Sunday, June 05, 2022

Fate of Métis scrip lawsuit in doubt after 17 Alberta plaintiffs ask to withdraw


The future of a lawsuit seeking to hold Canada accountable for the loss of Métis lands is in doubt after about a third of the plaintiffs asked to withdraw from the action when their legitimacy was questioned.



© Provided by The Canadian Press
METIS FLAG, LOUIS RIEL (L) GABRIEL DUMONT(RIGHT) 

The Métis Nation of Alberta says the move proves that it speaks for Alberta's Métis and that the provincial government's dealings with breakaway groups should stop.

"These are the same groups that the current provincial government props up and consults with to the exclusion of the vast majority of Métis in Alberta," vice-president Dan Cardinal said in a release.

The so-called Durocher case, filed in 2019, was brought by 17 Métis groups and individuals in Alberta and another 39 similar plaintiffs from Saskatchewan on behalf of all Métis in the area. It sought compensation for the loss of a vast amount of land in the northern reaches of the two provinces through the issuance of scrip certificates to Métis around the turn of the last century.

The scrip was supposed to be redeemable for land.

The available land, however, was far from the Métis homelands. Much scrip was bought by speculators for pennies on the dollar from people who didn't understand the deal they were making.

The lawsuit sought damages, a declaration that Métis still hold title to the land and negotiations toward a land claim.

But that lawsuit is now on hold. The Alberta plaintiffs have asked to be removed from it after the Métis Nation of Alberta and the federal government challenged the legitimacy of their claim to represent all Métis.

In addition to 10 individuals, the groups withdrawing from the legal action are the Métis associations in Athabasca Landing, Fort McKay, Lakeland, Willow Lake, Owl River and Conklin. The 17th plaintiff, Chard Métis Dene Inc., has been dissolved.

"When the light of scrutiny is on them, it's telling that they say we'll just withdraw," said Jason Madden, lawyer for the Métis Nation.


Métis Nation president Audrey Poitras said in a news release that any scrip settlement must be negotiated with representatives of all Métis.

"Justice requires that any benefits that come from litigation or a negotiated settlement will be for the benefit of all of the descendants of Métis scrip, not just a few self-appointed individuals and private corporations they control."

The groups that brought the claim are only a few years old, said Madden. The Métis Nation of Alberta was founded in 1928.

The fate of the case is now uncertain, Madden said.

"All the parties have agreed to a three-month adjournment to give the Saskatchewan parties a chance to decide what they're going to do next."

Madden said the withdrawal of the 17 plaintiffs now makes it clear that the Métis Nation of Alberta has the right to speak for Métis in the province. He pointed out the United Conservative Party government has been eager to consult and work with the breakaway groups who have now backed off from Durocher.

That relationship should end, said Cardinal.

"We hope that the same judicial scrutiny will be applied to the backroom deals between the Kenney government and these self-appointed individuals and groups to ensure that all negotiations represent the interests of all Métis citizens."

Neither the lawyer for the breakaway groups nor their representatives could be immediately reached for comment.

In the release, Poitras acknowledges the issue of compensation for loss of land through the scrip program needs more urgency. She said her group signed a deal with Ottawa in 2019 that included negotiations over scrip, but little has happened since then.

"Little progress has been made with Canada," she said. "We will be consulting with our citizens as well as our democratic governance structures at the local and regional levels on what we should do next.”

This report by The Canadian Press was first published June 4, 2022.

-- Follow Bob Weber on Twitter at @row1960

Bob Weber, The Canadian Press
Adam Zivo: Ukraine’s defeat would be a huge blow to LGBTQ rights

Adam Zivo - NATIONAL POST


Unbeknownst to most of the world, Ukraine has made significant progress on LGBTQ rights over the past decade. The progress in Ukraine contrasts starkly with the harsh curtailments of LGBTQ rights in neighbouring countries, such as Russia , Belarus and Hungary . If Russia were to conquer Ukraine, it would be a terrible blow to LGBTQ Ukrainians and to gay activists throughout the region.


© Provided by National PostLenny Emson, executive director of KyivPride.

LGBTQ activism has existed in Ukraine since the early 1990s, when homosexuality was decriminalized, but activists only started making themselves more visible in the early 2010s. At that time, Ukraine was ruled by Viktor Yanukovych, a pro-Russia sycophant, who, in 2012, proposed legislation banning LGBTQ rights advocacy under the pretext of stopping “gay propaganda.” The ban copied a similar anti-gay law that Russia had proposed and would later pass in 2013.


In response, a handful of veteran activists founded KyivPride . In 2012, they tried to hold a Pride parade but were met with threats of severe violence. Approximately 100 marchers faced off against thousands of counter-protesters, according to Lenny Emson, the executive director of KyivPride. When the police refused to intervene, the event was cancelled.

In 2014, the Euromaidan revolution ousted Yanukovych and decisively shifted Ukraine away from Russia and towards Europe. Yanukovych’s anti-gay bill was aborted and never revived. Ukraine’s post-revolution governments have since consistently passed pro-LGBTQ laws — such as an anti-discrimination employment law in 2015, liberalization of legal gender changes for trans Ukrainians in 2016 and ending a ban on blood donations from gay and bisexual men in 2021.


This succession of pro-LGBTQ legislation partially reflects shifting attitudes among the Ukrainian public, but there is also a realpolitik angle: Ukraine wants to be admitted into the European Union and, for that to happen, it needs to meet certain conditions, which include robust human rights protections.

This year, Ukraine was on track to pass a comprehensive anti-hate crime law that would have protected gender and sexual minorities, but, according to Ukrainian LGBTQ activists, its passage through parliament was interrupted by the Russian invasion.

Prior to the war, the main challenge facing LGBTQ Ukrainians was a rise in hate crimes by some far-right groups. When I interviewed several of Ukraine’s leading LGBTQ activists, representing four different organizations, in KyivPride’s office last month, they shared their suspicion that these groups, which seemed well-funded, were being supported by Russia.

However, despite this rise in hate crimes, Ukraine’s LGBTQ activists were optimistic about the future. KyivPride has consistently grown and, last year, 7,000 people marched in support of LGBTQ rights and faced only a few hundred counter-protesters. Today, Kyiv’s LGBTQ community is thriving, despite some violent attacks .

Ten years ago, it was near-impossible to live as an openly LGBTQ person in Ukraine. Today, being LGBTQ is relatively accepted among youth and in major urban centres, though obviously there is still huge room for improvement. This is, at least, the opinion of the dozens of LGBTQ Ukrainians (both activists and everyday community members) I’ve engaged with over the past nine weeks.

But all of this progress will be erased if Russia conquers the country or turns it into a puppet state. Ukraine’s LGBTQ activists have already heard reports that gay Ukrainians in Russian-controlled areas — such as Crimea, Donbas and Kherson — are experiencing persecution similar to Russia’s 2017 anti-gay purge in Chechnya.


These activists also believe that if Russia occupies their homeland, they will be hunted and killed. They spoke about “ kill lists ” of human rights activists that have been floating around online and are allegedly in the hands of Russian security forces. Some of these activists have spotted themselves and their colleagues on these lists, their names accompanied by addresses and photos.

“We know that they will come for us and they will do everything to make us non-existent. Literally, they will kill us,” said Emson.

None of this is surprising. Russian state media has adopted genocidal language towards Ukraine, with an infamous Russian state media op-ed arguing in April that Ukrainian elites “must be liquidated as they cannot be reeducated and the social swamp that backed them must be subject to the terror of war and made to pay for their crimes.”

If Russian President Vladimir Putin wants to liquidate Ukraine’s intelligentsia, would it really be so surprising if he wanted to liquidate LGBTQ Ukrainians, as well?

The LGBTQ activists I spoke to pleaded for the international community’s help, as they believe their lives depend on it, as does their hope for a future in which LGBTQ eastern Europeans can live free from violence and harassment.















Putin has made upholding “ traditional values ” a central plank of his government’s agenda, and has exported anti-LGBTQ legislation elsewhere within his sphere of influence. Ukraine’s existence as a democratic, increasingly pro-LGBTQ country on Russia’s doorstep is a thorn in Russia’s side — a challenge to its vision of dominating eastern Europe, both politically and culturally.

Unfortunately, according to Ukrainian LGBTQ activists, attempts to call attention to the plight of Ukraine’s LGBTQ community have been undermined by Russian propaganda claiming that Ukraine is governed by fascists and Nazis — a narrative that Putin used to justify his recent invasion.

The narrative has legs because, yes, some far-right elements exist in Ukraine, but these LGBTQ activists argue that the far right is no more powerful in Ukraine than it is in other European countries — and in many cases, it is less influential.

Since the 2014 revolution (when Putin alleges that Nazis took over Ukraine), Ukraine’s far-right parties have consistently failed to secure more than five per cent of the vote in national elections. They hold no parliamentary seats. In contrast, Germany’s main far-right party controls 11 per cent of parliament; while, in France, far-right nationalist Marine Le Pen secured 41.5 per cent of the 2022 presidential vote.

Ukrainians have generally been frustrated by the fact that Russia, abetted by some more gullible members of the international press, has exaggerated the influence of Ukraine’s far right to undermine international support for its resistance against Russian conquest.

In a cruel twist, some people have even invoked the well-being of LGBTQ Ukrainians when arguing against international aid for Ukraine. From their perspective, if far right elements within Ukraine attack LGBTQ people, then Ukraine does not deserve aid.

This misguided belief not only puts LGBTQ Ukrainians at risk if the country comes under Russian control, it also directly contradicts the direct military support that Ukrainian LGBTQ activists have consistently asked for. But Putin’s enablers will gladly speak over Ukrainian LGBTQ activists, and assiduously avoid actually speaking with them, while pretending to care about their interests.

“Listen to us. Ask us. Talk to us. Follow our social media. Look at what we are posting and you can talk to us anytime. You can address us. You can ask all questions. Do not just follow Russian propaganda. Do not just believe. Ask us, because we exist here,” said Emson.

National Post
CRIMINAL CAPITALI$M; GAMING
Retro game collecter suspected of selling more than $100,000 worth of forged copies of games

MobileSyrup - Thursday

The retro gaming community is accusing a fairly active member of selling fake copies of classic games. Evidence has come forward to show many of the floppy disks, boxes and even art may be forgeries.


© Provided by MobileSyrup

Enrico Ricciardi has been an active member of the Big Box PC Game Collectors retro game Facebook community. Ricciardi is a moderator and is a known seller of classic games. However, the community has come forward after one member received a game from Ricciardi that had more than a few discrepancies.

One member of the retro game community named Kevin purchased a copy of 1979’s Akalabeth: World of Doom from Ricciardi. This game comes from the mind of Richard Garriott. It is a rare title as it is one of the first RPGs. Upon receiving the game, Kevin began discussing his concerns with his copy with other members of the community. Together, they put together an investigation into Riccardi and found a number of games sold were fakes.

This used to be the center pieces of my collection. Rare and expensive old games.

Now it turns out I‘ve been scammed and sold forgeries by a well known figure in the Ultima and tetrogames community. Along with many others#ultima #akalabeth @RichardGarriott pic.twitter.com/wuiAQPSuG2

— Dominus of Exult (@Dominus_Exult) May 30, 2022

Labels for the games did not appear to be in line with the printing process from the time. At times the dirt and cosmetic markings on the labels looked as if they were printed on. Tests of some of the games conclude that no game data is on the disk. The group also accuses Ricciardi of handmaking disk labels. The retro game community believes “there is at least one black box Ultima 1 that we think may be fake that was graded by WATA.”

What’s most shocking is how long Ricciardi has been doing this and the amount of money he has earned. The group estimate that he’s been conducting “at least €100K in transactions of suspected counterfeit game items.” If correct, that equates to roughly $134,000 CAD.


Ricciardi is since banned from the retro game community. The group continues to build a case against him and urges anyone who has purchased a game to “check them very carefully.” The group also suspects that this case will result in police involvement and litigation against Ricciardi.

Image credit: GOG

Source: Kotaku
New art exhibition using bats as narrators to challenge perspective

Larissa Kurz - 
Leader Post


© Provided by Leader Post
Pieces from the new exhibition titled The Permanent Collection: What the Bat Knows, at the MacKenzie Art Gallery.

Stepping into the newest exhibition at the MacKenzie Art Gallery, the space is dark with each framed work lining the walls lit only by interspersed soft glowing light.

It’s reminiscent of the depths of a cave — perfectly fitting as the installation, titled What The Bat Knows, is conceptualized through the eyes of a bat as a narrator.

“This is not going to be the usual experience of art,” said Crystal Mowry, director of programs and curator of the exhibition. “It’s not the usual approach to storytelling we encounter in museums and galleries.”

The exhibition seeks to challenge the classic idea of perspectives inside a gallery, typically assigned to the visitor or curator, and always thought to be human. But Mowry is looking to completely reshape that relationship by introducing a non-human perspective into the experience.

Bats are a naturally curious species, said Mowry, one that has been around for millions of years and that piques human interest because of their almost undefinable physiology.

“We’ve attached all kinds of stories to them, and vilified them in many ways,” said Mowry. “Their history goes back so far (and) I just started to think, there’s probably a lot they know that we don’t.”

It made them a perfect narrator for the collection, as a species with a mysterious voice and a likeliness to find themselves having wandered into a building like an art gallery.


© KAYLE NEIS
The three bats represent the narrators of each phase of What The Bat Knows, the grounding piece of the exhibition that includes rotating pieces from 27 different artists housed in the gallery’s permanent collection.

Three ceramic bats sculpted by artist Shary Boyle are the centrepiece of the installation, representing the unusual narrator. They remain unmoved as works from the gallery’s permanent collection rotate around them.

Extended labels on each work are written from the fictionalized perspective of a bat, as if the animal were the one navigating the gallery and witnessing the art.

“You really get a sense that they maybe are not interested in the same detail that humans are,” said Mowry. “Maybe they actually have a chip on their shoulder about the ways that humans have tried to tell the story of the world.

“Maybe all the details aren’t quite right, or perhaps the aspects of those stories they care about are different from what humans would highlight.”


© KAYLE NEIS
Pieces from the new exhibition, each of which has an extended description written from the perspective of a bat.

What The Bat Knows is an experimental exhibition, conceptualized in three phases with three narrators, said Mowry.

The prior two installations viewed the collection first through the perspective of a bat that’s a social creature and part of an ecosystem, then from the perspective of a bat that is considering what it means to be an individual outside the community.

This new phase presents the bat as a dreamer, examining the idea of “elsewhere.” Whether that means the afterlife, a dream world or another dimension Mowry says is left to the viewer to decide.

“There’s so much we imagine, in the dark, underground, and spaces on the outer periphery (and) that’s part of the magic of creating a sense of elsewhere,” said Mowry.

The exhibition is meant to leave visitors thinking about the existence of new, unconsidered perspectives outside of their own, and the role narration plays in telling stories.

“I want them to doubt that it’s possible to know any one story thoroughly, and doubt that there is one story,” said Mowry. “And how the story is told can be just as important as the actual story being told.”

Mowry said the idea of pushing the expectational boundary of perspective was fuel behind the exhibition, it’s also part of a strategy to reintroduce people to familiar pieces in the permanent collection — ideally in a new light.

“These kinds of experimental approaches to curating erase the temporal boundaries of a work,” said Mowry. “The way that we approach our exhibitions is less about snapshots of a particular time in history and more about how objects that may be made in the past or in the present can resonate across time.”

What The Bat Knows opened to the public on Saturday and is set to remain on display until May of next year .
Decolonizing Indigenous designs and artwork

Last Thursday, Kanehsata’kehró:non got the opportunity to learn about Indigenous iconography and history during a presentation given by Jamie Jacobs, an expert on Haudenosaunee culture and history.

The virtual event was planned by Miranda Gabriel, the new Cultural Development officer at Tsi Ronterihwanónhnha ne Kanien’kéha Kanesatake Language and Culture Center.

“I first saw Jamie Jacobs at a teaching here in Kanesatake years ago. It was so interesting,” said Gabriel.

“I wanted to organize something so more people could listen to Jamie. I believe he is very knowledgeable, and it is important to learn as much as we can about our language and culture so we don’t lose any of it.”

Jacobs, who is from the Tonawanda Seneca Nation and has worked at the Rochester Museum & Science Center (RMSC) for the past 16 years, said that he was more than happy to share his knowledge on the origins of Haudenosaunee contemporary designs.

“I showed objects from the museum and how they evolved to what we know today,” said Jacobs. The cultural expert explained that the RMSC has a unique collection of archeological material dating back to 4000 BCE and was excavated from known Seneca sites called proto-Iroquoian sites.

“I interpret those objects for our own people, stuff that just doesn’t exist anymore. Symbols that are etched or carved into bones and shells. Things that we just haven’t seen since then,” he said.

The format of the presentation followed a timeline so that participants could visualize the evolution and adaptation of Haudenosaunee designs.

“I pointed out things that happened in Haudenosaunee history that influenced the designs - even wampum belt designs. The wampum belt is actually based on a much older object that our people use to make that we don’t make anymore,” said Jacobs.


Jacobs also talked about how a lot of the older artifacts have mostly geometric designs. But as time went by, these designs changed to more contemporary objects like flowers and strawberries, as well as circular and semi-circular designs.

He said the evolution of the designs was caused by colonization and adaptation, among other reasons.

“I think what is happening in our society is that people are starting to realize that we have to decolonize our history, and I think people also realize that we have to do that in our artwork, too,” he said.

He said that his upbringing and the years he spent as a ceremonial speaker travelling to different Indigenous communities sparked his interest in Indigenous imagery and history.

“Probably about 10 years ago, I started doing traditional quillwork because what I came to learn was that porcupine quill beadwork and moose hair embroidery came before beads. So, I decided to try and bring it back,” said Jacobs.

“I started wearing quill headdresses that are much different than what we know now. And people recognized that they were different, and they wanted to know where it came from, and I had to tell them that this was what our ancestors wore prior to what we wear now.”

The expert said that over the last few years, he has noticed a lot of interest and a sort of renaissance in this practice.

“That is what I do, decolonizing our designs and artwork, and I show, over history, how that happened,” said Jacobs.

marisela.amador88@gmail.com

Marisela Amador, Local Journalism Initiative Reporter, The Eastern Door
Morinville student wins gold at national trade skills competition

Ishita Verma -

An Edmonton-area teen has won gold at a national trade skills competition.


© Submitted by Kyle Coxen
It's Kirsten Whitfield's second year competing in Skills Canada. The Morinville student finished in first place in the cabinet-making competition.

Kirsten Whitfield, 17, from Morinville Community High School, finished in first among 40 carpenters in the Skills Canada cabinet-making competition.

"There is, definitely, a lot of nerves going in. But once I got started, I was able to focus myself and calm down a little bit," she told CBC Edmonton's Radio Active.

Skills Canada is an organization that promotes careers in trades to youth. Students in high school and post-secondary compete in trade skills.

In 2021, Whitfield won silver in the regional competition. This year she challenged herself to do better, winning a gold in the provincial competition and earning the chance to compete nationally.

For the national competition, Whitfield was required to build a toolbox with a dovetail drawer. She also added a shelf, a curved handle and a divider.

Growing up, Whitfield worked with her grandfather to build things like fences for their backyards, but she fell in love with the challenges that came with cabinet making.

"There's so many different things you can learn in it and build," she said.

For this year's competition, which was held virtually, Whitfield received the plans for the project and was able to practise ahead of time. She added that while she was nervous about the competition, she felt comfortable around her work station.

Competitors had 12 hours to finish their project over two days.

"Working in the school, I had the shop to myself, so you're not waiting for tools and stuff," she said.

Whitfield said she feels excited to win in a male-dominated industry.

"I love seeing more girls get into the trades," she said. "It can seem intimidating but it's really not."

Her shop teacher Kyle Coxen said, seeing one of his students compete on the national level is absolutely fantastic.

"We're considered one of the smaller high schools in the province, but I just am proud of my student and what she's accomplished," he said.

Whitfield recently began working with Gem Cabinets and is considering some post-secondary options


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Sask. mayor sees B.C. drug decriminalization as learning opportunity as advocates push for national policy

Christian Paas-Lang - POSTMEDIA

The announcement that possession of small amounts of some hard drugs will be decriminalized in B.C. was greeted by advocates there as a key victory, but it's receiving a more cautious reception by one mayor a few provinces east.

In an interview on Rosemary Barton Live that aired Sunday, Saskatoon Mayor Charlie Clark acknowledged the need to tackle the crisis of toxic drug overdoses across the country — including in his own city — and said the B.C. case could be "a step that could help us learn how to do it in a different way."

Clark told CBC chief political correspondent Rosemary Barton that all levels of government in B.C. were committed to the decriminalization strategy, something that was not the case in Saskatchewan. The provincial government there has said they will not follow B.C.'s lead. Saskatoon and Regina's police boards are studying the issue.

"We don't have the same alignment between the municipal police and provincial governments that we see in British Columbia, which is why in Saskatchewan I think what we need to do is keep understanding in our province what the best way to tackle this [is]," he said.

Clark also said that few possession charges were proceeding to convictions but that Saskatoon lacks crucial diversion and treatment programs.

He described record numbers of toxic overdose deaths and surging uses of anti-overdose drugs by first responders in his city, a sign of a worsening toxic drug problem that is present in much of the country. His city was also focused on supportive housing and other programs to help address the crisis.

"We know that an exemption alone, decriminalization alone without those pathways and supports — it can also create a risk."

Decriminalization just part of the solution: B.C. mother

In B.C., where personal possession of up to a cumulative 2.5 grams of opioids, cocaine, methamphetamine and MDMA will be decriminalized starting Jan. 31 of next year, the number of suspected toxic drug overdoses reached record highs last year, with over 2,200 deaths.

Kathleen Radu lost her son to a toxic drug overdose. She told Barton that the exemption granted by the federal government to B.C. that allows for decriminalization does not go far enough.

"I think it's just one wall in the house that we need to build against this crisis," Radu said. "Basically, this exemption has put a Band-Aid over a bullet hole."

Radu denounced the decision by the federal government, supported by Conservative MPs, to vote down Bill C-216, a private member's bill put forward by NDP MP Gord Johns that would have decriminalized drug possession across the country.

"This is a health crisis and the toxic drugs are not going away," she said. "And if anything, it's going to get worse. We've already buried too many children. Too many families' lives have been shattered to stop now."

Speaking in the House of Commons Wednesday, Prime Minister Justin Trudeau did say the government was open to "working with any other jurisdiction that wants to take on this responsible approach."

Johns, who represents the B.C. riding of Courtenay—Alberni, told host Chris Hall of CBC's The House that the government had failed to take a national approach to deal with a national crisis.

"Incrementalism kills when it comes to the toxic drug crisis, and we need the government to move rapidly in responding to it," he said in the interview, which aired Saturday.

Johns noted that 14 Liberal MPs had defected from the government to vote in favour of his bill and accused the government of holding back in order to keep political favour.

"It's extremely disappointing, given the large amount of loss of life that they don't want to hear from the experts. This isn't a vote winner. And that's really what it comes down to. Politics is killing people."


Related video: Sask. Nurses create compelling documentary series on addictions crisis in Sask.
Canada soccer men refuse Panama match, equal pay in dispute


VANCOUVER, British Columbia (AP) — Canada's men's soccer team said it refused to play its World Cup warmup match against Panama on Sunday because of a labor dispute with the nation's national governing body that includes a demand the women's national team get equal pay.

Players, preparing for the nation's first men''s World Cup appearance since 1986, refused to train on Friday and Saturday.

Players said they want 40% of World Cup prize money, a friends and family travel package and and “equitable structure with our women’s national team that shares the same player match fees, percentage of prize money earned at our respective FIFA World Cups and the development of a women’s domestic league.”

“In March we initiated contract discussions with Canada Soccer," the men's national team said in a statement. “Due to executives delaying the process and taking vacations, the negotiation process was unecessarily prolonged. Canada Soccer waited until the evening of July 2 to present an archaic offer and the general secretary and president of the association only made themselves available for the first time to connect with players on June 4 at 4 p.m. For these reasons, we have reluctantly decided not to play our match today against Panama."

Richard Scott, a spokesman for the Canada Soccer Association, did not respond to an email seeking comment. The governing body said in a statement on Saturday night: “Canada Soccer are currently in discussions with their national team players pertaining to fair and equitable player compensation ahead of the FIFA World Cup period.”

Panama was a late replacement as Sunday's opponent, which originally was Iran. Canada's governing body dropped Iran following criticism by Canadian Prime Minister Justin Trudeau.

Canada is scheduled to play Curaçao at Vancouver on Thursday and is at Honduras on June 13, both in the CONCACAF Nations League. No. 38 Canada opens the World Cup Group F in Qatar against second-ranked Belgium on Nov. 23, plays No. 16 Croatia four days later and No. 24 Morocco on Dec. 1.

___

More AP soccer: https://apnews.com/hub/soccer and https://twitter.com/AP_Sports

The Associated Press
Canada's move to bulk up antitrust muscle may miss root of problem

By Divya Rajagopal - 

© Reuters/Mark BlinchFILE PHOTO: The moon rises behind the skyline and financial district in Toronto

TORONTO (Reuters) - Waves of industry consolidation over the decades have resulted in fewer choices for customers from telecoms to banking, with Canadians paying the world's most expensive mobile phone bills and forking out more for everyday banking, consumer advocates say.


© Reuters/Mark BlinchFILE PHOTO: A Royal Bank of Canada logo is seen on Bay Street in the heart of the financial district in Toronto

Now, the government says enough is enough. It wants to put some teeth in its antitrust regulations, much like the far-ranging powers wielded by authorities in the United States, the European Union and Australia.

The proposed changes to the Competition Act are coming after more than a decade. They would include giving the antitrust agency, the Competition Bureau Canada, the authority to seek remedial action in an overseas merger if that would impact competition in Canada.

But lobby groups, including the influential Canadian Bar Association (CBA), have challenged the new proposals.

"Whether and why there are monopolies in markets are factually, legally and economically complex questions," Omar Wakil, the CBA's chair and president, said in an interview.

"So I don't think one can simply state that there are monopolies and that is because of a problem with the competition laws," said Wakil, a partner at law firm Torys LLP.

Nearly a dozen consumer advocates, academicians and policy experts contacted by Reuters said the government's efforts to break monopolies in Canada were much needed, but they argue the proposed rule changes would fail to undo the damage to consumers from years of big mergers, as the new rules are unlikely to lead to the breakup of large corporations.

The CBA sent a letter to Canada's minister of innovation, science and industry, François-Philippe Champagne, on May 18. The letter, which was seen by Reuters, asked to defer the amendments until all stakeholders are consulted.

The government, for its part, says the antitrust rules need updating to fix the shortcomings of the Competition Act so that it is in line with international "best practices." This is just the beginning, a spokeswoman said.

"The government will undertake a thorough review (of the Act) ... to meet the reality of the market of the 21st century," said Laurie Bouchard, spokeswoman in the office of the minister of innovation, science and industry. "Stakeholders will be invited to share their views on a broad range of topics as part of that review."

MORE MUSCLE


In Canada, six big banks including Royal Bank of Canada and Toronto-Dominion Bank control 80% of the total assets in that industry, according to Reuters calculations. By contrast, the big five banks in the United States control around 40% of the assets.

The average monthly fee on a checking account is $11 in Canada, compared with $7 in the United States, according to a Reuters analysis. Those averages exclude student accounts.

In the Canadian telecom field, the top three companies - Rogers Communications Inc, BCE Inc and Telus Corp - account for almost 90% of the revenue. The top two grocers, Loblaw Co Ltd and Sobeys Inc, have a 50% market share as measured in number of stores. Sobeys is owned by Empire Company Ltd.

Consumer advocates have argued that the growth of big businesses in Canada is stifling new entrants.

Data from government agency Statistics Canada shows foreign companies combined owned 15% of total assets across all industry in Canada in 2019, down from 20% a decade ago.

As Canada embarks on digitizing its economy, new antitrust laws are needed to avoid the old economic model that created monopolies, according to Denise Hearn, a senior fellow at the nonprofit American Economic Liberties Project.

"Canada's economy has become heavily concentrated in the last decade," said Hearn, who blames it on the country's weak competition laws and under-enforcement by the Competition Bureau.

Proposals to strengthen antitrust regulation, introduced in the government's federal budget in April, could be passed as early as this summer. The proposals include financial penalties and making it a criminal offense to break certain provisions of antitrust law.

The changes would give the Competition Bureau the muscle to go after companies that abuse their dominant market position, indulge in price-fixing or sign no-poach agreements that might hamper workers' ability to negotiate better terms of employment.

INFLATION

In the past, regulatory battles waged by the bureau have met with only limited success. Of the more than 1,500 mergers the bureau has reviewed since 2009, only eight were challenged. Of those eight cases, six were lost or settled, according to a Reuters analysis of official data. The two other cases are pending.

The Competition Bureau is in the spotlight after it last month blocked a high-profile deal involving Rogers' planned C$20 billion ($15.8 billion) takeover of Shaw Communications, saying it would deter competition.

Canadians paid the highest mobile bills in the world in 2021, according to a report by Rewheel, a Finnish telecom research firm. A 4G and 5G mobile plan for 100 gigabytes was 13 times more costly than it is in France, it said.

The proposed changes come as Canada, like rest of the world, battles inflation that has raced to a three-decade high. Competition Commissioner Matthew Boswell, for one, says increased competition has to be part of the solution to address inflation. "Open, competitive markets are critical to keeping prices in check," he said in a speech at the Centre for International Governance Innovation in late May.

The changes to the Competition Act would also give the bureau powers to investigate cross-border mergers that could impact competition in Canada, and issue an order against a foreign party that has no Canadian operation, or companies that are selling into Canada.

Some lawyers, however, say these changes may lack legal grounds to survive.

"I think the bureau and maybe the Canadian Department of Justice think it's arguable that Canadian courts might have jurisdiction to issue and enforce these orders," said Neil Campbell, a partner at McMillan, a law firm specializing in competition and antitrust litigation.

"I don't think that enforcement is likely to be successful where a foreign company has no assets/affiliates/operations within Canada," he added.

($1 = 1.2656 Canadian dollars)

(Reporting by Divya Rajagopal in Toronto; Editing by Denny Thomas and Matthew Lewis)
As A Black Woman Who Lived In Sweden, #Swedengate Is All Too Familiar

June Findlay - Friday
Refinery29


Sweden used to evoke the usual stereotypes: blonde-haired blue-eyed people traipsing through green flowery fields, assemble-by-numbers furniture with simplistic yet functional design, perfect meatballs served with gravy and jam, or a strange yet powerful chokehold on the world’s production of pop music (go watch episode 3 of Netflix’s This is Pop).

I regret to inform you that while some of those things are true, many of the things we think we know about the country are not. When it comes to Sweden, the more you look into it, the more things get curiouser and curiouser. And in the theme of the last few years where everything is either cake or even more terrible than we thought, Sweden’s reputation is the latest casualty.

Enter #Swedengate. It all started with a great thread on Reddit (which has since been deleted) asking people to share about their experiences with strange social customs while visiting someone’s home. Then, someone tweeted their experience as a child playing at their Swedish friend’s house and being told to wait in their friend’s room while their host family ate dinner. Another shared their experience of being left out of breakfast after sleeping over at a friend’s house the night before. The post generated thousands of upvotes and a screenshot of the discussion was shared to Twitter, where even more thousands of people learned that Swedish people apparently have no hospitality skills and are very, very stingy when it comes to feeding guests.



I’m Muslim & every time I went to my Swedish friend's house to play as a kid, they were always eating pork. Of course I couldn’t eat it so I had to sit in the room and wait for them to finish. Today #Swedengate made me realize that was not a coincidence. These ppl are just stingy— 🦋 (@anonymamana) May 30, 2022

#Swedengate then turned into a full blown discussion on Twitter about a) how and why people from Sweden would do such a thing as to not share food with visitors to their homes, b) how funny/messed up/just plain weird Swedes are, and c) Swedes defending themselves/their culture and customs from outsiders —which is especially amusing if you know about the phrase and mindstate of “Jantelagen” in Sweden. It means that they never like to talk about themselves or anything they do unless absolutely necessary.

Black Twitter (and other ethnic groups around the world + their diasporas) brought out one of the more interesting discussions I’ve seen on the subject: how Sweden, and other European countries like it, emphasize the notion that immigrants must integrate their lifestyles, customs and even humanity to that the country in which they’ve settled. And many expect this assimilation even if those customs not only run counter to what the immigrants’ home traditions are, but against what most humans would do (like serve food to a guest in your house!). As a Black woman who lived and studied in Sweden, this discussion resonated with me quite a bit. I was able to identify with the immigrant experience in a European country, while also being able to tell what about the #Swedengate debate was real and what was speculative.

Spoiler alert: Swedish people *do* feed their guests… sometimes. But in my experience, they are also quite excellent at making you feel quite alone/different if you’re not a white/white-passing person born in Sweden.

Twelve years ago, I left my comfortable life in Toronto for a very big change in scenery to pursue my Masters degree, hopeful to change my uninspiring career trajectory in the process. Although I had considered myself well-traveled, I hadn’t been to any of the Nordic countries, so the opportunity for a relatively low-cost, graduate-level education and living expenses in a new country seemed very exciting. Apartment emptied, possessions sold, and student visa and life savings in hand, off I went to the land of IKEA and socialism to study at Mittuniversitetet (Mid Sweden University).

My first three months in a little town in northern Sweden were jarring. I consider myself an easygoing person who makes friends easily and figures things out as I go, but the very things that make me who I am were against “normal” Swedish social norms. I was met with the stoic, stone-faced, expressionless wall of aloofness that they showed towards strangers, even after a night out of drinking and having in-depth personal conversations. There were awkward stares from people who couldn’t figure out who I was outside of their neatly confined boxes. I had to get used to the sharp inhale of air that replaces the word “yes” in Swedish (that’s only in the north, btw). I learned that a beloved chocolate dessert in the country was originally known as “negerbollar” (negro ball) before being changed to the more politically correct name “chokladbollar” (I still don’t like them to this day). Because of these experiences, the transgressions described in #Swedengate weren’t surprising to me. I deeply understood the unwelcoming culture people were joking about on Twitter, but I also wanted to understand why it was even happening in the first place.

There were exceptions to this rule of course. There was Johanna, my very sweet and inviting half-Swedish, half-Danish neighbour in student residence who became a fast friend in the first few weeks of my arrival. The motley crew of Swedish students and locals who I joined in a weekly round of volleyball at a local gym (and a round of drinks afterwards). Rike, my German friend who was my guide through Swedish life and shared my love of cooking (and yes, we shared meals all the time). What truly saved my sanity, and helped me develop my identity outside of the one I had made for myself at home and a new dimension of my Blackness, was the warm embrace and familiarity of the international student community —we were all united in our differentness from our friendly but exclusionary hosts.

Swedish society follows many “rules”; one of the most interesting ones to me is the concept of “allemansrätten,” or “the right of public access.” It’s the right of everyone to enjoy Sweden’s nature, including foraging for mushrooms and berries in one’s local forest –(though I know people who keep their preferred locations secret, never sharing with even family members). If Swedes are apparently taught to make things available for everyone, then why are we hearing about people refusing to share food? Though the stinginess and exclusionary behavior outlined in #Swedengate is unfortunately still happening to this day — albeit much less than in the past — whether you experience it for yourself truly depends on what part of Sweden you live in and who you’re interacting with. And based on that, there seems to be a general rule of “the right to refuse hospitality.”

I spoke to a few people of color who shared their experiences living in Sweden.

Heated discussion w/ my Swede on #Swedengate. He said kids over to play weren't 'guests' and I was like 🙄. In 🇯🇲 anyone who isn't family is a guest. I reminded him "it takes a village". He was silent then agreed. Honestly I think this was a breakthru in our relationship 😂— Allie Lindo | Get boosted 🌻 (@AllieLindo) June 3, 2022

Bianca*, a UX designer from Colombia who also studied at Mid Sweden University, gave me a quick and quirky anecdote about the time a mutual friend — let’s call her Sara — invited her and another friend to a house party a few years ago. They were greeted with strange looks from the other party guests (because Sara didn’t tell the hosts she had invited anyone). Despite a smorgasbord (pun intended) of offerings at the party, no food or drinks were shared with Bianca or her friend. Sara had to sneak food and drinks to their car so they could eat and drink.

Simone*, an assistant professor at Mid Sweden University, left her native Brazil many years ago to travel abroad. She met her Swedish husband and settled in Sweden with him. She’s had the unique perspective of living as a Black woman abroad and seeing the changes in Swedish society first hand over the last couple of decades.

When I asked Simone about the customs described in #Swedengate, she told me that yes, her Swedish friends and their families did withhold food from guests in the 1960s and 1970s but there were reasons other than inhospitality. “Their families would send visitors home for dinner, unless the kids slept over, in which case they would have breakfast with the family. All of this was considered normal; their parents grew up poor, and putting food on the table for their families was expensive. So in that sense, it was everyone for themselves; feeding other people was seen as unnecessary.”

The very excellent book The Almost Nearly Perfect People: Behind the Myth of the Scandinavian Utopia by Michael Booth helps to illustrate this in his quirky account of Swedish history of the individual’s relationship to the state and how it manifests in everyday life. “…one must be able to solve one’s own problems. Swedes don’t like to ask favors of each other: they keep their problems to themselves and suffer in silence….to ask for help —or even to give it —is a low-level social taboo… Debt of any kind, be it emotional, a favour or cash, is to be avoided at all costs.”



Simone went on to say that while baby boomers came from a mindset of being as economical as possible, their children were the first generation to start to move away from it. “…They don’t have the same attachment to that scarcity mentality as their parents did, even though they may owe their house to the bank. Their relation to money is different; unlike their parents, they would call the parents of the child who has been spending time at their home and ask if it’s okay for them to stay for dinner rather than just sending them home; and if they stay over, they would have breakfast with the family.”

A sentence that I’ve enthusiastically highlighted and underlined in my copy of Booth’s book, especially in light of #Swedengate, is this: “The Swedish system’s logic is that it is dangerous to be dependent on other people, to be beholden to other people. Even to your family.” Given the history, customs, and context, I guess you can understand why Swedes may choose to not want to be in debt to anyone (except maybe the bank or the state), but it’s still weird that anyone would see sharing a meal as being indebted to someone.The reality is that the very essence of humanity is to depend on other people to survive and thrive in your own life and in society as a whole.

Some of my best memories of living in Sweden involved moments where I shared food and laughs with my fellow international students. I loved going to hang out with students from various African countries when they hosted house parties in the winter and BBQs in the summer; we’d eat, drink and dance all night. My classmates, a tight group representing nearly every continent, decided that we missed the food from our cultures so much that we would cook it for each other; we hosted a weekly night where we’d eat and enjoy Ethiopian food one night, Japanese curry another. Of course I had to represent my West Indian heritage by making fried corned beef and rice. We’d always send each other home with extra portions for the next day, without a second thought.

Every now and then, the Swedes would want to be part of the action despite quite literally having to go outside their comfort zones. The thing about Swedes is that on the rare occasion they decide they trust you and that stoic wall comes down… they’re all in. As a Black woman living there, I didn’t experience this openness often, but on the few occasions when I did experience this, it resulted in loyal, long-lasting friendships. One instance in particular comes to mind. To celebrate the end of the school year and our birthday, Bianca and I planned what we thought was going to be a cool Animal House-inspired toga party with a few dozen friends. A few hundred people showed up. When word got out that two international students were throwing a party that emulated the American college culture that Swedes are obsessed with, nearly every student in town showed up dressed in a toga made with their favorite material, drinks and snacks in hand to share with everyone (gasp!), and some even showed up with flowers for us.

I suppose I should feel good for not having the gumption to send each of the Swedish guests home with a bill for the good time we provided them (or for not refusing to feed them)… but then again, I was raised to share with everyone, even if they don’t see me as someone they can share anything with.

*Names have been changed for privacy.