in good faith," Tenorio was quoted as saying in the Marianas Variety.

CHCC Chief Executive Officer Esther Muna told the newspaper: "What we shared with the [CUC] board was not about collections but about insufficient reimbursement due to Medicaid PE expenses exceeding payment from Medicaid. So paying more than what we offered is unacceptable…. They responded that they will proceed to disconnect."

A final decision on carrying out the disconnection notice is expected later today.

Mariana Islands

The Mariana Islands are a crescent-shaped archipelago comprising the summits of fifteen longitudinally oriented, mostly dormant volcanic mountains in the northwestern Pacific Ocean, between the 12th and 21st parallels north and along the 145th meridian east. They lie south-southeast of Japan, west-s... Wikipedia

CRIMINAL CAPITALI$M

Top HR executive arrested for stealing $429,000 from Fast Company publisher

Max Tani

Updated May 3, 2023,

THE SCOOP

The top human resources executive at the publisher of Inc Magazine and Fast Company allegedly stole more than $429,000 from the business-focused media company.

In a criminal complaint filed late last month, federal prosecutors said that over the course of four years, Mansueto Ventures director of people and resources Nirvani Sabess siphoned money away from the company by continuing to pay employees who were on leave or had already left the company, and diverting the salaries into her bank accounts.

In a statement on Wednesday, Mansueto Ventures, the parent company of the two business publications, confirmed that it recently discovered an individual was defrauding the company.

“Mansueto Ventures recently discovered that one of its former employees was allegedly committing financial fraud against the company, amounting to mid-six-figures,” a spokesperson said. “We immediately launched an internal investigation, then referred the matter to law enforcement and terminated the sole employee involved. As a result we are strengthening the security of all our systems.”

Sabess was fired by Mansueto in April. According to court documents, she was arrested on Monday, and currently faces charges of identity theft and wire fraud.

The complaint alleged that the HR director changed the direct deposit information of several of the company’s former employees, directing the money into her own bank account, and adding an extra $15,000 to an annual bonus.

In one instance, she diverted nearly $60,000 to her bank account from the salary of an employee who was on unpaid leave. In three other instances, she continued to pay several employees who had left the company, switching the routing numbers to her bank account. In total, she collected a little over an estimated $429,000 on top of her existing salary, according to the complaint.

In a statement, Sabess' attorney Robert Tsigler said people should "be patient and wait for all the facts to come out before making any suppositions or conclusions in this matter."

MAX'S VIEW

While nearly half a million dollars over four years may be a rounding error for some of the companies that Fast Company and Inc. Magazine write about, that’s not an insignificant amount for Mansueto Ventures, the business publications purchased by billionaire Joe Mansueto in 2005. Both companies maintain small staffs, and have maintained relevance by creating content, awards, and events aimed at helping entrepreneurs gain greater business insights and inspiration.

While they are dwarfed by large business publications, Mansueto Ventures weathered the pandemic and has touted recent success in areas such as live events and podcasts. But Fast Company was also the subject of an embarrassing hack last year that shut the site down for multiple days.

ANALYSIS | Sudan: Questions about Wagner Group as another African country falls prey to mercenaries

Kristian Gustafson, Dan Lomas, Neveen S Abdalla and Steven Wagner

Wagner Group chief Yevgeny Prigozhin in what Russian state media described as the salt mines of Soledar, eastern Ukraine, on January 10 2022. (RIA Novosti)
RIA Novosti

The potential involvement of Russia and the shadowy Wagner Group in Sudan complicates things further. While the group has denied involvement in the current conflict, these denials appear increasingly questionable, write Kristian Gustafson, Dan Lomas, Neveen S Abdalla and Steven Wagner.

After more than a week of intense fighting between Sudanese government troops and paramilitary forces in Khartoum, many Western countries – including the US and UK – are evacuating their nationals from the strife-torn city.

While the conflict has been billed as a clash between rival warlords, there are questions about the role played by the private Russian mercenary company, the Wagner Group. This group, allegedly associated with Russian president Vladimir Putin’s ally Yevgeny Prigozhin – although he has denied any involvement – is heavily engaged in several African countries, exacerbating regional instability.

Aid organisations have warned of a humanitarian crisis as, in recent days, tens of thousands of people have fled Sudan to neighbouring countries that already face their own internal issues.

The potential involvement of Russia and the shadowy Wagner Group in the region complicates things further. While the group has denied involvement in the current conflict in Sudan, these denials appear increasingly questionable.

There is growing evidence of Wagner’s role in arming the paramilitary Rapid Support Forces which are engaged in a violent power struggle against the Sudanese military. The US secretary of state, Antony Blinken, this week confirmed Washington’s belief that the group of mercenaries is involved in the conflict, stating:

We do have deep concern about the engagement of the Prigozhin group (the Wagner Group) in Sudan … Its engagement simply brings more death and destruction with it.

Wagner Group in Africa

Students taking the Master’s degree in intelligence and security studies at Brunel University London were tasked with assessing the capabilities and intentions of the Wagner Group (and Russia) in Africa. They collected publicly available material (sometimes referred to as “open source intelligence”) to assess the group’s influence. This information was then subjected to structured analytic techniques used by the UK intelligence community and elsewhere, as part of a Brunel Analytical Simulation Exercise to prepare the students for roles as professional intelligence analysts.

They found numerous examples of how the Wagner Group has expanded its operations in recent years – often at the request of national governments. In January, the UK Ministry of Defence estimated there were as many as 5,000 Wagner operatives across Africa in 2022.

Despite the war in Ukraine, leaked US intelligence documents suggest the group is developing a “confederation” of anti-western states. These include Chad, to the west of Sudan, where US intelligence reports allege that Wagner mercenaries are involved in destabilising the government. Chad is a key ally of the US in this region of Africa.

READ | More than 100 000 refugees flee Sudan amid intense fighting

Sitting directly beneath Chad is the Central African Republic (CAR), where the Russian ambassador Alexander Bikantov said in February there are 1,890 “instructors” involved in fighting between the government and rebel troops.

The Wagner Group has reportedly had a presence in CAR for several years, initially providing training and back-up services and latterly involved in combat operations against rebel insurgencies. According to the International Crisis Group, although the CAR’s president, Faustin-Archange Touadéra, has denied signing a contract with the Wagner Group, “its presence … is barely a secret”.

The Crisis Group’s report continued:

Rather than eradicating armed groups, the contractors are perpetrating abuses that increasingly drive violence in the provinces and fuel guerrilla warfare against government troops by rebels scattered in the bush.

Wagner mercenaries are also reportedly active in Sudan’s north-western neighbour, Libya, which has been in a state of armed chaos since the ousting of Muammar Gaddafi in 2012. In 2020, the BBC reported a leaked UN document saying there were 1,200 Wagner personnel in Libya. They have reportedly been supporting rebel warlord Khalifa Hafter’s forces against the Tripoli-based government, alongside other mercenaries from Belarus, Moldova, Serbia and Ukraine.

Shifting influence

In Mali, the Wagner Group has supported the military junta to enforce its rule, with a large base at Bamako International Airport. The group’s increasing influence in that part of Africa has coincided with a dilution of western involvement. In February 2022, the French government announced the withdrawal of its forces after nine years of trying, and failing, to counter Islamist insurgency.

In March 2022, Malian state forces – reportedly supported by “suspected Russian mercenaries” (although no group was identified) – massacred civilians and militant fighters. Calls by the UN Security Council for an independent investigation into the massacre were blocked by Russia, and the UN was not granted access to the site.

There is also growing evidence of the Wagner Group’s presence in Burkina Faso and the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC). Burkina Faso has experienced two coups in the last 12 months, and is facing escalating threats from Islamic State-linked groups.

READ | Breakthrough: Sudan military leaders agree to nominate representatives for peace talks

Russia is courting Burkina Faso through military and political endeavours, and has stated its intent to aid nations in the Sahelian region in combating the jihadist threat in their countries. DRC, Mali, CAR and Sudan have all abstained or voted against requiring Russia to remove troops from Ukraine.

It’s unclear to what extent the Wagner Group does the Kremlin’s bidding as Prigozhin himself has repeatedly denied any involvement. But as a private enterprise, the profits for them in Africa are spectacular. And, as with so many of the biggest Russian businesses, Wagner’s successes are owed to the Russian state and the kleptocratic elites who are likely to share in its revenue.

The Kremlin provides direct support where profit interests align with Russia’s political interests. At the moment, the troubled countries in which the Wagner Group is alleged to be involved in conflict and destabilisation provide resources and political support at the UN, which are important for Russia’s war on Ukraine. Further regional instability is to be expected.

Brunel MA students Laura Collins, Freya De Santis and Bobby Payne assisted with the research for this article

Kristian Gustafson, , Brunel University London; Dan Lomas, Lecturer in Intelligence and Security Studies, Brunel University London; Neveen S Abdalla, Lecturer, International Relations, Defence, and Security, Brunel University London, and Steven Wagner, Senior Lecturer in International Security, Brunel University London

This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.

Where football and politics mix: Chile's

'Palestino' football club

Thousands of miles away from conflict in the Middle East in Santiago, Chile, Club Deportivo Palestino continue to fly the flag for the Palestinian cause.

Thousands of miles away from conflict in the Middle East, the Palestinian flag flies on a cold autumn night at a football stadium in the Chilean capital, Santiago.

Hundreds of fans have come out to support their team, Club Deportivo Palestino – a professional football club which plays in the green, black, red and white colours of the Palestinian flag.

The left sleeve of the team's jersey sports a Palestinian map – as it appeared before the creation of Israel exactly 75 years ago.

Politics is never far away at the club created by Palestinian expats in 1920.

"More than a team, an entire people," proclaims the club's logo.

"We even have songs: 'Gaza resists/Palestine exists'," fan Rafael Milad, a 29-year-old businessman, told AFP.

"Palestino is 100 years old, older than the State of Israel," he added.

'Palestino is Palestine'

At the beginning of the 20th century, Christian Arabs from the towns of Bethlehem, Beit Jala and Beit Sahur arrived in distant Chile and founded a South American community that today numbers around half a million people – the largest outside the Arab world.

They became successful textile merchants, and their descendants entered the political sphere: 35 have been ministers or congressmen.

Three decades after it was formed in 1920, the club made its professional debut.

"Palestino is Palestine and Palestine is Palestino. We are always very concerned with the cause," said Roberto Bishara, a former club player.

The team has won two national titles (1955 and 1978) and made it to a semi-final in the Copa Libertadores in 1979.

In 2014, the team changed the number 1 on the back of their jersey to the elongated shape of the Palestinian territory before 1948, but were fined and banned from wearing it by the Chilean Football Association after a complaint.

Once, the players also caused controversy when they wore the keffiyeh, a traditional headdress worn by Middle Eastern men, onto the pitch.

In 2019, the club arranged giant screens for the fans in Ramallah to follow an international duel against Argentina's River Plate.

Today the squad no longer has players of Palestinian origin. The last was Nicolás Zedán, who left the club in 2021.

But the team continues to represent "all those Palestinians who are there having a hard time. Each Palestino triumph... is a small joy among the suffering they have every day," Miguel Cordero, a 49-year-old lawyer of Palestinian origins, told AFP.

Women too

When not at the stadium, fans gather to watch matches at a clubhouse, also in Santiago, which boasts some 4,600 members.

The venue flaunts a historic Palestinian map, a mural with the figure of leader Yasser Arafat and plays Arabic music in the background.

Francisco Muñoz, 48, is perhaps the team's most colourful fan.

He frequently goes to the stadium dressed up as an Arab "sheikh" and his home is a shrine to the team.

"I was at a conference... where I saw the Israelis taking people out of their homes without warning and killing them. There I began to have sympathy" for the cause, he said.

In Chile generally, "there is no confrontation [with the community]," except with very extreme sectors," said Sabas Chahuan, Palestino vice-president.

Contrary to the situation faced by women in the occupied Palestinian territories, where they can face pushback for activism against gender discrimination, according to the United Nations, the Palestino team works actively on promoting its female division.

"I’m here in football, which used to be for men only, and I think of Palestinian women. It would be nice if they had the freedom to express what they feel," says Isabel Barrios, coordinator of the women’s team created almost 25 years ago and winner of the league title in 2015.

The Chilean club also finances football schools for boys and girls in the Palestinian territories.

Palestino: A Passion of More than One Hundred Years

By Diego Khamis Thomas

As Pablo explains to Benjamin, in a scene from the movie Secret in their Eyes, “A guy can change everything: his face, his house, his family, his girlfriend, his religion… God, but there is one thing that he cannot change, Benjamin, … he cannot change his passion.” For every fan of a team, the club they love is their passion. In my case, it is Club Deportivo Palestino (Palestinian Sports Club). To many, this may seem bizarre. It could even be seen as something irrational, but I think that in my case with Palestino, there is an explanation.

Unlike many, I don’t remember when I went to see Palestino play for the first time. I assume it must have been in 1992 or 1993, in La Cisterna. I was born in October 1990. My dad, José, was treasurer of the board, chaired by Fernando Lama between 1988 and 1993, during that legendary campaign that saw the Club promoted in just one season. In other words, the Club was present in my life since my first months of life. My whole family are fans of the Club, and my grandfather and several relatives have been leaders of the institution.

Up to this point, my relationship with Palestino may not differ much from the stories of other clubs’ fans. What makes this relationship special is that Palestino summarizes several of my identity landmarks, things that mark you as a person. Palestino represents the contribution that the Palestinians and their descendants made to our country; it is the emblem of it, of a group of immigrants who knew how to integrate into the country, who learned how to love it, contribute to it, but who have never forgotten their roots. It is the symbol of integration. Our community is proud of the dedication that the Club shows to the lower classes: it doesn’t deal only with sport, but also does social work for thousands of Chileans. Palestino has changed the lives of many, especially with the football academies for minors in Jerusalem, Ramallah, Gaza, Bethlehem, and Beit Jala, since 2020. We hope that there will be a Palestino academy in every Palestinian city.

In addition, Palestino represents a different and peaceful form of resistance, of maintaining the flag of a country that cries out for its legitimate demands. This is the essence of the club.

Although it was officially founded in 1920, the decision to take the club to professional level came from the initiative of a group of young people, led by Father Raúl Hasbún. The latter said on the occasion of the 1947 partition of Palestine: “Palestine is being erased from the map… In Chile we have to put it back on the map.” Professionalizing the Club would put the name of Palestine in the media at least once a week, first in Chile, but hopefully in all of South America. With the intent of professionalizing the club, they took it to the Osorno Arab Olympiad in 1949, to finally see it debut in the Second Division in 1952, win the championship, and get promoted to the First Division.

The dreams of these young Palestinians were supported by the great businessman Amador Yarur, who refused to change the name from Palestino to Arabe despite an offer of a large amount of money.

The objective was clear, and it has been fulfilled in excess: Palestino is Palestine. In times when many denied the existence of our people, in times when the flag was banned, it flew in Chile from north to south. In Chile and in South America, our identity could not be denied: Palestino is a club that is twenty-eight years older than the State of Israel. Along with globalization, its fans multiplied around the world: the Club made it possible for Palestinians in Palestine and in exile to follow the team. Not only Palestinians, but many people who feel themselves represented by the Club, since Palestino is, ultimately, a form of resistance, as embroidered on the club’s shirt: “More than a team, a whole people.”

Palestino is the expression of my identity, just as it should be with all Palestinians and descendants of Palestinians who were forced to leave Palestine. I cannot define myself as plain Chilean: I am not that. Nor can I define myself as a Palestinian: I am a proud son of Chile. My identity is Chilean of Palestinian origin: I cannot forget either of the two parts – they are both very essential to my being.

That is what Palestino is: the living representation of my identity. We go to the field to support a Chilean team, but a large number of the songs are adaptations of Arab songs. The fans do not use the bass drum, like other teams in South America; we used the daf and tob’bale (as we call the derbake in Chile). In the stadiums, flags are sold not only with the Club’s shield, as is the case with other teams, but also the Club and the fans are represented by the Palestinian flag. Vine leaves and Arabic cakes mingle with mechada (a typical Chilean sandwich) and peanuts, and swearwords in ancient Arabic are mixed with typical Chilean ones. That is Palestino: the clearest and most vivid expression of our Chilean identity of Palestinian origin.

I have always wondered if I would have been such a soccer fan if Palestino didn’t exist. A goal from Palestino is a goal from Palestine; it is a goal from those immigrants who came to Chile looking for a destiny that they could not find in their own land; a goal from us, from their descendants who are as Chilean as we are Palestinian proud of our origin and history; a goal that is a joy for Palestinians resisting a brutal occupation. For me, Palestino is much more than soccer: Palestino is my identity; Palestino is my passion.

Diego Khamis Thomas is executive director of the Palestinian Community of Chile, a lawyer at the Catholic University of Chile, and secretary-general of the Palestinian Club. He is a former president of the Youth Board of the Palestinian Club. He has also served in the Government of Chile, and has been advisor to several parliamentarians.

LA REVUE GAUCHE - Left Comment