Friday, August 19, 2022

How Anti-Government Groups Moved from the Left to the Right

Aug 19, 2022
CNN

The history of ​movements against the U.S. government has deep roots on both the left and the right. Rachel Kleinfeld of the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace has covered the history of anti-government movements around the world. Kleinfeld joins Reality Check’s John Avlon to discuss a dangerous shift happening in the U.S. as right-wing militia movements are rallying against the government to defend former president Donald Trump. === The one thing that terrifies White nationalists is what makes America great Opinion by Dean Obeidallah The horrific attack in Buffalo this weekend by an 18-year-old White gunman that left 10 people dead was, per the local sheriff, a "straight up racially motivated hate crime." The US Department of Justice backed up that view. They said they're investigating the mass shooting at a grocery store frequented mostly by Black customers "as a hate crime and an act of racially-motivated violent extremism." What motivated the killer? While the investigation is in the early stages, a manifesto obtained by CNN, attributed to the suspect, expressed resentment that the White population in the United States is dwindling in size.


UK
What nationalising energy companies would cost – and how to do it

By Andrew Fisher, originally published by Open DemocracyAugust 19, 2022


When 62% of Conservative voters want energy run in the public sector, it’s fair to say the left has won the argument (75% of Labour voters agree, 68% of Lib Dems).

Yet public ownership is opposed passionately by the Conservative government, while the leader of the opposition has said he is “not in favour” of it – despite his election on a platform that committed to “bring rail, mail, water and energy into public ownership to end the great privatisation rip-off and save you money on your fares and bills”.

Public ownership is on the media’s radar, too. When Labour leader Keir Starmer announced his policy to freeze bills this week, he was asked why he wouldn’t also nationalise energy, replying that: “In a national emergency where people are struggling to pay their bills … the right choice is for every single penny to go to reducing those bills.”

But so long as energy remains privatised, every single penny won’t. Billions of pennies will keep going to shareholders instead.

The energy market was fractured under the mass privatisations of the Thatcher governments in the 1980s. It contains three sectors: producers or suppliers (those that produce energy), retailers (those that sell you energy), and distribution or transmission (the infrastructure that transports energy to your home).

It is important to bear this in mind when we’re talking about taking energy into public ownership. We need to be clear about what we want in public ownership and why.

By 2019, Labour had a detailed plan on how to do this – worked up by the teams around then shadow business and energy secretary Rebecca Long Bailey and then shadow chancellor John McDonnell. The plan is not the only way, but it illustrates what exists and how one could go about re-establishing a public energy ecosystem, run for people not profit.

The recent TUC report shows the cost of nationalising the ‘Big 5’ energy retailers – British Gas, E.ON, EDF, Scottish Power and Ovo – to be £2.8bn, which would go on buying all the companies’ shares. That’s a lot of money, equivalent to more than the annual budget of the Sure Start programme in 2009/10 (its peak year). But it’s a one-off cost, not an annual one.

And it’s not like the current privatised system doesn’t have its costs: since June 2021, the UK government has spent £2.7bn bailing out 28 energy companies that collapsed because they put short-term profits ahead of long-term stability – companies like Bulb Energy. We have spent billions of pounds already to get nothing in return. So £2.8bn is not a large amount of money to pay to gain these assets, rather than just bailing them out.

The big energy retail companies made £23bn in dividends between 2010 and 2020 according to Common Wealth, and £43bn if you include share buy-backs. What you choose to do with that surplus in public ownership is another matter: you could use it to invest in new clean energy or to lower bills or fund staff pay rises, rather than subject your workers to fire-and-rehire practices as British Gas did last year.

Labour’s previous plan also involved taking the distribution networks – the National Grid – into public ownership. This would end the profiteering at this level, too – with £13bn paid out in dividends over the five years prior to 2019. As Long Bailey said at the time, we need “public driven and coordinated action, without which we simply will not be able to tackle climate change”. Like previous nationalisations, the purchase of the grid and distribution networks could be achieved by swapping shares for government bonds. By international accounting standards, the cost is fiscally neutral as the state gains a revenue-generating asset, which more than pays for the bond yield.

The final part of the plan – and the most complicated – is production and supply. It would be impossible to nationalise the oilfields of Saudi Arabia or Qatar – and for good reasons we should want to leave fossil fuels in the ground, anyway, rather than contest their ownership.

And so what Labour proposed in 2019 was a mass investment in new renewable energy generation projects, with the public sector taking a stake and returning profits to the public. For example, under the ‘People’s Power Plan’, we proposed 37 new offshore wind farms with a 51% public stake, delivering 52GW alone by 2030, equivalent to 38 coal power stations. There were additional proposals for onshore wind, solar, and tidal schemes, as part of a 10-year £250bn Green Transformation Fund, which included other schemes like the Warm Homes insulation initiative.

Labour’s new shadow chancellor Rachel Reeves has promised a similar level of investment – a £28bn a year climate investment pledge.

Any surplus energy would then be sold on international markets, with a People’s Power Fund – a sort of sovereign wealth fund – to deliver public investment in local communities’ social infrastructure: a genuine levelling-up fund, perhaps.

Many people will say this can’t be done, but of course it has been before. The 1945 Attlee government nationalised energy and successive Conservative governments – including those of Churchill, MacMillan and Heath – were happy to have a nationalised asset. Harold MacMillan famously accused Margaret Thatcher of “selling off the family silver” when she privatised state industries.

When I was born in 1979, the National Coal Board, British Gas and British Petroleum were all publicly-owned or majority publicly-owned companies. Between them, they were the major suppliers of our energy. Our gas bills came from British Gas and our electricity bills from our regional electricity board (in my case Seeboard, the South Eastern Electricity Board), and coal and oil fuelled our power stations.

The regional electricity boards had been brought into being by the Attlee government’s Electricity Act 1947, when electricity companies were forcibly merged into regional area boards and nationalised. The Coal Industry Nationalisation Act 1946 and the Gas Act 1948 had together brought energy into public ownership.

Seeboard was privatised in 1990, and later became part of EDF Energy – ironically, the nationalised French energy company, whose profits from the UK’s stupidity are used to subsidise French consumers.

The French government has now fully nationalised EDF (previously it was 84% publicly owned), and household energy bills rose by just 4% this year – compared to over 50% in the UK and a forecast 200% by January 2023.

If Starmer doesn’t want to listen to me (or his own commitments from 2020), perhaps emulating the centrist Emmanuel Macron in this instance would be palatable?

In his later years, Robin Cook argued:

“The market is incapable of respecting a common resource such as the environment, which provides no price signal to express the cost of its erosion nor to warn of the long-term dangers of its destruction.”

From the depletion of fish stocks to the burning of the Amazon, profit has proved a failed regulator for use of our natural resources. The market has also failed to decarbonise at pace, or to end the scourge of fuel poverty.

On the media this week, shadow energy secretary Ed Miliband said Labour is “continuing to look at what the right long-term solution is for our energy system”. It is up to all of us to campaign for that solution to be public ownership – whether that’s from within the Labour Party (like me) or from the outside.

Teaser photo credit: By Rept0n1x – Own work, CC BY-SA 3.0, https://commons.wikimedia.org/w/index.php?curid=7546481
Texas public schools required to display “In God We Trust” posters if they are donated

Brian Lopez, The Texas Tribune
August 19, 2022

Students and teacher in a classroom (Shutterstock)

By Brian Lopez, The Texas Tribune
Aug. 18, 2022

A new law requiring Texas schools to display donated “In God We Trust” posters is the latest move by Republican lawmakers to bring Christianity into taxpayer-funded institutions.

Under the law, Senate Bill 797, which passed during last year’s legislative session, schools are required to display the posters if they are donated.

The law went into effect last year, but these posters weren’t popping up then as many school officials and parents were more concerned about new COVID-19 strains and whether their local public school would even open for in-person classes.

The “In God We Trust” law was authored by state Sen. Bryan Hughes, the East Texas Republican who crafted Texas’ Senate Bill 8, which restricted abortion to the first six weeks or so of pregnancy starting Sept. 1, 2021. The abortion law artfully skirted legal challenge by relying on the public instead of law enforcement to enforce it.

Hughes’ “In God We Trust” poster law is also precisely written. Texas public schools or colleges must display the national motto in a “conspicuous place” but only if the poster is “donated” or “purchased by private donations.”

After an appearance for a Northwest Austin Republican Women’s Club event on Tuesday, Hughes touted the new law and praised the groups stepping up to donate the posters.

“The national motto, In God We Trust, asserts our collective trust in a sovereign God,” Hughes wrote on Twitter. “I’m encouraged to see groups like the Northwest [Austin] Republican Women and many individuals coming forward to donate these framed prints to remind future generations of the national motto.”

Patriot Mobile, a Texas-based cellphone company that donates a portion of its customers’ phone bills to conservative, “Christian” causes, on Monday donated several “In God We Trust” signs to all Carroll Independent School District campuses, claiming it is their “mission is to passionately defend our God-given, Constitutional rights and freedoms, and to glorify God always.”

“Patriot Mobile has donated framed posters to many other school districts in the Dallas-Fort Worth area and we will continue to do so until all the schools in the area receive them,” the company said in a Facebook post. “We are honored to be part of bringing God back into our public schools!”

Carroll ISD includes Southlake, the mostly white, affluent Dallas-Fort Worth suburb. The community’s struggles with a school diversity and inclusion plan — as well as how parents opposed to the plan started a political movement there — were the subject of a seven-part NBC podcast released last year.

The Southlake Anti-Racism Coalition, or SARC, said in a statement that is not happy that the law mandates public schools put up these posters.

“SARC is disturbed by the precedent displaying these posters in every school will set and the chilling effect this blatant intrusion of religion in what should be a secular public institution will have on the student body, especially those who do not practice the dominant Christian faith,” the statement read.















 
 Donations of the “In God We Trust” posters have also been made to the Cypress-Fairbanks Independent School District, in the Houston area. The posters were a donation from The Yellow Rose of Texas Republican Women.

Moms for Liberty, a conservative nonprofit organization, donated posters for Round Rock Independent School District campuses, said Jenny Caputo, a spokesperson for the district. Most campuses have the signs up in a hallway near the front of each campus.

The Keller Independent School District in Tarrant County has received posters from a private citizen for all its facilities, and they are displayed mainly in front offices, said Bryce Nieman, a spokesperson for Keller ISD.

Erik Leist, a Keller resident and a father of a soon-to-be kindergartner, said the motto represents America’s founding and believes the law allows communities to do what they think is best.

“If it’s important to communities, the community will come behind it,” Leist said. “If it’s not something that the community values, it’s not gonna end up in the school.”

Leist also said he sees it as just the nation’s motto, not pushing any one religion.

The Yellow Rose of Texas Republican Women and the Northwest Austin Republican Women’s Club did not immediately respond to a request for comment.

The Texas Tribune reached out to Hughes as well as Aaron Rocha, Leigh Wambsganss and Scott Coburn with Patriot Mobile to discuss the poster law. None responded immediately to the Tribune’s request for comment.

WHICH GOD IS THAT

“In God We Trust” origins


In 1956, Congress passed a joint resolution that made “In God We Trust” the nation’s motto, replacing “e pluribus unum (one from many).” Lawmakers did this partially to differentiate itself during the Cold War from the Soviet Union, which embraced atheism.

The “In God We Trust” national motto can be found on money and government buildings and has proven to be bulletproof when it comes to legal challenges that assert the reference to God could be seen as government-endorsed prayer, impinging on Americans’ First Amendment rights.

In a 1970 case, Aronow v. United States, a federal appeals court ruled “It is quite obvious that the national motto and the slogan on coinage and currency ‘In God We Trust’ has nothing whatsoever to do with the establishment of religion.”

















From motto to movement

In this century, there’s been a growing movement to place the motto in more visible government spaces.

Since 2015, efforts to place “In God We Trust” on police cars, for example, have spread. There’s even a website, ingodwetrust.com, that specifically states the movement is about protecting citizens’ “First Amendment right to religious liberty, a freedom that is being threatened through a well-organized and well-funded effort to remove all vestige of God from the public domain in America.”

For Patriot Mobile, this is the company’s latest effort in its plan to “put Christian conservative values into action” and it has been targeting Texas’ public schools through its political action committee, Patriot Mobile Action.

During the past spring and leading into the May school board elections, the Patriot Mobile Action PAC raised more than $500,000 for conservative school board candidates across North Texas, including Carroll ISD.

The full program is now LIVE for the 2022 The Texas Tribune Festival, happening Sept. 22-24 in Austin. Explore the schedule of 100+ mind-expanding conversations coming to TribFest, including the inside track on the 2022 elections and the 2023 legislative session, the state of public and higher ed at this stage in the pandemic, why Texas suburbs are booming, why broadband access matters, the legacy of slavery, what really happened in Uvalde and so much more. See the program.

This article originally appeared in The Texas Tribune at https://www.texastribune.org/2022/08/18/texas-schools-in-god-we-trust/.

The Texas Tribune is a member-supported, nonpartisan newsroom informing and engaging Texans on state politics and policy. Learn more at texastribune.org.
‘Sometimes we hear the voices of children playing there’

Spirits of children buried at boarding schools provoke reckoning in Oklahoma and beyond



Rachel Mowatt, a special project manager for the Cheyenne and Arapaho Tribes, peers in July 2022 through a mural painted by Navajo-Euchee artist Steven Grounds on a wall of the now-closed Concho Indian Boarding School near El Reno, Oklahoma, which closed in 1983. Mowatt, of the Comanche and Delaware Nations, gave ICT a tour of the school ground, which was one of more than 75 Indigenous boarding schools operated in Oklahoma. (Photo by Mary Annette Pember/ICT)

WARNING: This story has disturbing details about residential and boarding schools. If you are feeling triggered, here is a resource list for trauma responses from the National Native American Boarding School Healing Coalition in the US. The National Indian Residential School Crisis Hotline in Canada can be reached at 1-866-925-4419.


ICT

EL RENO, Oklahoma — The remains of the Concho Indian Boarding School have an aura of a long-past apocalypse that mysteriously snuffed out an ancient civilization.

Outlines of sidewalks and streets are barely visible through the densely wooded forest floor, and an old pedestrian bridge with rusty railings crosses a stream that leads to the abandoned site along the North Canadian River.

Built in 1903, the school served children from the Cheyenne and Arapaho tribes whose lands are centered in the town of El Reno in central Oklahoma.

Many of them never went home.

“They tell us that’s where the children are buried,” said Rachel Mowatt, a special project manager for the Cheyenne and Arapaho Tribes, pursing her lips, Native-style, in a gesture toward a small hill.

“Sometimes we hear the voices of children playing there.”

The tree-covered hill sits about a quarter mile away from the old school. Located near the wide fields of cut grass that surround the tribe’s administration buildings, it stands alone like a tiny, wild island.

“We’re instructed not to disturb that area,” said Mowatt, of the Comanche and Delaware tribes, who took ICT on a tour of the site in July.


Rachel Mowatt, special project manager for the Cheyenne and Arapaho Tribes, tours the grounds of the old Concho Indian Boarding School in July 2022, including the remnants of an old bridge built in the early 1900s. The school, in El Reno, Oklahoma, was built in the 1903 and closed in 1983. It was one of more than 75 Indian boarding schools that operated in Oklahoma. 
(Photo by Mary Annette Pember/ICT)

Although unmarked, the little hill commands attention. According to traditional Cheyenne and Arapaho beliefs, spirits of the dead require certain rights and ceremonies in order to be put to rest properly.

“No one ever performed traditional burial rights for these children; they deserve that today,” said Gordon Yellowman, director of the Cheyenne and Arapaho Tribes’ language and culture program.

“Not all of the schools had formal cemeteries but they all had some place where they buried their dead,” he said.

Oklahoma — which had more Indigenous boarding schools than any other state — stands as a microcosm for the U.S., where more than 400 Indian boarding schools once dotted the country.

Some of the 76 Indian boarding schools in Oklahoma operated for 10 years or less, closing in the late 19th or early 20th centuries. Most were originally founded by Christian missionaries and were later taken over by the federal government.

Indeed, the spirits of generations of children, many unnamed, are buried on the grounds of Oklahoma’s boarding schools, lost and endlessly traveling the earth in search of rest, Yellowman said.

It is a ghostly history that continues to haunt the U.S., calling out for recognition and reckoning.

Life at Concho


Walking through the dense underbrush was slow going in the oppressive July heat, and the sound of insects thrummed loudly in a place that seemed nearly wholly subsumed by nature.

But Concho Indian Boarding School is not part of an ancient civilization. There are people alive today who attended the school, people who still hold memories of their lives there.

It was not so long ago that Native children of the 39 tribes that were moved to Oklahoma by the federal government with the enactment of the 1830 Indian Relocation Act were coerced into attending boarding schools.


Erma Jean Brown, 89, Cheyenne, graduated in 1951 from the old Concho Indian Boarding School in El Reno, Oklahoma. She said her experience was mixed but she was determined to make something of herself. 
(Photo by Mary Annette Pember/ICT)

Erma Jean Brown of the Arapaho tribe graduated from the Concho school in 1951. She is now 89 years old and lives in Clinton, Oklahoma, about 50 miles west of the school.

“I’d say it was 50 percent good and 50 percent not-so-good,” Brown said, in describing her years at Concho.

At age 6, she was dropped off at the school by her grandmother. She remained there, off and on, for 12 years until she graduated.

“There were over 200 kids there and I didn’t know a single one; kids cried when their parents dropped them off but the parents didn’t come back,” Brown said.

She recalled her friend Edith, a pretty girl, who was raped by the school’s baker.

Brown encouraged Edith to report the assault. “They (school administrators) said she just made it up; there was a lot of cruelty there. That’s the honest-to-God truth,” she said.

“They just talked awful to you there. You didn’t get a feeling of love or caring. It was just cold.”

But as bad as it was, Concho was better than home where her mother’s drinking and revolving door of predatory boyfriends made life impossible.

“As I got older, I decided it was better to stay there but I thought, ‘I’m going to get out of here and do something with my life,’” Brown said.

A gym teacher at the school recognized Brown’s athleticism and encouraged her to compete in sports, which improved her confidence.

After Concho, Brown earned training as a drug and alcohol counselor, later working at Chemawa School in Oregon.

“I just loved the kids there and I think they loved me, too, because I treated them like humans,” she said.

Demanding acknowledgement

By the second half of the 20th century, Indian boarding schools had become ingrained, for better or worse, in the Native experience in the U.S.

In later years, the schools began placing less emphasis on destroying Native culture and assimilating students into mainstream America and more on supporting them where they were.

But a vestige of the inhumanity underlying the original destructive blueprint guiding boarding school policies lingers on, even for those who value their days at contemporary schools.


This undated historical photo shows the pedestrian bridge at the old Concho Indian Boarding School in El Reno, Oklahoma. A version of the bridge remained in July 2022.
(Photo via Cheyenne and Arapaho Tribes)

For Mowatt, who graduated as valedictorian from Riverside Indian School in Anadarko, Oklahoma, in 1997, the experience was transformative.

It was at Riverside that she connected with her culture and gained a sense of community among other Native students.

“I wasn’t brought up in my culture,” she said. “Riverside opened doors to my Native identity.”

Even in such a positive environment, however, Mowatt was compelled to explore the grounds of the school, in search of something she couldn’t name.

Mowatt recalled an incident when she was walking behind the school’s gym building. A little boy appeared out of nowhere, running past her and a group of friends.

“We didn’t recognize him,” she said. “He was wearing leggings and had long hair, unlike the other boys at the school. He ran into our dorm building.”

Entering the dorm, she asked the matron if she’d seen the little boy; she hadn’t. All the children were accounted for.

“I believe he was a spirit,” Mowatt said. “It haunts me to know he was running for his life from the school.”

A new Concho school was built in 1968; its buildings are located about a quarter-mile from the school’s original site.

The rebuilt school was described as “a new exemplary Indian school” in a 1968 Bureau of Indian Affairs press release. In addition to preparing students for “a productive and self-sustaining life in American society,” the school was intended to support the role Native culture can play in providing students with a sense of “personal identification and belonging.”

The new Concho school, however, closed in 1983, due to a decrease in enrollment and federal funding.

The buildings from that era remain. The old campus – its dorms and classrooms – stands in the middle of large fields of grass, strangely isolated from nearby tribal buildings.

The original construction included the use of asbestos, so the campus is officially off-limits to the public until it can be safely razed, Mowatt said.

In 2014, Steven Grounds, an artist of the Navajo and Yuchee tribes, painted murals on the school’s decaying walls.


Murals on the rear side of the abandoned Concho Indian Boarding School in El Reno, Oklahoma, were painted by Steven Grounds of the Navajo and Euchee tribes.
 (Photo by Mary Annette Pember/ICT)

The work is a series of huge portraits, some depicting famous Indigenous people such as Chief Black Kettle and Suzan Shown Harjo, both citizens of the Northern Cheyenne tribe.

Other portrayals are unknown, but all share a poignant quality, at once elegiac and celebratory.

Bold and unapologetic, the images seem to demand acknowledgement.


A reckoning


So far, efforts to commemorate and reconcile Oklahoma’s boarding school past have been scattered, Yellowman said.

In 2021, the Catholic Diocese of Tulsa and Eastern Oklahoma launched the Oklahoma Native Schools project. Catholic entities operated 11 of the Indian boarding schools in the state from 1880 to 1965. The Diocese, according to its website, is working to create a report that “seeks to understand the history of Catholic Indian boarding schools in Oklahoma.”

Bryan Rindfleisch, associate professor of history at Marquette University, a Catholic school in Milwaukee, is conducting research into the Diocese’s archives kept in the university’s special collection.

At the former site of the Chilocco Indian School in Newkirk, Oklahoma, the Chilocco National Alumni Association has maintained the school’s cemetery since the late 1990s in efforts to honor students who died there.

Jim and Charmain Baker, former students at Chilocco, told Enid News that they have found dozens of graves dating between 1884 and 1937 at the school through research and use of ground-penetrating radar. The Chilocco school closed in 1980.

In an interview with ICT, Max Bear, the tribal historic preservation officer for the Cheyenne Arapaho Tribes, said that the tribes purchased a ground-penetrating radar unit in 2018 in order to search for graves at several boarding school locations in the region near the tribe’s headquarters in El Reno.

The pandemic, however, stalled plans for staff training on the machine. Bear hopes to get started on finding and identifying graves again soon.

Yellowman would like to see denominations that operated schools create an educational fund for tribes.

“Reparations are needed; this would be something Native people could use as a tangible resource,” he said.

Yellowman also envisions a traditional ceremony for the children who died at the schools.

“All of these decisions about reparations and ceremonies will have to be made collectively by the tribes,” he said.

As of now, Yellowman said, “Those children’s spirits are lost; they don’t know where to go.”



BY MARY ANNETTE PEMBER
a citizen of the Red Cliff Ojibwe tribe, is a national correspondent for ICT.
Canada’s ‘Arctic Rose’ Susan Aglukark continues epic journey

Award-winning Inuit musician recognized with Humanitarian Award 


Susan Aglukark is the most celebrated Inuit musical artist in Canadian history, having won four Juno Awards in 11 nominations since the release of her debut album, "Arctic Rose, in the early 1990s.
 (Photo courtesy of Susan Aglukark)

MILES MORRISSEAU
AUG 16, 2022
ICT

Susan Aglukark is the most celebrated Inuit musical artist in Canadian history but it was her work off the stage that was recognized at the 2022 Juno Awards, the nation’s annual celebration of music.

The three-time Juno winner received the Canadian Academy of Recording Arts and Sciences’ Humanitarian Award for her charitable work with the Arctic Rose Foundation, which she founded in 2012 as the Arctic Rose Project to support arts-based programming for Inuit, First Nations and Métis youth in Canada’s north.

It was an honor not just for her work but for the foundation’s success in promoting Indigenous-led programs that integrate language and culture while encouraging emotional and mental wellness.

“The Humanitarian Award presented by Music Canada is a very special one,” she told ICT recently. “It's been a real acknowledgement of the work we've been doing.”

Related story:
Indigenous artists shine in 2022 Juno Awards

Aglukark joins a stellar list of Canadian musicians to win the Humanitarian Award, including Buffy Sainte-Marie, Bryan Adams, Neil Young, and the bands Rush and Arcade Fire.

She also won the first-ever Aboriginal Achievement Award in Arts & Entertainment and the Canadian Country Music Association’s Vista Rising Star Award, and was presented the Officer of the Order of Canada Award in 2004. In 2016, she received the Governor General’s Lifetime Artistic Achievement Award.



‘Canadians are listening’

Aglukark has been speaking out on the challenges facing Indigenous youth from the north since the beginning of her career.

She first came onto the Canadian music scene in 1992 with her single, “Arctic Rose,” one of the first songs to take on the difficult subject of Indigenous suicide. She would hit mainstream success in 1995 with her album, “This Child” and the single, “O Siem.”

“O Siem” reached number one on the Canadian Adult Contemporary charts and on the Canadian Country Tracks chart, and peaked at number 3 on the pop charts – the first and only time an Indigenous artist had reached those levels.

She took home her first two Junos that year for her “Arctic Rose” album – for Best New Artist and Best Aboriginal Recording, a category that has since been renamed to Indigenous Music Album of the Year.

With the release of her second album, “This Child,” the next year, she received Juno nominations for all major categories – Best Female Singer, Best Video, Best Single and Album of the Year – but did not bring home a win. In 2004, she took home the Juno Best Aboriginal Recording for her album, “Big Feeling.”

Her latest album, “The Crossing,” was released in April to rave reviews. It was recorded with Chad Irschick, who produced her triple-Platinum-selling album, “This Child.”

“Susan Aglukark is one artist you need to pay attention to on so many levels; spiritually, musically, morally,” according to a review of the new album in Record World International.

“We all need to learn, and the music is a way to take us on that path.”

Aglukark believes that in this age of reconciliation the mainstream public is ready to hear more than just the music.

“All Canadians are listening,” she said. “In my experience, many have always supported [us]. So they've always wanted to know, “How do we advance artists? How do we advance music? How do we advance all this other work that is going on?” I would say in the last 10 years, it's been happening, so it's exciting to see.

“We have a generation of artists who are fearlessly and very boldly advocating, but also loving their careers,” she said.

Learning to dream

When Aglukark was growing up in Arviat, Nunavut, the idea of becoming a singer/songwriter was not even considered. In an Orwellian twist, the very system that crushed the spirit of the people had also replaced their dreams.

“We live and work within our communities, within the restrictions of those communities,” she said. “We rely on government to have a decent income, career and pension. So everybody wants that really great government job to have all these things. We don't nurture dreamers.”


Inuit perfomer Susan Aglukark waves to the crowd as she sings on Parliament Hill in Ottawa for Canada Day celebrations on Saturday, July 1, 2006. Aglukark is the most celebrated Inuit musical artist in Canadian history, having won four Juno Awards in 11 nominations since the release of her debut album, "Arctic Rose, in the early 1990s.
 (AP Photo/CP, Jonathan Hayward)

Aglukark had to leave home at a young age to attend the Sir John Franklin High School in Yellowknife, Northwest Territories, nearly 700 miles away. She then left in 1990 for Canada’s capital city of Ottawa when she was offered a one-year job with Indian Affairs as a communications coordinator.

“When I moved away, I had a lot to learn, just living in Ottawa, and very quickly, it became opportunities in the arts,” she said.

She stumbled into performing arts after a poem she had written about students searching for identity was put to music and used for a music video, she told CBC Radio in May.

The song took off, encouraging her to continue writing songs. Then came the “Arctic Rose” album.

Her work has addressed the legacy of trauma and violence in her community and in her life.

She has spoken out against violence against children, and said she was abused at eight years old by a neighbor who lured her into his home. The neighbor, Norman Ford, was convicted in the 1980s for abusing Aglukark and others, but he spent only six months of his 18-month sentence behind bars, according to CBC News.

Aglulkark identified him in a public meeting of the National Inquiry into Murdered and Missing Indigenous Women in Rankin Inlet in 2018, when Ford was sentenced on additional charges of sexual abuse. His name will remain on Canada's national sex offender registry until 2038.

Her online biography also refers to a period in 1998, when “she was suffering from postpartum depression and found herself in a dark place in need of time to reflect and heal.”

She began a healing journey that focused on her own people, as she “learned more about her culture and the strength and resilience of the Inuit who have been on this land for over 5,000 years.”

The Arctic Rose Foundation now works with young people, providing mental health support through an after-school program that uses expressive arts.

A new album

Her latest album is a cross-section of the things that make Aglukark a true iconoclast.

The title track begins with the words, “across the Bering Strait we came,” which is a challenge to a long-standing Pan-Indigenous perspective that the Bering Strait theory is a false narrative that disrespects not only Indigenous creation stories but the growing archaeological evidence.

“I think it's important when we talk about Indigenous groups in Canada, that there are three distinct Indigenous groups in Canada – there's the Inuit, there's the First Nations, and there's the Métis,” she said.

The connection among Inuit peoples across the north is much more evident across the Bering Strait and around the circumpolar region, she said.

“It’s in the clothing,” she said. “You can trace ancestors through the way that we harvest, the way that we hunt, the way that we prepare food. We can trace connections by language, so there are common words from Alaska across to Greenland and in Nain and Labrador. We have these common connections that are the first kind of pieces that connect us.”

She continued, “And then there are stories, so we talk about myths and traditional storytelling, and we have those … and each region will have its own take on it or their own way of doing it, but they're all similar.”

In addition to songs with her folk-influenced style, the album includes one with a swinging jazz sound that is also sung in Inuktitut. The song, “Tikitaummata,” has an infectious quality reminiscent of the Suzanne Vega classic, “Tom’s Diner.”

The album closes off with a song, “Ataniq Qujaqiliqpagit” (“Thank You, Lord”), written by her late father, David Aglukark. Although sung in Inuktitut, it is in style and verse a gospel song.

“It was in honor of him,” she said. “He passed away a couple of years ago. So I wanted to put one of his original pieces on the album. So that's his song.”

Challenging perceptions

After 30 years in the industry, Aglukark’s musical journey continues to challenge the accepted narrative.

She is aware of the views many Indigenous peoples hold because of the history of Indian residential schools and the role of churches in oppressing them. She chooses to make the music that reflects her world view and her spirituality.

For more info

Susan Aglukark’s latest album, “The Crossing,” is available on amazon.com and on most streaming services as both singles and a full album.

“I think this is going to be one of those tense conversations we're always going to have with our fellow Indigenous, because we know the role church played during residential school,” she said. “But also many of us would not have healed enough or stayed on a healing path without faith.”

It’s a personal journey, she said.

“We talk about reconciliation,” she said. “But the question that always has burned in me is, if we are having a true reconciliation conversation, we must first correct our inner narrative. We have to correct the story inside of us.”

Award-winning career
Indigenous Canadian musician Susan Aglukark has been nominated 11 times and won four Juno Awards, the Canadian equivalent of the American Grammy Awards, including the 2022 Humanitarian Award:
Juno Awards
*2022, Humanitarian Award
*2004, Best Aboriginal Recording, “Big Feeling”
*1995, Best Aboriginal Recording, “Arctic Rose”
*1995, Best New Solo Artist, “Arctic Rose”
Nominations
*2007, Best Aboriginal Recording, “Blood Red Earth”
*2004, Best Aboriginal Recording, “Big Feeling”
*2001, Best Aboriginal Recording, “Unsung Heroes”
*1996, Album of the Year, “This Child”
*1996, Female Vocalist of the Year
*1996, Best Aboriginal Recording, “This Child”
*1996, Single of the Year, “O Siem”
*1996, Best Video, “O Siem”

*Correction: Norman Ford, a neighbor who assaulted Susan Aglukark when she was eight years old, was convicted in the 1980s for assaulting Aglukark and others, and was convicted again in 2018 on additional charges. Details about the outcome of the allegations against him were incorrect in an earlier version of the story.


BY MILES MORRISSEAU a citizen of the Métis Nation, is a special correspondent for ICT based in the historic Métis Community of Grand Rapids, Manitoba, Canada. He reported as a national Native Affairs broadcaster for CBC Radio and is former editor-in-chief of Indian Country Today.
Alaska Native takes lead in US Congressional race
Updated: Trump-backed Alaskan candidates take second place #NativeVote22

Democrat Mary Peltola smiles at supporters after delivering remarks at a fundraiser on Aug. 12, 2022, in Juneau, Alaska. Peltola is in two races on the Aug. 16, 2022, ballot in Alaska. One is the U.S. House special election, a ranked choice election in which she is competing against Republicans Sarah Palin and Nick Begich. The winner of that race will serve the remainder of the late U.S. Rep. Don Young's term, which ends early next year. The other race she is in is the U.S. House primary.
 (AP Photo/Becky Bohrer)


JOAQLIN ESTUS
AUG 17, 2022
ICT

In the special election to fill the remaining months in the late Don Young’s seat in Congress, Mary Peltola, Yup’ik and a Democrat, shows a lead of 6 points over Sarah Palin and almost 10 points over Nick Begich, both Republicans. That’s with 96 percent of the vote in.

Peltola has 58,614, or 38.05 percent of the votes. Sarah Palin has 49,190, or 31.93 percent, and Begich has 43,968, or 28.54 percent of the votes cast, as of 11:50 a.m. AK time.

In the primary general election for the House 2-year term, Peltola has 54,865, or 35.18 percent of the vote, followed by Palin with 48,609, or 31.17 percent, Begich at 41,815 26.81 percent and former Department of Interior Special Assistant for Indian Affairs Tara Sweeney, Inupiaq, Republican, with 5,744 or 3.68 percent of the vote

In the primary general election for the U.S. Senate, Lisa Murkowski, Republican, held her lead with 68,603, or 44.14 percent of the votes cast in her favor. Following her is Kelly Tshibaka, Republican, with 61,972, or 39.87 percent of the vote. Third is Patricia Chesbro, Democrat, with 9,612 or 6.18 percent of the votes.

Earlier story:

A Yup’ik woman is in the lead to fill out the term in Alaska’s sole Congressional seat with 80 percent of the vote counted.

Votes are being tallied in both a special election and a primary in a regularly scheduled election in Alaska. The special election is to fill the remaining months of the late Congressman Don Young’s term.

Mary Peltola, who is Yup’ik, is in the lead in the special election. Peltola, a Democrat and former state legislator, has 38.38 percent of the votes. Former Republican governor and Trump-backed candidate Sarah Palin has 32.59 percent. Republican businessman Nick Begich has 29.03 percent.

However, ranked choice voting could put either Palin or Begich in the lead once second choice votes are counted. As FiveThirtyEight news election analyst Nathanel Rakich commented, second choice votes may favor Peltola.

“With only a few points separating Palin and Begich for second place, that’ll be a really important race to watch as more votes are counted in the coming days, Rakich said. If Palin finishes third, she’ll be eliminated and her support will probably overwhelmingly go to Begich, likely leading to his election. But if Begich finishes third, his support will probably split more evenly between Palin and Peltola, possibly pushing Peltola over 50 percent if she is close enough.”

Second choice votes get counted if no one candidate takes a majority, or 50 percent plus one, of the votes.

(Related: Organizers, state face hurdles to getting out Alaska Native vote - Indian Country Today)

(Related: Will the Native vote count in Alaska? - Indian Country Today)

The primary in the general election will decide who fills the next two-year term of Alaska’s sole Congressional seat. The Associated Press projects Peltola (35.05 percent), Palin (31.4 percent), and Begich (26.92 percent) will move forward to the general election in that race. Former Assistant Secretary for Indian Affairs Tara Sweeney, Inupiaq, took 3.57 percent of that vote.

Final results won’t be decided for two weeks, as mail-in ballots get counted.

Former president Donald Trump had backed Palin in the House race. His favorite in the U.S. Senate race is also in second place, after Republican Lisa Murkowski.

Murkowski took home 43.73 percent of the votes against Trump-backed candidate Kelly Tshibaka, who got 40.39 percent of the votes. Trump opposed Murkowski as one of the 10 Republican senators who voted for his second impeachment.

Numbers are per the Division of Elections count at 1:55 a.m. Aug. 17.


BY JOAQLIN ESTUS
Joaqlin Estus, Tlingit, is a national correspondent for Indian Country Today. Based in Anchorage, Alaska, she is a longtime journalist. Follow her on Twitter @estus_m or email her at jestus@ictnews.org .





Scientists scramble to explain why Alaska wild salmon stocks are low

Crash has been tied to a changing climate


Sophie Beans in her now-empty smokehouse. Aug., 2022
(Photo by Olivia Ebertz).

Olivia Ebertz
KYUK-NPR
AUG 17, 2022

ST. MARY’S, Alaska – There are too few salmon right now in Alaska's Yukon River. That's making it hard for Indigenous residents to feed their families. And it's all made worse by skyrocketing prices at the grocery store.

Maggie Westlock, Yup’ik, is in a grocery store in Emmonak, a small village near the mouth of the Yukon River in western Alaska. She's picking up a few things for dinner.

“Grapes. Coleslaw. Sandwich,” Westlock commented to KYUK.

These are not the foods she and her family of eight prefer to eat. Normally, she'd be filling her freezer with wild salmon, the same staple food her Yup'ik ancestors ate for thousands of years. Now, because of a sudden and severe salmon crash, her family is forced to rely on store-bought food. Westlock picks up a small pack of ribs.

“Thirty-seven dollars and 10 cents,” Westlock said.

In the diaper aisle, things are even more dire.

“And look at these Pampers, Huggies, $84.99, one box. Expensive, I tell you.”

She doesn't end up buying the diapers or the ribs. Still, the final damage is more than $80 for just five items. Westlock is spending a lot more on food than back when she was fishing. The salmon crash has touched every Indigenous village from the Yukon River's mouth on the Bering Sea to its headwaters in British Columbia nearly 2,000 river miles away.

Smokehouse


A hundred miles upriver in the village of St. Mary's, Yup’ik elder Sophie Beans is peering into her smokehouse with her daughter, Deedee. It's empty now, but her whole street used to be filled with the sweet aroma of smoking fish.

When asked what the neighborhood would normally be like, when people were fishing, Beans replied, “Orange and smoky.”

“Yeah. Orange, full of kings and fish,” she said.

Now it looks like, “nothing.”

The Yukon's two most important salmon species are crashing. The most prized species is the big and fatty king salmon. Those have been running in low numbers for years. The other main species, chum salmon, was super abundant until just last year.

“My son Matty, one time he caught 700 chums,” Beans said. “And that's not even the kings before that.”

Scientists have been scrambling to figure out why western Alaska wild salmon stocks are crashing.

“That has been tied to a changing climate.”

That's Katie Howard, a fish biologist with the Alaska Department of Fish and Game. She says marine heatwaves have intensified in recent years. That's what's likely driving the chum crash.

“They were just bigger. They were geographically larger. And they lasted over a much, much longer period of time than is typical. It's more extreme when it happens. And the other expectation is that they may occur more often,” Howard said.

Back in the village of St. Mary’s, 11-year-old Nicole Thompson, Yup’ik, is practicing cutting fish with her mom for the first time in years.

“We cut it here, then cut at the head,” Thompson said.

Most tribal members in the village have just received a couple of donated salmon from the state. For most, it's the only taste they'll get all year. Nicole is struggling to remember exactly how to cut the fish. Her dad, Troy, says when he was his daughter's age, he already knew how because fish were so abundant and he got more practice.

“Pretty sad, though. We have to wait for fish one or two at a time. If we had a lot more I'm pretty sure she'd have it down a little quicker,” Troy Thompson, Yup’ik, said.

The salmon crash is about more than food. It's making it harder for parents to pass on Yup’ik culture to their kids.



This article was first published in KYUK.

Abortion Was Already Inaccessible on Reservation Land. Dobbs Made Things Worse.
Federal and state abortion restrictions have been interfering with tribal sovereignty for years




Protesters rally in support of abortion rights, Tuesday, May 3, 2022, in New York. 
(AP Photo/Jason DeCrow)

Emily Hofstaedter

Since the Supreme Court decision overturning Roe v. Wade in June, millions of people have faced new barriers to abortion access: increased wait times, longer distances to travel, and in many cases, an inability to access the procedure altogether. But for many Native people, especially those living on reservation land, these kinds of obstacles feel especially familiar.

“It is sad to say that we’re kind of used to these types of policies being passed and implemented,” says Krystal Curley, who is Diné and the executive director of Indigenous Lifeways, an Indigenous health and social justice group. “Now it’s the whole US that’s going to have to experience what we’ve been experiencing…and it’s traumatic.”

Native American tribes are sovereign nations that have a government-to-government relationship with the United States. Tribes have the right to make many laws on their land and for their citizens—and in theory, that right applies to making decisions about health care, including abortion. But in practice, decades of state and federal laws have limited tribal nations’ ability to provide reproductive health services, leaving Native people with disproportionate barriers to abortion access. In a post-Roe world, the obstacles to abortion access on tribal land have only gotten greater. For advocates like Curley, the ruling feels like just the latest escalation in a centuries-long attack on bodily and tribal autonomy.

“We’ve been under these genocidal policies for 500 years,” Curley says, pointing to a legacy of violence that began with the use of rape as a weapon against Native women during colonization. Since then, federal and state governments have spent decades trying to control Native people’s decisions about their families and reproductive health—from forcibly removing Indigenous children from their families to the Indian Health Service’s forced sterilization of Native women in the 1970s.

“America has always been after our natural resources, and one of the ways that you go about doing that is to target Native women, because we bring forth the next generation,” says Charon Asetoyer, executive director of the Native American Women’s Health Education Resource Center, who is Comanche. “If you can sterilize or control our fertility, you can control our population. The agenda is the same: harvest our natural resources.”

Today, federal government restrictions continue to limit Native people’s ability to access reproductive health services. That’s in large part because more than half of American Indian and Alaska Native people access health care through the severely underfunded Indian Health Service, which was established by a combination of treaties and legislation as partial payment for millions of acres of Native lands. Because IHS is a federal agency, the 1976 Hyde Amendment prohibits it from funding abortion. “They decide what is best for us,” says Asetoyer, who has been advocating for a repeal of the Hyde Amendment since the Obama administration. “It’s really very paternalistic.”

Although IHS is technically allowed to perform abortions in cases of rape or incest, research has found that most of its clinics don’t. The only comprehensive report on the issue is a 2002 study from Asetoyer’s group that found the IHS system performed only 25 abortions between 1976 and 2002.

Smaller reservations typically have just one IHS or tribal clinic, and on larger reservations, clinics can be spread hundreds of miles apart. For the 22 percent of Native people who live on reservations, that often means leaving tribal lands and traveling hundreds of miles to get care. Since 2020, the New Mexico-based abortion network Indigenous Women Rising has seen about one-third of its calls coming from Oklahoma, which is more than 40 percent reservation land and had some of the nation’s strictest anti-abortion laws even before Dobbs. The group has helped people travel as far as Granite City, Illinois—at least a six-hour drive from Tulsa—for an abortion, says IWR’s executive director, Rachael Lorenzo, who is Mescalero Apache, Laguna Pueblo, and Xicana. Since Dobbs, those long trips have only gotten more common for pregnant people in Oklahoma. In July, Indigenous Women Rising ran through its allotted abortion fund for the month in just three weeks. And Oklahoma is just one of several states with vast federally recognized reservations, including both Dakotas and Utah, that have enforced or are trying to enforce total abortion bans this year.

Ever since news of Justice Samuel Alito’s opinion leaked this spring, the issue of abortion on tribal lands has attracted national attention. In Oklahoma, Republican Gov. Kevin Stitt warned that the state would be “watching” tribal nations, who, he claimed, are “super liberal” and will “try to set up abortion on demand.” Similarly, non-Native activists on the left have speculated that sovereign tribes could set up clinics on their land as a way to evade state abortion bans.

But in reality, no tribes have announced plans to offer “abortion on demand.” A complex web of criminal, civil, and state laws would make that an “uphill battle,” says Alex Pearl, a tribal law professor with the University of Oklahoma and enrolled member of the Chickasaw Nation. Suppose that a tribe or a Planned Parenthood managed to set up an abortion clinic on reservation land without using federal funds. Under current federal law, states likely wouldn’t be able to prosecute a Native abortion provider who performed an abortion on a Native patient, Pearl says. But fewer than 0.5 percent of registered physicians in the United States are Native American. And the situation becomes more complicated when non-Native doctors and patients are involved.

That’s partly because, just days after the Dobbs decision, the Supreme Court struck a blow to tribal sovereignty with its ruling in Oklahoma v. Castro-Huerta. The court held that states have the authority to prosecute non-Native people for committing crimes against Native people on tribal land. That means that, in a state where abortion is criminalized, any non-Native doctor could likely be prosecuted for performing an abortion on a reservation.

Beyond that, it’s possible that states like Oklahoma could revoke doctors’ licenses for performing abortions, says Aila Hoss, a professor of health and federal Indian law at the Indiana University. Oklahoma and many other states can revoke state licenses for “unethical and unprofessional conduct,” Hoss says, including for violating criminal laws—even if the doctor isn’t convicted.

Even if tribes were to overcome the legal hurdles, it would be a mistake to take it for granted that they would want to set up clinics on their land, Pearl says. “Tribal communities are not monoliths,” he says. “There are cultural norms, religious views, that are not always going to track the American left-right, conservative-liberal political dichotomy.” Native tribes hold varying beliefs about when life begins. For some, a combination of tribal traditions and the influence of Christianity lead to the belief that life begins closer to conception. At the same time, abortion care has been a practice in many nations since time immemorial. As a Diné woman, Curley says, she grew up learning that bodily autonomy was to be respected, and that she alone should decide when to give birth. If someone needed to terminate a pregnancy, they did so in a holistic ceremony that included care before and after the abortion.

Despite the current threats to abortion access, the Native activists Mother Jones spoke with say they’re hopeful that more comprehensive reproductive care will eventually be available on tribal lands. Activists are lobbying to change laws while also revitalizing traditional maternal medical care. But “those are conversations for us as Indigenous people to have among each other without the influence or the feeling of urgency from white feminists,” says Lorenzo of Indigenous Women Rising. “And our timeline is not the same as white people. We have so much more to consider around our culture, our language, our tradition.”

Biden urged to take steps to finally get rid of Louis DeJoy

Jake Johnson, Common Dreams
August 19, 2022

Louis DeJoy (YouTube/screen grab)

More than a year and a half into President Joe Biden's first term, Louis DeJoy—a megadonor to former President Donald Trump and a villain in the eyes of progressives and many Democratic lawmakers—is still running the U.S. Postal Service.

DeJoy's staying power in the face of widespread outrage over his sabotage of postal operations and his ethics scandals, one of which spurred an FBI probe, can largely be attributed to the loyalty of the USPS Board of Governors, a majority of which has remained supportive of the postmaster general amid repeated calls for his ouster over the past two years.

While Biden lacks the authority to fire DeJoy directly, he does have the ability to alter the composition of the postal board, which can replace the postmaster general with a simple-majority vote.

As The American Prospect's David Dayen explained Wednesday, the president may soon have an opportunity to pave the way for DeJoy's removal by nominating two DeJoy opponents to postal governor spots that will be open in December, when the terms of Republican William Zollars and Democrat Donald Lee Moak—allies of the postmaster general—expire.

"Moak's presence has been one reason why DeJoy has continued in his position, despite Biden having appointed a majority of the board and all of its other Democrats," Dayen noted. "Roman Martinez, a Republican, serves as board chair, despite the fact that Republicans only hold four of the board's nine slots."

"The Postal Service Board of Governors has a requirement that only a bare majority of its members, in this case five out of nine, be affiliated with the president's own party," Dayen continued. "However, board member Amber McReynolds, whom Biden appointed in 2021, is a registered independent. Therefore, it's technically possible for Biden to replace Moak and Zollars with Democrats who align with the vast majority of the Democratic base in opposing DeJoy. That would ensure enough votes to fire DeJoy."

Earlier this month, a coalition of more than 80 advocacy organizations led by Take on Wall Street sent a letter pushing Biden to nominate replacements for Moak and Zollars who are "wholly committed to the task of protecting and expanding our Postal Service."

The 83 groups also expressed alarm over DeJoy's stated plan to "raise postage prices at 'uncomfortable rates' around the country" as part of his decadelong policy vision, which has drawn pushback from postal unions, lawmakers, and Democratic members of the USPS board.

"Additionally, numerous post office locations are set to be shuttered under his 10-year restructuring plan, potentially impacting thousands of employees during a time of economic crisis," the groups wrote. "After DeJoy's numerous failings at the helm, it is imperative that we have a strong, full, and reform-oriented Postal Board of Governors in place to hold him accountable to the true mission and public service goals of the USPS."

"This is one of the last opportunities your administration has to appoint governors to the postal board," they added.

The letter, dated August 1, was sent days after DeJoy announced his goal of slashing 50,000 positions from the Postal Service in the coming years, an effort that the 200,000-member American Postal Workers Union (APWU) condemned and vowed to fight.

"If it's management's intent to weaken our union, attack our pay and conditions, or eliminate family-sustaining union postal jobs, the [postmaster general] will get a strong fight from the APWU," Mark Dimondstein, the union's president, told Government Executive last week.

"We will oppose future job reductions that affect the lives of the postal workers we represent," Dimondstein added. "Rest assured that any such management actions will be met with [the] unbridled opposition of the APWU."

Biden's Visit 'Emboldened' Saudi Arabia to Crack Down on Dissent—Activists

BY KHALEDA RAHMAN ON 8/19/22

President Joe Biden's visit to Saudi Arabia emboldened the kingdom's leader to escalate his crackdown on dissidents, Saudi activists said.

Lina al-Hathloul and Abdullah Alaoudh, whose family members have been detained in Saudi Arabia, spoke to Newsweek after a Saudi woman studying in Britain was sentenced this week to 34 years in prison for her activity on Twitter.

Salma al-Shehab, was initially handed a six-year prison sentence after being detained in January 2021, but an appeals court raised it to 34 years followed by a 34-year travel ban.

Shehab was charged with "assisting those who seek to cause public unrest and destabilise civil and national security by following their Twitter accounts" and by re-tweeting their tweets. Shehab may still be able to seek a new appeal in the case.

Al-Hathloul and Alaoudh were among those who had warned that Biden's visit to Saudi Arabia would encourage the kingdom's de facto leader, Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman, to escalate a crackdown on dissent.

Al-Hathloul said al-Shehab's harsh sentence clearly shows that the crown prince "feels emboldened, and knows he can double down on repression in all impunity."

"Salma al-Shehab's outrageous sentence might be the first of a new pattern," she warned.

Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman, right, greets President Joe Biden with a fist bump after his arrival in Jeddah, Saudi Arabia, Friday, July 15, 2022.
BANDAR ALJALOUD/SAUDI ROYAL PALACE VIA AP

Saudi Foreign Secretary Adel al-Jubeir, she said, "justified targeting dissidents and affirmed that activism and any kind of dissent is considered terrorism" moments after Biden met with the crown prince last month.

Al-Hathloul is head of monitoring and communications at London-based Saudi rights group ALQST. Her sister is prominent Saudi human rights activist Loujain al-Hathloul, who served a prison sentence and remains under a travel ban.

READ MORE
Biden Has Betrayed Khashoggi With Saudi Trip—Friend of Murdered Journalist
Joe Biden's Middle East Trip Defined by Fist Bumps, Blunders and Oil Talks
Biden Should Not Have 'Rewarded' Saudi Arabia With Visit: Bernie Sanders

Abdullah Alaouda, research director of Democracy for the Arab World Now, a nonprofit organization founded by journalist Jamal Khashoggi, echoed her sentiments.

After Biden's visit, the crown prince "was emboldened to get more brutal and rogue as we expected," Alaoudh told Newsweek.

His father Salman Alodah, a prominent scholar, has been imprisoned in Saudi Arabia since 2017 after tweeting his desire for reconciliation between the kingdom and Qatar.

Al-Shehab's sentence is the "beginning of a larger wave and more brutal crackdowns," he told Newsweek. "The responsibility of this wave and victims this time falls on those who emboldened MBS and gave him all what he wanted needed to do this: legitimacy and impunity!"

A White House spokesperson told Newsweek that "exercising freedom of expression should not be criminalized."

"We continue to advocate for human rights defenders at the highest levels of government," the spokesperson added.

"As President Biden said during his visit to Jeddah, respect for human rights and fundamental freedoms is a key principle of our foreign policy. And while there, the President privately and publicly underscored the United States' conviction that respect for and promotion of human rights and fundamental freedoms promotes stability and strengthens national security."

Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman, right, welcomes U.S. President Joe Biden to Al-Salam Palace in Jeddah, Saudi Arabia, July 15, 2022.
SAUDI ROYAL PALACE VIA AP/BANDAR ALJALOUD

While running for president, Biden had vowed to treat Saudi Arabia like a "pariah" for its human rights abuses. After he became president, he refused to talk directly with the crown prince and ordered the release of a U.S. intelligence report that implicated him in Khashoggi's 2018 slaying.

In an about-face, Biden said he was traveling to the oil-rich kingdom in a bid to "reorient but not rupture" relations with a longstanding strategic partner as his administration grappled with high oil prices, driven partly by Russia's invasion of Ukraine.

Biden was accused of betraying Khashoggi by traveling to Saudi Arabia and criticism mounted after he greeted the crown prince with a fist-bump.

He later said he had raised Khashoggi's killing at the top of the meeting. "He basically said that he was not personally responsible for it," Biden told reporters. "I indicated that I thought he was."