Sunday, October 23, 2022

Iran Protests Trigger Solidarity Rallies in US, Europe
Oct 23, 202
Demonstrators carry a large photo of Mahsa Amini during a protest against the Iranian regime, in Los Angeles on Oct. 22, 2022. (Richard Vogel/AP Photo)

WASHINGTON—Chanting crowds marched in the streets of Berlin, Washington, and Los Angeles on Saturday in a show of international support for demonstrators facing a violent government crackdown in Iran, sparked by the death of 22-year-old Mahsa Amini in the custody of that country’s morality police.

On the U.S. National Mall, thousands of women and men of all ages—wearing green, white, and red, the colors of the Iran flag—shouted in rhythm. “Be scared. Be scared. We are one in this,” demonstrators yelled, before marching to the White House. “Say her name! Mahsa!”

The demonstrations, put together by grassroots organizers from around the United States, drew Iranians from across the Washington area, with some traveling down from Toronto to join the crowd.

In Los Angeles, home to the biggest population of Iranians outside of Iran, a throng of protesters formed a slow-moving procession along blocks of a closed downtown street. They chanted for the fall of Iran’s government and waved hundreds of Iranian flags that turned the horizon into a undulating wave of red, white and green.

“We want freedom,” they thundered.

Shooka Scharm, an attorney who was born in the United States after her parents fled the Iranian revolution, was wearing a T-shirt with the slogan “Women, Life, Freedom” in English and Farsi. In Iran “women are like a second-class citizen and they are sick of it,” Scharm said.

Iran’s nationwide anti-government protest movement first focused on the country’s mandatory hijab covering for women following Amiri’s death on Sept. 16. The demonstrations there have since transformed into the greatest challenge to the Islamic Republic since the 2009 Green Movement over disputed elections. In Tehran on Saturday, more anti-government protests took place at several universities.

Iran’s security forces have dispersed gatherings in that country with live ammunition and tear gas, killing over 200 people, including teenage girls, according to rights groups.

The Biden administration has said it condemns the brutality and repression against the citizens of Iran and that it will look for ways to impose more sanctions against the Iranian government if the violence continues.

Between chants, protesters in Washington broke into song, singing traditional Persian music about life and freedom—all written after the revolution in 1979 brought religious fundamentalists to power in Iran. They sang one in particular in unison—“Baraye,” meaning because of, which has become the unofficial anthem of the Iran protests. The artist of that song, Shervin Hajipour, was arrested shortly after posting the song to his Instagram in late September. It accrued more than 40 million views.

Several weeks of Saturday solidarity rallies in the U.S. capital have drawn growing crowds.

In Berlin, a crowd estimated by German police at several tens of thousands turned out to show solidarity for the women and activists leading the movement for the past few weeks in Iran. The protests in Germany’s capital, organized by the Woman* Life Freedom Collective, began at the Victory Column in Berlin’s Tiergarten park and continued as a march through central Berlin.

Some demonstrators there said they had come from elsewhere in Germany and other European countries to show their support.

“It is so important for us to be here, to be the voice of the people of Iran, who are killed on the streets,” said Shakib Lolo, who is from Iran but lives in the Netherlands. “And this is not a protest anymore, this is a revolution, in Iran. And the people of the world have to see it.”

Iranian teachers hold two-day sit-down strike against state repression of nationwide protests

Teachers in Iran are in the midst of a two-day sit-down strike protest against the brutal state repression meted out against young people participating in anti-regime demonstrations over the past six weeks. The protests began following the death in police custody September 16 of 22-year-old Mahsa Amini, who was detained by the Islamic Republic’s morality police for “improperly” wearing the hijab.

The protests have been fuelled by a disastrous social and economic crisis, which is the product above all of the Western imperialist powers’ imposition of crippling sanctions on Tehran. While they were initiated in areas of the country with Kurdish majorities, the ethnic group to which Amini belonged, the protests have involved people from all the country’s ethnic and religious groups. The protests have been predominantly led by young people and have retained a heterogeneous social character. Initially, the protests were centred on university campuses, but in recent weeks high school students have joined them in significant numbers. The teachers’ strike is the largest organised intervention of the working class in the anti-government protest movement to date, following a brief strike earlier this month by oil workers at a facility in southwestern Iran.

Iranians protest 22-year-old woman Mahsa Amini's death after she was detained by the morality police, in Tehran, Sept. 20, 2022. [AP Photo/Middle East Images, File]

Iran’s bourgeois-clerical regime has launched a vicious crackdown on the protests, with unofficial sources placing the death toll at around 200. According to Amnesty International, 23 of those deaths were children. The deputy to the commander-in-chief of the Iranian Revolutionary Guard Corps, Rear Admiral Ali Fadavi, commented, “The average age of most detainees is 15 years.” The Iran-based Asia newspaper reported that 42 percent of detained protesters are under 20; 48 percent are aged between 20 and 35; and 10 percent are over 35.

In a statement announcing the teachers’ strike, the Coordinating Council of Teachers Syndicates, a union independent of the regime-aligned shoora (“workers councils”), cited the brutal treatment of children and young people as its motivation for the job action.

The Coordinating Council emerged from the repeated strikes and protests teachers have mounted since 2018 against low-wages and poor working conditions. The statement declared, “We teachers will be present at schools but will refrain from being present in classes.” It continued, “The rulers must know that ... Iran’s teachers do not tolerate these atrocities and tyranny and proclaims that we are for the people, and these bullets and pellets you shoot at the people target our lives and souls.”

It pledged to “continue our protest until the people’s right to protest is recognised, all pupils are unconditionally freed and return to schools, the system stops killing the people and children, and stops answering the people’s rightful demands with bullets.”

According to the Council, teachers in at least 15 cities, many of them in Kurdish-majority speaking areas, including Kermanshah, Sanandaj, Mahabad and Marivan participated in the strike. Teachers in Hamedan, in the north-west, Shiraz in the south-west, Lahijan and Bandar Anzali in the Caspian Sea province of Gilan, and Mashhad in the north-east also joined the sit-down strike. Media controlled by or close to the Iranian government appear to heave blacked out all mention of the teacher protest.

The teachers’ council posted pictures of teachers with hand-written protest signs on social media. Slogans included “Don’t make schools into garrisons,” “Prison is no place for students,” and in Kurdish “Women, Life, Freedom.” It also reported the arrest of several strike leaders, among them Pirouz Nami, its secretary-general in Khuzestan province.   

Protesting Iranian teachers. The placard reads: "Nationwide Sit-in of Educators–10/23/2022" (Coordinating Council of Teachers Syndicates/Telegraph)

Elements within the regime are increasingly concerned about the scope of the protest movement and its sustained character. According to Iranian lawmaker Ahmad Alirezabeigi, the hardline Basij state militia, which has played a leading role in suppressing protests, believes the country is “in jeopardy.” He admitted that minors have been recruited to assist in the repression. According to one newspaper account, 17 Basij members and seven armed officers were killed during the first month of protests. In Tehran alone, over 800 Basij members have been injured, according to Iran’s official IRNA news agency.

Solidarity protests have been held internationally. In one of the largest over the weekend, an estimated 80,000 people marched in the German capital of Berlin. The demonstration was dominated politically by Kurdish nationalist and Iranian exile groups who directed their appeals for “solidarity” to the German Foreign Ministry.

For their part, the imperialist powers are cynically seeking to exploit the protests for their own predatory ends, which are primarily to weaken, if not overthrow, the regime in Tehran and bring Iran more directly under the sway of Western imperialist domination. With breath-taking hypocrisy, the US and European imperialist powers seized over the past week on reports that Iran has dispatched drones and military personnel to support Russia’s invasion of Ukraine to ratchet up pressure on Tehran.

The ambassadors to the United Nations from Germany, France, and Britain issued a joint letter, which Washington subsequently supported, demanding that the UN conduct an investigation into allegations that Iranian-built drones have been used in Ukraine and that Iranian military trainers are active in Crimea. The letter asserted that the three European imperialist powers, which are de facto war parties in Ukraine, would “stand ready to support the Secretariat in conducting its technical and impartial investigation.”

Who are these imperialist warmongers to lecture anyone about sending weapons to a raging military conflict? Their governments not only deliberately provoked the Russian invasion in February 2022 but have sent tens of billions of dollars in high-powered weaponry to Ukraine and Eastern Europe in order to prolong the war and inflict a devastating defeat on Russia so it can be subjugated to the imperialist powers as a semi-colony. These weapons shipments have played the decisive role in producing tens of thousands of casualties on both sides of the conflict, giving the lie to the incessant proclamations by the imperialist warmongers of support for the “Ukrainian people.”

The blather about an “impartial” investigation, overseen by governments responsible for crashing the Iranian economy and creating much of the social and economic devastation driving the protest movement, is a smokescreen aimed at creating the conditions for the imperialist powers to bully the Iranian regime into making concessions to their predatory ambitions. Washington, Berlin, Paris, and London may seek in this way to break the logjam that has hit the talks on reviving the nuclear accord with Iran—the so-called Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action unilaterally abrogated by US President Donald Trump in 2018. But a supposedly “diplomatic” solution to the conflict is not the only possibility.

If the reports of Iranian involvement in supporting Russia’s reactionary war in Ukraine turn out to be true, it will open up yet another front in which the US-NATO war on Russia could escalate into a global conflagration. Preparations for an aggressive US-led strike on Iran are already well advanced, as shown most recently by President Biden’s July tour of the Middle East to rally a motley coalition consisting of the Saudi Arabian autocracy, the Gulf sheikhdoms, and Israel to confront Tehran’s economic, political, and military presence in the region.

The Iranian regime, riven by factional conflicts and increasingly backed into a corner by the sustained protests and growth of strikes, has no answer to the imperialist onslaught. A “reform” faction, which held the presidency from 2013 to 2021, advocates reaching a modus vivendi with the US and European imperialists to facilitate Iran’s integration into the world market, a perspective that suffered a devastating blow due to the fate of the nuclear accord. In particular, their hopes that the European imperialists would offer Tehran economic and financial support in the face of Washington’s blowing up of the deal proved to be a disastrous miscalculation.

The other faction, of which President Raisi is a proponent, proposes closer economic and security relations with the bankrupt Russian and Chinese capitalist regimes. This was the motivation behind Iran’s recent decision to join the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation security alliance as a full member. Such a course would prove no less devastating for the Iranian workers and rural toilers. With the US and its European allies determined to carve up Russia and seize control of its natural resources and preparing openly for a catastrophic war with China over Taiwan, Iran would be drawn inexorably into a third world war that would be fought with nuclear weapons.

For Iranian teachers, other workers, and young people entering into struggle against the widely despised bourgeois-clerical regime, the urgent task is to fight for the political independence of the working class from all factions of the ruling elite. The struggle against the ruthless state repression of the protests triggered by Amini’s death is doomed to defeat if any confidence is placed in appeals to the imperialist powers and their institutions to protect “democracy” and “human rights,” as shown by the fate of numerous societies that have fallen victim to predatory imperialist wars on precisely such pretexts over the past three decades.

What is above all necessary is for workers to wage their struggle on the basis of the perspective of permanent revolution developed by Leon Trotsky and realised by the Russian working class, under the leadership of the Bolshevik Party, in October 1917. As Trotsky insisted, in countries of belated capitalist development the bourgeoisie is incapable of securing basic democratic rights. Freedom from imperialist oppression, the separation of church and state, civil equality, and the radical restructuring of agrarian relations in favour of the rural masses can and will only be realized through the struggle for workers’ power and socialism in opposition to all factions of the national bourgeoisie.

For Iranian workers, this poses the need of unifying their struggles with the upsurge of worker strikes and protests against the deepening social crisis and price rises across the Middle East and internationally and taking their place in the global fight to build a movement of the working class against imperialist war.



Black Adam: Hollywood returns to a state of cultural blindness

Film Review: 
Black Adam is a return to Hollywood's homeostatic position: cultural insensitivity. The film resorts to broad brushes when the Other is concerned yet champions those who are invariably cast and moulded to the Western palette.



Hanna Flint
21 October, 2022

In Black Adam, the eponymous hero is awakened after 5000 years by a professor in need of rescuing from ruthless mercenaries deep in an ancient temple of Kahndaq – a fictional Middle Eastern country.

A slave-turned-magically-imbued champion of the ancient civilisation, this superpowered saviour makes short, violent work of these foreign foes and their modern weapons of destruction.

"Why have the producers gone to great lengths to cast actors with MENA heritage to play the Kahndaqi supporting characters, but not the lead? Why do these Kahndaqi characters have Middle Eastern accents but Black Adam does not?"

It’s a brutal, blackly humorous action sequence that pushes the bloody boundaries of previous 12A superhero movies. And yet, the first words this all-powerful Kahndaqi utters then (and throughout the film) are delivered in an American accent.

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Now, I’ve been pretty consistent with my frustration about Dwayne Johnson taking this role. Sure, I could understand why he was cast 15 years ago after playing the Mesopotamian villain-turned-hero Scorpion King in The Mummy franchise. He was big, brown and it was a time before Hollywood really started to listen to the demand for better, more accurate ethnic representation.



So why in 2022 have we accepted the casting of a non-Middle Eastern actor as the first Middle Eastern superhero to get a solo movie? Star power?

Gal Gadot, Simu Liu, Chris Hemsworth and Zachary Levi didn’t have it when they were cast as Wonder Woman, Shang-Chi, Thor and Shazam, respectively.

Why have the producers gone to great lengths to cast actors with MENA heritage to play the Kahndaqi supporting characters, but not the lead? Why do these Kahndaqi characters have Middle Eastern accents but Black Adam does not?



When a relatively unknown Chadwick Boseman was cast as Black Panther he fought to ensure he and his castmates playing Wakandans could speak with sub-Saharan African accents.

"They felt like it was maybe too much for an audience to take," the late actor said in an interview with The Hollywood Reporter. "They felt like, 'Would people be able to understand it through a whole movie?' and 'If we do it now, we're stuck with it.' I felt the exact opposite – like, if I speak with a British accent, what's gonna happen when I go home?"

Given that Boseman shared a similar African heritage to the Marvel hero, hearing him speak was certainly not jarring. Was Johnson concerned that it would be awkward for him to use a Middle Eastern accent because he is not? I wish I had the answers but so far in this press tour, I’ve not read one interview where a journalist has posed these valid questions to the actor.

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The American accent isn’t just jarring because of the casting. The thematic throughline of director Jaume Collet-Serra’s film about neo-imperialist oppression in the Middle East and the overreach of Western superpowers is inconsistent and certainly doesn’t hit as hard when the super-saviour sounds like the so-called foreign invaders he’s fighting against. This, however, is the tip of the iceberg for the ineffectiveness of a film that once promised to change the game for superhero stories.

So, let’s get into it.

In typical origin story fashion, we begin in 2600 BCE and are told the story of how Teth-Adam gets his powers (It’s changed to “Black” later). The tyrannical king of Kahndaq has enslaved the people and forced them to mine for a special mineral called Eternium. He needs it to fashion a demonic crown that would allow him to wield dark powers and rain hell on Earth.

When a slave boy rebels and faces execution, the wizard Shazam (who also gave the DC hero Shazam his powers) picks him as Earth’s magical champion and the fight begins.


"The thematic throughline of director Jaume Collet-Serra’s film about neo-imperialist oppression in the Middle East and the overreach of Western superpowers is inconsistent and certainly doesn’t hit as hard when the super-saviour sounds like the so-called foreign invaders he’s fighting against"

This ancient world takes its cues from Zack Synder’s predilection for highly-stylised Orientalism but as we fast forward to present-day Kahndaq, it is drenched in the yellow filter Hollywood loves to other Middle Eastern places with.

The streets are dusty, buildings are dirty and God forbid there’s a car on the street designed later than 1990.

Kahndaq is being occupied by a mercenary crime syndicate called Intergang and they are brutally oppressing the Kahndaqi people while robbing the land of its natural resources to fuel its arsenal. Resistance comes in the form of Professor Adrianna Tomaz (Sarah Shahi), her electrician brother Karim (Mohammed Amer) and her superhero-obsessed son Amon (Bodhi Sabongui). They bring heart to these side characters but they are mostly just there to humanise Teth-Adam.

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A sort of T2: Judgement Day relationship develops between Amon and Teth-Adam which has its funny moments as the kid teaches the ancient dude about modern life and catchphrases but Johnson is too robotic.

Honestly, this was surprising to see from the normally hilarious and magnetic actor. Here Johnson's line delivery is flat, his brooding lacks charisma and his comedic beats are hit-and-miss.



Comedian Mo Amer manages to earn a few chuckles with his quips and sight gags but the script penned by Adam Sztykiel, Rory Haines and Sohrab Noshirvani, is bland. It’s simultaneously too exposition-heavy and yet doesn’t tell us enough thanks to a glut of new DC characters it has to introduce.

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A central conflict occurs between Teth-Adam and the seemingly-long established Justice Society, not to be confused with the Justice League – where have they been all this time?

Led by a no-nonsense Hawkman (Aldis Hodge) it features heroes Cyclone (Quintessa Swindell) and Atom Smasher (Noah Centino), who are cute but feel inessential to the plot apart from a couple of action scenes.

Interestingly, the writers chose to go with a younger version of Atom Smasher but not the younger version of Fate, Khalid Nassour, an Egyptian-American medical student who inherits the title from Kent Nelson, here played by the always charming Pierce Brosnan.

Between this casting choice, and the complete lack of backstory for either this magical hero or Hawkman, the MENA elements are stripped away in favour of an over-Americanised narrative.



It both wants to admonish these patronising heroes whilst also relying on them to save the day yet never having them do any significant self-interrogation.

The Justice Society preach “no killing,” but they are under the jurisdiction of Task Force X’s Amanda Waller (Viola Davis) who famously pushes the kill-to-win strategy. Adrianna defends Teth-Adam by saying he’s willing to do the dark things white knights like the Justice Society can’t do but two Suicide Squad movies and a Peacemaker series have already played this song. Did we also forget that Wonder Woman killed terrorists in Justice League? That Superman killed Zod in Man of Steel? Make it make sense.

Then we have Marwan Kenzari’s Ishmael whose tightly-coiled mullet, 80s look lets us know that he’s bad news. I once tweeted Johnson that I’d be unimpressed if they made Kenzari a villain. He said I would be and I can confirm that I am. He’s barely in it, only to pop up in the latter half with a rushed generic plot twist to lead us into the big final battle. Once again I am asking Hollywood to give this dreamboat a leading role worthy of his talent.

"I once tweeted Johnson that I’d be unimpressed if they made Kenzari a villain. He said I would be and I can confirm that I am"

The action sequences might be the film’s strongest element but there’s a decreasing return on investment as the film tumbles along.

For a superteam that cares about human life, there’s a surprising lack of regard for the buildings, ancient architecture and busy markets they help destroy in some rather repetitive slow-motion fight scenes against this vengeful champion.

If anything this movie has made me have more respect for filmmakers like Ryan Coogler, Destin Daniel Cretton and Mohammed Diab who enriched their superhero stories with cultural specificity. Here we have Karim listening to old American hits, Amon's room covered in Batman and Superman posters and a KFC (Kahndaqi Fried Chicken) gag – would it have killed them to use a needle drop from a Middle Eastern artist? Moon Knight is full of them.

Ultimately Black Adam is culturally deficient, narratively inconsistent and a frustratingly superficial instalment in DC’s cinematic universe. The hierarchy of power remains intact.

Hanna Flint is a film and TV critic, writer and author of Strong Female Character with bylines at Empire, Time Out, Elle, Town & Country, the Guardian, BBC Culture and IGN.

Follow her here: @HannaFlint
Why Iran is threatening a ground operation into Iraqi Kurdistan

Analysis:
 Iran has sought to blame external Kurdish groups for the wave of anti-government protests sweeping the country following the death of Jina Mahsa Amini.

Paul Iddon
18 October, 2022

Iran has threatened to launch a cross-border ground offensive into Iraqi Kurdistan against Iranian Kurdish opposition groups. The threats follow intensive artillery, drone, and missile strikes against these groups across the autonomous region.

On 8 October, Iran's Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) declared that the "armored and special forces units of the Islamic Republic of Iran's armed forces are ready to be deployed to free this region (Iraqi Kurdistan) of these evils forever".

Earlier in October, a senior Iraqi Kurdish official told Voice of America that "Iran has gathered forces near Kurdistan Region and through a delegation of Iraqi military officials, sent a message to the Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG) that it may conduct a ground operation if forces of East Kurdistan (Iranian Kurdish fighters) do not evacuate the area".

"The Iranian regime has a vested interest to 'ethnicise' and 'securitise' the current events by portraying the unrest as having a secessionist character and driving a wedge between the Kurdish minority and broader Iranian society"

These threats are significant since they come in the wake of large-scale Iranian bombardments, the most serious being the 28 September attack that simultaneously struck targets belonging to the Kurdistan Democratic Party of Iran (KDPI), Kurdistan Freedom Party (PAK), and Komala in various parts of Iraqi Kurdistan.

The attacks killed 18 and injured at least 62, many of them civilians. They were the most significant Iranian attacks against Iraqi Kurdistan in years.

The deadly strikes coincided with the enormous demonstrations across Iran, ignited by the 16 September death of 22-year-old Iranian Kurdish woman Mahsa Amini, known as Jina Amini in Kurdish, in the custody of the country's so-called morality police. Tehran has sought to blame external Kurdish groups for this internal upheaval.

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"The IRGC and the Iranian regime at large have been adamant that Kurdish dissident groups based in Iraqi Kurdistan should be proclaimed as primary perpetrators in leading the country into chaos ever since the popular uprising began in Iran," Ceng Sagnic, Chief of Analysis of TAM-C Solutions, a multinational geopolitical intelligence and consultancy firm, told The New Arab.

"One could argue that the regime hopes to recondition public opinion on the protest movement by pointing the finger at Kurdish dissidents, disapproval of which is a common denominator for Iranians," he said.

"Airstrikes on KDPI positions last month did carry a similar message to Iranians while simultaneously delivering a threatening message to Kurdish groups," Sagnic added.

"Therefore, in my opinion, Iran's threats of cross-border operations against Kurdish groups serve the purpose and are serious threats."

The current protests in Iran mark the largest civil disobedience that the country has encountered since the early 1980s. [Getty]

Gunes Murat Tezcur, a professor at the University of Central Florida, where he holds the Jalal Talabani Endowed Chair, pointed out that even though most Iranian Kurds "feel double marginalised given the deprivation in their homelands as well as ethno-sectarian discrimination they experience," there is "no robust Kurdish insurgency confronting the Iranian regime".

Tezcur added that "the extant Kurdish parties are fragmented and lack strong military capacities".

One “partial exception” is the Kurdistan Free Life Party (PJAK), which is essentially the Iranian wing of the Kurdistan Workers' Party (PKK). PJAK also maintains a presence in Iraqi Kurdistan but doesn't seem to have been targeted by Iran's recent strikes.

The PKK is unlikely "to activate their forces given the complicated web of interests they share with Iran in northern Syria (Rojava)," Tezcur said.

"The [Iranian] regime hopes to recondition public opinion on the protest movement by pointing the finger at Kurdish dissidents"

"Given this situation, the Iranian regime has a vested interest to 'ethnicise' and 'securitise' the current events by portraying the unrest as having a secessionist character and driving a wedge between the Kurdish minority and broader Iranian society," he added.

"That explains its aggressive posture vis-a-vis Kurdish dissent groups based in Iraqi Kurdistan," Tezcur pointed out. He added that it is unlikely that the Iranian regime would undertake a major ground offensive, but that “the US backing of the KRG will be a balancing factor in this regard".

While Iran could pose a serious military threat to these groups in Iraqi Kurdistan, a ground offensive also risks backfiring and destabilising Iran's western Kurdish frontier region.

"Iran has the capability to launch a major, ground-based military operation into Iraqi Kurdistan, supported by helicopters, drones, and short and intermediate-range missiles," Nicholas Heras, Director of Strategy and Innovation at the New Lines Institute, told The New Arab.

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"What the Iranians cannot afford, and what is playing into Iran's calculations, is that military activities inside Iraqi Kurdistan could metastasise into an armed insurgency among the Kurds in Iran," he said.

"The Iranians are already on the edge of a potential armed uprising in the Kurdish areas inside their country, and there runs the risk of inspiring a multi-front conflict with an invasion of Iraqi Kurdistan," Heras added.

The Iranian leadership is feeling "totally besieged right now" and are "sort of pre-emptively lashing out in all directions, with the KRI (Kurdistan Region of Iraq) taking a particularly heavy beating," Alex Almeida, an Iraq security analyst at the energy consultancy Horizon Client Access, pointed out.

"A limited cross-border incursion penetrating into the KRI is certainly possible," Almeida told The New Arab. "I wouldn't expect heavy armoured forces to be involved - that would be too big of an escalation and the terrain in the area is totally unsuitable."


Smoke billows following an Iranian cross-border attack in the area of Zargwez, where several exiled left-wing Iranian Kurdish parties maintain offices, around 15 kilometres from the Iraqi city of Sulaimaniyah on 28 September 2022. [Getty]

Almeida does, however, believe Iran might use "heliborne special forces along with drone and helicopter strikes" against these groups.

"The Iranians could pattern their cross-border ground strike on the grounds ops Turkey has been running along their border with Kurdistan since 2015, which have been pushing deeper and deeper into the KRI," he said.

"It also wouldn't surprise me if the Iranians conduct additional deep strikes inside Kurdistan during the coming weeks - the recent set of strikes already hit three separate target complexes, including Koya with over seventy tactical ballistic missiles and long-range drones, already making this Iran's biggest cross-border strike since the 1990s," he added.

Iranian cross-border operations into Iraqi Kurdistan have remained relatively "limited in their geographical scope since the late 1990s" because "Tehran wisely decided to avoid potential unwanted encounters with the US or other Western forces," Sagnic pointed out.

"Turkey's ongoing border violations and the US' inaction in the face of attacks orchestrated by Iran deep in KRG territories are factors that could encourage Tehran to take such unprecedented and drastic action"

"That being said, playing a sensitive game of maintaining political influence in Iraq while conducting cross-border operations, Iran often refrained from severing relations with the KRG and Baghdad by keeping the scope of its operations limited," he said.

However, that could all change since the current protests mark the largest civil disobedience that Iran has encountered since the early 1980s.

"As drastic moments require drastic actions, Iran's possible cross-border incursions may manifest as unprecedented as the current uprising was," Sagnic said. "One should also note that Turkey's ongoing border violations and the US' inaction in the face of attacks orchestrated by Iran deep in KRG territories are factors that could encourage Tehran to take such unprecedented and drastic actions as it seeks a way out of this crisis."

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Without US intervention, there is little any Iraqi party or armed force, including the KRG, could do so long as Iran still has the upper hand in Iraqi politics and security.

"Iran's possible cross-border incursions are likely to remain limited to the countryside and away from major cities in a similar fashion to Turkey's," Sagnic said. "The Iraqi Kurdish government and its components would avoid conflict with Iran as long as no direct threats are posed to Erbil, Sulaymaniyah or Dohuk," he added.

"In a doomsday scenario, Kurdish forces in Iraq should be expected to outsource encountering Iran to the US and Baghdad as it will be far beyond their military and diplomatic capabilities."

Paul Iddon is a freelance journalist based in Erbil, Iraqi Kurdistan, who writes about Middle East affairs.

Follow him on Twitter: @pauliddon

Forced ethnic displacement in Afghanistan: Talibanisation or a continuation of social engineering?

Natiq Malikzada
18 October, 2022

The Taliban's return to power has intensified efforts to make the country more ethnically homogenous. But this trend is not new and is reflective of the Pashtun's continued demographic and political dominance in the embattled state.

On 15 August 2021, the Taliban usurped power in Afghanistan.

This violent seizure of power was followed by the creation of a non-inclusive – both ethnically and gender-wise – government.

Now, it has been over a year since the establishment of the Taliban’s ‘Islamic Emirate’ but, to date, no country has recognised it as the legitimate government of the country.

But for the people of Afghanistan, the legitimacy, and exclusivity of the Taliban's government is not the primary concern. Rather, there are dozens of illegal matters that the Taliban exercise daily to suppress non-Pashtun ethnic groups.

"The Taliban are not only facilitating settlements of Pashtuns and their supporters from within Afghanistan but they are also helping Pashtuns from the other side of the Durand line – from Pakistan – to usurp lands of other ethnic groups in the country"

One of the major concerns is the intensification of land grabbing and forced displacement of non-Pashtun ethnic groups from their ancestral lands, replaced by the Pashtun tribes sympathetic to the Taliban.

Forceful land grabbing and forced displacement is not a novel phenomenon in Afghanistan. This brutal strategy dates back to Afghanistan’s Pashtun monarchy as part of their nation-building effort.

For centuries, the Pashtun Kings grabbed lands of non-Pashtun ethnic groups forcefully and redistributed them among their loyalists – mainly Pashtuns.

A Pashtun bride wearing a traditional costume for her marriage is pictured inside a beauty parlour in Kabul [Getty Images]

Until 1885, the Pashtun tribes from eastern and southern parts of Afghanistan were relocated to northern and central parts of the country as punishment, but King Amir Abd Ur Rahman started relocating Pashtun tribes from the south and southeast parts of Afghanistan to the north, northeast, west, and central parts of the country for political and economic purposes.

The political objectives behind these forced displacement policies were to dilute the populations of Tajiks, Uzbeks, and Hazaras through the 'Pashtunization' of the north, west and centre of Afghanistan. Pashtun rulers wanted to effectively control those parts of the country through their loyalists which, due to its many marginalized non-Pashtun populations, were at odds with the central government. And the economic motive was to benefit the Pashtun settlers through the provision of fertile lands in the north and central parts of the country.



In 1922, King Amanullah Khan institutionalized the policy by issuing ‘The Settlers to Qataghan Act’. The policy of forced displacement remains intact from 1885 until the end of the monarchy in 1973.

As a consequence of this biased policy, the Pashtun population rose significantly into the lands of Tajiks, Uzbeks and Hazaras in northern, western, and central parts of the country, where many of the residents of latter ethnicities were forced to leave their lands and migrate into the neighbouring countries.

It can be argued the same policies continued during Hamid Karzai and Ashraf Ghani's rule under the guise of repatriation and returnee policies funded by the international community.

Afghanistan Land Authority (ARAZI) was identifying land to be distributed to ‘returnees’ mostly from Pakistan. But this was not as intense as it was before.


"By June 2022, the United Nations estimated that the number of internally displaced [in Afghanistan] had grown to more than 820,000"

The Taliban – a Pashtun militant group – has once again intensified settling the Pashtun population in non-Pashtun lands of the country.

Amnesty International in one of its reports revealed that “within weeks of the Taliban taking power, non-Pashtun began being forcibly evicted from their homes and farms so that the Taliban could reward their followers with land taken from other groups, particularly Hazaras, Turkmen, and Uzbeks. These forced evictions were reported across the country, including in Balkh, Helmand, Daikundi, Kandahar, and Uruzgan provinces, contributing to already huge numbers of internally displaced people.”

Halim Hussaini – a Hazara resident of the Gizab district of Uruzgan – is one of the victims of forced evictions. He narrated the distressful event in an exclusive interview with The New Arab.

“After the Taliban rose to power, we were informed by the local government that we had to surrender all our lands and properties to the Taliban within a week as they now belong to the Islamic Emirate," he revealed. "A week later, the Taliban forces came to our district, attacked people's homes, and beat every man, woman, and child. We tried to stop them but to no avail. Finally, we all were kicked out of our homes.”



Halim’s family are not the only one to leave their home. Hundreds of Tajik, Uzbek, and Hazara families met the same fate. These unfortunate displaced families lived terrible life for they were left with no shelter to spend during the approaching harsh winter.

“Along with thirty to forty other displaced families, we took refuge in a mountain with dozens of children, women, and elderly people accompanying us. We stayed in the mountains for more than three months, without food or water. For several nights, our children slept hungrily. After three months, some of our relatives called us and offered our family a place to live in Kabul,” Halim added.

Though Halim's family was rescued by their relatives those without any external help continue to suffer.

Afghani boys from the Pashtun tribe react to a Western photographer 
[Getty Images]

The Taliban are not only facilitating settlements of Pashtuns and their supporters from within Afghanistan but they are also helping Pashtuns from the other side of the Durand line – from Pakistan – to usurp lands of other ethnic groups in the country.

For instance, Taliban authorities are helping Pashtun nomads from North Waziristan of Pakistan to grab the lands of sedentary people in the Takhar province.

Besides facilitating Pakistani nomads, the Taliban has also helped nomads from south and eastern Afghanistan to settle in Takhar, a northern province.

Shogufa, a Tajik, is one of the victims of nomads’ land usurpation. She is a widow with three daughters and a toddler son. This unfortunate family of five had a house in Lala Zar Village of district Khwaja Bahauddin, Takhar, which was snatched by the Pashtun nomads with help of the Taliban.

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“Three months ago, Kuchis (nomads) with the Taliban came and directed the villagers to leave the village within a week," she tells The New Arab. "After a week, the Kuchis came back with a letter from the Taliban authorities. In the letter, the Taliban once again directed the villagers to evacuate the entire village. And after another week, the Kuchis along with the Taliban came and tortured the villagers. After witnessing the torture, I left my house as I was not having any male guardian to protect my children.”

Shogufa left her home and shifted to Rustaq – Takhar's Capital – to her relatives' house. But many villagers and other residents of Takhar province are still struggling against this illegal settlement of nomads in their native lands.

By June 2022, the United Nations estimated that the number of internally displaced had grown to more than 820,000.

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The apparent purpose of these forced evictions may be to dilute armed resistance against the Taliban and have an absolute Pashtun government in the northern regions and other non-Pashtun areas.

Moreover, this forced displacement will also help the Taliban to pursue the Pashtunization policy of the state with little or no resistance in the future.

Afghanistan is a country of minorities. Though not all Pashtuns agree with the Taliban policies, the Taliban are an absolutist Pashtun group, and they have taken a dangerous step by resuming the forced eviction of non-Pashtun and uprooting their communities.

Other ethnicities that make up more than 60% of the country's population have a bitter memory of forced displacements.

The fresh wave of forced evictions by the Taliban for side-lining 60% of Afghanistan's population will surely draw an intense reaction from non-Pashtun groups. And any such reaction will prove detrimental to Afghanistan's territorial integrity and indeed to peaceful coexistence between the diverse communities.

Natiq Malikzada is a freelance journalist and holds a master’s degree in International Relations and Middle Eastern Affairs.

Follow him on Twitter: @natiqmalikzada



When the pen is mightier than the sword: Supporting Iran's feminist uprising through art

Alessandra Bajec
18 October, 2022

On an unprecedented scale, the feminist-led Iranian uprisings have galvanised Iranian public opinion like never before. To ensure that the protests continue in momentum, artists in Iran and in the diaspora are using their pens to take down the sword.

As protests sweep across Iran for more than four weeks, Iranian artists are finding inspiration to create work in support of the women-led movement.

When Iranian women started to rise up following the shocking death of 22-year-old Jina (Mahsa) Amini in custody, Forouzan Safari, a Los Angeles-based animator and illustrator, rejoiced in seeing her countryfolk protest against her country's strict hijab rules.

“We’ve been waiting for this for a long time,” the digital artist told The New Arab. “A couple of years ago, I was drawing images of Iran imagining a free, democratic nation where women were free to wear (or not) the headscarf,” hinting that both Iranian men and women had rebelled against their clerical leaders many times in the past but had been crushed each time.

"Using art to bring attention to the Iranian people’s struggle for freedom is fundamental as it keeps the conversation going and allows ideas to be exchanged"

When Forouzan draws about Iranian society, she wishes to counter widespread perceptions that the Iranian people and the clerical establishment are on the same page.

After moving to the US nine years ago after a long ordeal to leave Iran, Forouzan has since established herself as a prominent digital creator, with her main inspirations sourced from Iranian social media.

One of her creations is dedicated to Minoo Majidi, who was shot by security forces during a protest on 20 September in the Kurdish city of Kermanshah in north-western Iran.

Readapting a striking image that has gone viral on Iranian social media channels, it shows one of Majidi's daughters standing on Azadi (Freedom) Square, in Tehran, unveiled and holding in both hands the long locks of hair she cut from her head, dressed in black with a white scarf around her neck.

Forouzan Safari's artistic tribute to Mahsa Amini 
[photo credit: Forouzan Safari]

Two days after Amini’s death, Forouzan paid tribute to the young Kurdish woman in a picture which was altered so to show the girl holding a bottle of water with her eyes closed and her body burning to represent the last moments of her life.

Well before protests hit Iran last month, Safari was picturing her fellow citizens, especially females, revolting against the Islamic Republic regime.

In one piece Forouzan drew women bareheaded, in black bodysuits, standing in front of Tehran’s iconic Azadi Tower – associated with freedom from the regime after the 1979 revolution. Her wish was to see someday Iranian women out in public raising their voices.

“This is happening today," the artist said. “It’s so heart-warming to see my dreams being materialised."

For Forouzan, using art to bring attention to the Iranian people’s struggle for freedom is fundamental as it keeps the conversation going and allows ideas to be exchanged. “This revolution is really powerful. We artists naturally got inspired and keep creating,” the animator added. “We can produce so much more now thanks to the digital age we live in.”

Demonstrations across Iran have raged for a month since Mahsa died after being detained by Iran’s “morality police” for not wearing the mandatory headscarf properly. The ongoing wave of anger has seen women at the forefront taking off and burning their hijabs, cutting their hair, and shouting slogans against the regime in an act of unprecedented defiance.

These weeks of unrest have seen a flow of protest art coming out of Iran and by Iranian artists in the diaspora.

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Touraj Saberivand, a design strategist who runs his own company in Tehran, was prompted by the tragic incident to put his skills to work. He has made use of images from Persian book paintings to blend traditional images with contemporary visuals, inviting viewers to reflect on Iran’s history.

Pointing to his work, Touraj explained that one sketch, made in the first week of protests, uses a viral news image of a masked woman protester on top of a car during one rally in Tehran, with her hair uncovered, raising one hand in the peace sign and the other displaying a stick that holds her headscarf set on fire, surrounded by images of demons from old texts.

In another sketch, a small broken mirror appears in the middle reflecting ancient images of Persian warriors holding spears who are positioned all around.

Using ancient Persian portraits, Touraj Saberivand's artwork holds the current Iranian establishment accountable for its brutality 
[photo credit: Touraj Saberivand]

Depicting women and men in his artworks, he noted that the main message to take away is that “the movement” matters. “This is an important moment in the history of feminism with men and women fighting together for women's liberation,” the graphic designer told The New Arab.

Earlier in July, he posted online a portrayal representing Vida Movahed, known as “The Girl of Enghelab Street”, who, in December 2017, stood on an electricity box in the centre of Tehran without a veil.

Photos of the young woman ​holding out her white scarf to a stick in protest of Iran’s compulsory hijab law went around the world then. The piece illustrates Movahed in her well-known pose, surrounded by Persian horsemen knights carrying swords, bows and arrows.

"Art should trigger people’s minds and raise questions,” Saberivand argued. His sketch of Vida Movahed came out at a time of increasing pressure over hijab compliance from Iranian authorities and much discussion generated by women’s rights campaigners and social-network activists.

“Artists are playing a vital role in the current uprisings," he said.

'Zan, Zindagi, Azadi' by Rashid Rahnama 
[photo credit: Rashid Rahnama]

Despite the Iranian government’s widespread Internet blackouts and frequent blocking of social media platforms like Facebook, Instagram and Twitter, a number of artists inside the country have been able to stay digitally active by using VPN connections and continue to support the protest movement by sharing their pieces, even anonymously.

Many of them have turned to existing symbols of protest and freedom to express their solidarity.

Iran-based graphic designer Rashid Rahnama created a digital piece inspired by the protest slogan in Persian “Zan, Zindagi, Azadi” (or “Woman, life, freedom”) with hair filing the letters and in the background to send the message that women have the right to choose to cover their hair or not.

He also produced a graphic with the statement “All women have the right to be free” before the uprising, which he posted on Instagram after the street rallies began.

“As artists, we are creating work in solidarity with our people to keep the movement alive,” the graphic designer told The New Arab.

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Following the police crackdown on protesting students at Sharif University two weeks ago, Iranian theatre director Bahrām Beyzāêi wrote a poem supporting the student rally.

Rahnama took one of the poem’s verses, translating to “Iran’s mother has risen. She asked to get her country back from the demons” and turned it into a typographic post which he then shared on his Instagram account. “I’m using my art as a tool to show the world what’s going on.”



The artist also recently posted a graphic made from a line from a song by popular Iranian singer Dariush which translates to: “We have not lived how we want so we are not afraid of dying anymore.”

The Iranians’ artistic production in the past month has witnessed an abundance of protest artworks.

Among them, an anonymous artist turned several public fountains across Tehran red, last week to reflect the Iranian regime’s crackdown on the demonstrators.

Bahadur Hadizadeh created an animation of Tehran’s Azadi Tower adorned by dark hair blowing in the wind, in solidarity with Iranian women.

Meanwhile, New York-based prominent artist Shirin Neshat unveiled a digital art piece in London’s Piccadilly Circus and Los Angeles’ West Hollywood, highlighting Iran's deteriorating human rights situation.

Alessandra Bajec is a freelance journalist currently based in Tunis.

Follow her on Twitter: @AlessandraBajec
Sudan protester shot dead as coup anniversary looms

An anti-government protester has been shot dead by security forces in Sudan, reportedly the first since August

The New Arab Staff & Agencies
23 October, 2022

118 demonstrators have been killed over the past year by security forces in Sudan 
[Getty/archive]

Security forces shot dead a protester in Sudan's capital on Sunday, medics said, two days ahead of the first anniversary of a military coup that derailed the country's transition to civilian rule.

The latest death - the first of a protester since August 31 - brings to 118 the number of demonstrators killed over the past year, according to the Central Committee of Sudan Doctors.

The demonstrator was killed "by a bullet fired by the security forces," the committee said.

Tuesday marks one year since the October 25 coup led by army chief Abdel Fattah al-Burhan, a year marked by near-weekly anti-coup rallies and a crackdown on protests by the authorities.

The coup upended a transition to civilian rule that was launched after the 2019 ouster of strongman Omar al-Bashir, who ruled the northeast African country for three decades.

In July, Burhan pledged in a televised address to step aside and make way for Sudanese factions to agree on a civilian government.

However, civilian leaders dismissed his move as a "ruse".

Pro-democracy protesters have since held fast to their rallying cry of "no negotiation, no partnership" with the military, and have pledged a show of force for Tuesday's anniversary.

On Friday, thousands of people took to city streets across Sudan to demand a return to civilian rule in one of the world's poorest countries as it sinks even further into political and economic crisis.

Despite international mediators trying to get the army and civilian factions to negotiate, no end seems in sight to the impasse.

The economic situation is only getting worse, with three-digit inflation and a third of the country's 45 million people suffering from food shortages.
Moroccans protest against cost of living crisis

The New Arab Staff & Agencies
23 October, 2022

Protesters in Morocco rallied outside parliament over the country's worsening cost of living crisis


The rally outside parliament came after several protests already this week across Morocco [Getty]

A trade union close to the main Moroccan Islamist party on Sunday mobilised several hundred supporters in the capital to protest against the high cost of living.

The rally, outside parliament and witnessed by AFP journalists, came after several protests already this week in Rabat and other Moroccan cities.

It was organised by the country's main trade union, the UNTM, which is close to the Justice and Development Party (PJD).

The PJD was routed in legislative elections in September 2021, when the liberal RNI party - led by Prime Minister Aziz Akhannouch - performed well.

"Prices are rising and the government is asleep!" protesters chanted, before dispersing peacefully after about 90 minutes.

Consumer price inflation was 8.3 percent year-on-year in September, due in large part to surging food prices, which were up 14.7 percent.

Fuel prices have also risen sharply, making Akhannouch a particular target of ire, given that he is a billionaire local oil distribution baron.