Tuesday, September 07, 2021

UPDATED
Taliban fire in air to disperse protesters, arrest reporters

By KATHY GANNON
Afghans shout slogans during an anti-Pakistan demonstration, near the Pakistan embassy in Kabul, Afghanistan, Tuesday, Sept. 7, 2021. Sign in Persian reads, "Pakistan Pakistan Get out of Afghanistan." (AP Photo/Wali Sabawoon)


KABUL, Afghanistan (AP) — The Taliban fired into the air Tuesday to disperse protesters and arrested several journalists, the second time in less than a week the group used heavy-handed tactics to break up a demonstration in the Afghan capital of Kabul.

The demonstrators had gathered outside the Pakistan Embassy to accuse Islamabad of aiding the Taliban’s assault on northern Panjshir province. The Taliban said Monday they seized the province — the last not in their control — after their blitz through Afghanistan last month.

Afghanistan’s previous government routinely accused Pakistan of aiding the Taliban, a charge Islamabad has denied. Former vice president Amrullah Saleh, one of the leaders of the anti-Taliban forces, has long been an outspoken critic of neighboring Pakistan.

Dozens of women were among the protesters Tuesday. Some of them carried signs bemoaning the killing of their sons by Taliban fighters they say were aided by Pakistan. One sign read: “I am a mother when you kill my son you kill a part of me.”

On Saturday, Taliban special forces troops in camouflage fired their weapons into the air to end a protest march in the capital by Afghan women demanding equal rights from the new rulers.

The Taliban again moved quickly and harshly to end Tuesday’s protest when it arrived near the presidential palace. They fired their weapons into the air and arrested several journalists covering the demonstration. In one case, Taliban waving Kalashnikov rifles took a microphone from a journalist and began beating him with it, breaking the microphone. The journalist was later handcuffed and detained for several hours.

“This is the third time i have been beaten by the Taliban covering protests,” he told The Associated Press on condition he not be identified because he was afraid of retaliation. “I won’t go again to cover a demonstration. It’s too difficult for me.”

A journalist from Afghanistan’s popular TOLO News was detained for three hours by the Taliban before being freed along with his equipment and the video of the demonstration still intact.

There was no immediate comment from the Taliban.

Meanwhile, in the northern city of Mazar-e-Sharif, four aircraft chartered to evacuate about 2,000 Afghans fleeing Taliban rule were still at the airport.

Mawlawi Abdullah Mansour, the Taliban official in charge of the city’s airport, said any passenger, Afghan or foreigner, with a passport and valid visa would be allowed to leave. Most of the passengers are believed to be Afghans without proper travel documents.

None of the passengers had arrived at the airport. Instead, organizers apparently told evacuees to travel to Mazar-e-Sharif and find accommodation until they were called to come to the airport.

The Taliban say they are trying to find out who among the estimated 2,000 have valid travel documents.

U.S. Secretary of State Antony Blinken said in Qatar on Tuesday the Taliban have given assurances of safe passage for all seeking to leave Afghanistan with proper travel documents.

He said the United States would hold the Taliban to that pledge. “It’s my understanding that the Taliban has not denied exit to anyone holding a valid document, but they have said those without valid documents, at this point, can’t leave,” he said.

“Because all of these people are grouped together, that’s meant that flights have not been allowed to go,” he added.

The State Department is also working with the Taliban to facilitate additional charter flights from Kabul for people seeking to leave Afghanistan after the American military and diplomatic departure, Blinken told a joint news conference with Qatar’s top diplomatic and defense officials.

“In recent hours” the U.S. has been in contact with Taliban officials to work out arrangements for additional charter flights from the Afghan capital, he said.

Blinken and U.S. Defense Secretary Lloyd Austin were in Qatar to thank the Gulf state for its help with the transit of tens of thousands of people evacuated from Afghanistan after the Taliban took control of Kabul on Aug. 15.

___

Associates Press writers Tameem Akhgar in Istanbul and Robert Burns in Qatar contributed to this report.


Hundreds in Kabul Protest Taliban Rule

By Ayesha Tanzeem
VOA
September 07, 2021

Afghan women shout slogans and wave Afghan national flags during an anti-Pakistan demonstration, near the Pakistan embassy in Kabul, Afghanistan, Sept. 7, 2021. Sign in Persian at right reads, "Pakistan Pakistan Get out from Afghanistan."


ISLAMABAD - Hundreds of protesters, including dozens of women, were in the streets Tuesday in Afghanistan’s capital Kabul, chanting anti-Taliban slogans as they protested Taliban rule of the country and what they say is Pakistan’s involvement.

The Taliban allowed some of the groups to walk through the streets, but they fired warning shots into the air in at least two locations, according to local media reports and video footage captured by mobile phones that is circulating on social media.

Multiple men in dark clothing fired the shots to disperse hundreds of protesters gathered outside Pakistan’s embassy in Kabul. In one instance, the bursts were so long and sustained that they sounded like a fireworks display. Afghan television footage showed people running for cover.

“Taliban members in police vehicles initially drove alongside the protesters, not preventing them from demonstrating,” reported BBC’s Secunder Kirmani, who was at one such protest.

They later fired warning shots and stopped the BBC team and several other journalists from filming the scene further.

Local media reported the Taliban detained 14 journalists for several hours. The journalists, including local Tolo news network’s Wahid Ahmadi, later were released and their equipment was returned.


According to Kabul News TV, one of its photographers, Najim Sultani, was injured, and the reporter, Emran Fazili, was beaten by the Taliban.

At a press conference Tuesday, Taliban spokesman Zabiullah Mujahid called the protests illegal and said protesters needed to get permission and inform the Taliban administration of the time, place, and aim of any protests. He told people to refrain from protesting until the new administration is fully functional.


Some of the crowd expressed anger directed mainly against Afghanistan’s neighbor Pakistan, which many Afghans say supports the Taliban. Pakistan denies these allegations, claiming it has “no favorites” in Afghanistan.

Members of the crowd, many of whom were carrying anti-Pakistan banners, at one point chanted, “Death to Taliban,” “death to Pakistan” and “Pakistan, get out from Afghanistan,” along with shouts of “freedom.”

This was the first protest after an audio message Monday from anti-Taliban resistance leader Ahmad Massoud that called on Afghans to rise up against the Taliban.

In a press conference Monday in Kabul, Taliban spokesman Mujahid said the group had taken over Massoud’s stronghold Panjshir and declared the war over. Soon after the presser, Massoud and his followers posted messages on social media saying they were hiding in the mountains to regroup and intended to continue the fight.



Massoud Vows to Fight on Despite Retreat

In an audio message on his Facebook page, resistance leader Ahmad Massoud said his forces are still present in Panjshir and will continue to fight the Taliban

Women in Afghanistan had been protesting for nearly a week for their rights, but this was the first protest in which a large number of men joined them.

At his Monday news conference, Mujahid, when questioned about women’s right to protest, said they needed to wait until the new government is formed before they protest.

“We have seen the protests by women. We are trying, and we hope to resolve their issues as soon as possible,” he said. He also warned against creating chaos, reminding people of the deadly bomb attacks outside Kabul airport last month that killed at least 169 Afghans and 13 Americans.

The Taliban have asked women working in the health ministry to return to work and have allowed female students in universities to return to their classes. They have hinted, however, that their cabinet will not include a female minister.

Women in Afghanistan are demanding more clarity about their potential role in the new setup. Western governments have said they will be watching how the Taliban treat women and minorities in the country before deciding whether to give the Taliban recognition or much needed economic aid.


International human rights groups have expressed concern over the use of violence against peaceful protesters.

“Exercising right to freedom of peaceful assembly is a human right,” rights watchdog Amnesty International tweeted.

Victorious Taliban gloat over ruins of CIA's Afghan base

Issued on: 07/09/2021 - 
Only a heap of rubble and twisted metal remain in what was the last CIA base in Afghanistan
 Aamir QURESHI AFP

Deh Sabz (Afghanistan) (AFP)

After America's longest war, Taliban commander Mullah Hasnain contemplates all that is left of what was part of the last CIA base -- demolished buildings, destroyed vehicles and piles of ammunition.

"We let them go peacefully, and look what they've left behind," Hasnain said, a leader of the Taliban's elite Badri 313 unit.

Hasnain, a thick-bearded man dressed in traditional brown robes with a waistcoat and black turban, surveyed the charred ruins of the sprawling complex on the edge of Afghanistan's capital Kabul.


"Before going, they destroyed everything," he told journalists being shown the site, flanked by Taliban guards cradling American M-16 rifles and equipped with the latest military kit.

The complex was once one of the most secure sites in Afghanistan, sited on a dusty plain near the former US Eagle Base camp and close to Kabul airport.

After a two-week blitz of Afghanistan, the Taliban capped their extraordinary victory by sweeping into Kabul on August 15.

It would take two weeks more before the final US forces flew out, ending their 20-year war in the country.

- 'Lots of explosions' -


As the CIA destroyed their base, from where they trained Afghanistan's intelligence agencies, the Taliban watched from nearby, the commander said.

The parking lot is packed with the incinerated wrecks of scores of vehicles 
Aamir QURESHI AFP

"We were there for nine or 10 days," 35-year-old Hasnain said, speaking in clear English. "There were lots of explosions."

"We didn't stop them, even the last convoy that went by road to the airport. We didn't attack them, because we followed orders from our top officials."

Hasnain pointed at one crater he said had been "an ammunition warehouse". Only a heap of rubble and twisted metal remain.

The US detonated the munition dump on August 27, with the huge blast echoing across Kabul and sparking terror.

A day earlier, Islamic State-Khorasan, Afghanistan's branch of the jihadist franchise and rivals of the Taliban, had attacked crowds at the airport trying to flee.

They killed more than 100 Afghan civilians and 13 US troops.

Hasnain pointed to another area, where dozens of crates packed with hundreds of rockets were piled. "Please don't move the grenades," he told journalists.

Piles of unused ammunition lay scattered around. "We can still shoot with them," he said.

One building was left intact, a large games room with billiards, table football, darts and soft velvet armchairs. Its sign still dangled outside -- "The Snooker Club".

A Taliban Badri 313 unit officer stands guard at the destroyed CIA base in Deh Sabz District 
Aamir QURESHI AFP

He looked out over a parking lot, packed with the incinerated wrecks of scores of vehicles.

"We need everything for the country, including weapons -- we don't have enough to ensure security," he said.

"Now we have to buy them from other countries," he added, declining to specify which ones.

- Deliberate destruction -


The US said it left as little military equipment as possible behind for the Taliban, who carried out years of bloody attacks against foreign forces, Afghan troops and the civilian population.

At the nearby airport, US troops disabled or destroyed scores of aircraft and armoured vehicles, as well as a high-tech defence system used to stop rocket attacks.

Hasnain was angry at the deliberate destruction, seeing the burned wreckage as symbolic of America's two-decade stay.

"The US came to Afghanistan saying that they would rebuild the country," he said. "This is their real face, they didn't leave anything."

The Taliban nevertheless seized a major arsenal of weapons elsewhere, as well as from the formerly US-backed government army, including fleets of armoured vehicles.

Ankle-deep in the ash of the burned base, Hasnain offered a message of conciliation, echoing his Taliban superiors.

"We did not make war to kill Americans," he said. "We did it to free the country and restore sharia law."

But many in Afghanistan remember the harsh 1996-2001 regime when the Taliban were previously in power all too well.

The US destroyed the last CIA base in Afghanistan as its troops pulled out 
Aamir QURESHI AFP

With the hardline Islamists back in charge, they are holding their judgement to see if their pledge of a more moderate rule will become a reality.

© 2021 AFP



UPDATED
Pro-Bolsonaro protesters break down Brasilia police blockade

Issued on: 07/09/2021
Brazil's President Jair Bolsonaro is seeking to mobilize his 
base as he faces investigations and record-low poll numbers 
MAURO PIMENTEL AFP/File

Brasília (AFP)

Supporters of Brazilian President Jair Bolsonaro tore down a police blockade Monday night in downtown Brasilia, police said, on the eve of massive demonstrations that have the country on edge.

Fighting record-low poll numbers, Bolsonaro is seeking to mobilize his base, particularly at the protests in Brasilia and Sao Paulo.

The far-right leader plans to attend both rallies on Tuesday, Brazil's Independence Day, as he tries to build pressure on the supreme court over investigations into him and his inner circle.

Hundreds of people arriving to participate in Tuesday's protests "broke through containment barriers" and entered the avenue leading to the National Congress and Supreme Court (STF) buildings, according to the federal district police.

The avenue had been closed to traffic as a security measure.

In videos posted on social media and shared by local news outlets, a small caravan of cars and trucks was seen entering the Ministries Esplanade, cheered on by protesters walking and waving Brazilian flags.

"We just invaded! The police could not contain the people! And tomorrow we are going to invade the STF," one walking protester shouted.

The marches have monopolized public debate in Brazil, including warnings to avoid something similar to the January 6 attack on the US Capitol by supporters of former president Donald Trump.

Bolsonaro has often drawn comparisons to Trump.

Police reported they were still at the scene. In images shown by CNN Brazil, the situation appeared to be under control.

The federal district government has organized an operation with 5,000 police officers to protect public buildings and help avoid riots.

Opposition groups have also called for protests.

Bolsonaro has said in recent days that Tuesday's rallies should be considered an "ultimatum" for the Supreme Court judges, who have opened several investigations into him and his inner circle, notably over allegations of systematically spreading fake news from within the government.

Despite claiming the purpose of the protests is to defend "freedom," many pro-Bolsonaro demonstrators who organized on social media plan to chant slogans in support of attacks on democratic institutions.

Some are even calling for Bolsonaro to lead a "military intervention."

© 2021 AFP

Brazil's Bolsonaro Rallies His Followers Against The Courts In A Major Demonstration

September 7, 2021
THE ASSOCIATED PRESS

Supporters of Brazilian President Jair Bolsonaro gather on Copacabana Beach on Independence Day in Rio de Janeiro.
Bruna Prado/AP

BRASILIA, Brazil (AP) — Brazil's President Jair Bolsonaro got a rousing reception from tens of thousands of people gathered in the capital Tuesday in an Independence Day show of support for the right-wing leader embroiled in a feud with the country's Supreme Court.

Bolsonaro, in an address inaudible to many in the crowd far from the loudspeakers, lashed out at the high court and said the nation can no longer accept what he characterized as political imprisonments — a reference to arrests ordered by Justice Alexandre de Moraes. He warned that the court could "suffer what we don't want."

The crowd began chanting, "Alexandre out!"

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His speech followed a helicopter flyover, with those on the ground seized with euphoria at the sight. They applauded and shouted, "Legend!" and "I authorize!" — a slogan widely understood as blanket approval of his methods.

Bolsonaro has called on the Senate to impeach de Moraes, who has jailed several of the president's supporters for allegedly financing, organizing or inciting violence or disseminating false information.

Massive participation in rallies scheduled across the country would reinforce Bolsonaro's push to prove he retains strength — despite slumping poll ratings — and recover momentum after a string of setbacks.
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He is also seeking support in his dispute with the high court. Some on Tuesday carried banners calling for military intervention to secure Bolsonaro's hold on power.


Brazilian President Jair Bolsonaro arrives for a flag raising ceremony at Alvorada Palace presidential residence on Independence Day in Brasilia, Brazil
.Eraldo Peres/AP

Critics feared the demonstrations could take a violent turn. Some said they were afraid Bolsonaro could be preparing a tropical version of the Jan. 6 riot in Washington, where supporters of President Donald Trump stormed the Capitol, alleging he had been robbed of a reelection victory.

Like Trump, Bolsonaro was elected on a pledge to go after a corrupt, entrenched political class. He has also said he might reject the 2022 election results if he loses.

On Monday evening, supporters broke through police lines set up to block vehicles and halt early pedestrian access to the capital's central mall. By morning, dozens of honking trucks were parked on the mall, where only pedestrians were supposed to be allowed. Along the esplanade, there was a festive mood, with cold drinks and the scent of grilled meat.



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Regina Pontes, 53, stood atop a flatbed that advanced toward police barriers preventing access to Congress and the Supreme Court. She said the Brazilian people have every right to enter the area.

"You can't close the door to keep the owner out," she said.

The world's second-highest COVID-19 death toll, a drumbeat of accusations of wrongdoing in the government's handling of the pandemic, and surging inflation have weighed on Bolsonaro's approval ratings.

Polls show his nemesis, former President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva, could trounce him in a runoff if he enters the race.

Bolsonaro set out to prove pollsters wrong with Tuesday's demonstration, whose organizers promised: "Sept. 7 will be gigantic!"


A protester holds an effigy of Brazilian President Jair Bolsonaro that reads in Portuguese "Genocide" during a protest against the president's handling of the COVID-19 pandemic.
Silvia Izquierdo/AP

The president was scheduled to speak again in the afternoon in Sao Paulo. He predicted a crowd of 2 million.

Tuesday's demonstrations "may show that he has millions of people who are ready to stand up and be with him even when Brazil's economy is in a bad situation, inflation near 10%, the pandemic and all that," said Thomas Traumann, a political analyst.

"If Bolsonaro feels he has the support of millions of Brazilians, he will go further in his challenging of the Supreme Court," Traumann added.

Some centrist allies have implored the president to dial down his rancor to avoid jeopardizing support from moderate voters and lawmakers.

Bolsonaro has repeatedly claimed the Supreme Court is trampling on constitutional limits and should be reined in. That has raised fears among his critics, given his frequently expressed nostalgia for the nation's past military dictatorship.


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On the eve of Tuesday's protest, Bolsonaro signed a provisional measure sharply limiting social media platforms' ability to remove content, restrict its spread or block accounts.

A 69-year-old farmer from Minas Gerais state, Clever Greco, came to Brasilia with a group of more than 1,000 others. He said Brazil's conservatives back Bolsonaro's call for the removal of two Supreme Court justices by peaceful means. But Greco also likened his trip to deploying for war.

"I don't know what day I'll go back. I'm prepared to give my blood, if needed," Greco said. "We're no longer asking; the people are ordering."

The U.S. Embassy in Brasilia last week warned Americans to steer clear of the protests.

"This is an important moment and surrounded by a lot of apprehension," Paulo Calmon, a political science professor at the University of Brasilia, said before the demonstrations. "The risk we see scenes of violence and an institutional crisis that's unprecedented in Brazil's recent history still remains and is considerable."

Bolsonaro supporters march in Brasilia, held back from Supreme Court

Brazil's president Jair Bolsonaro attends Independence Day ceremony in Brasilia

By Anthony Boadle and Gabriel Stargardter


BRASILIA (Reuters) -Supporters of Brazilian President Jair Bolsonaro gathered outside Congress in Brasilia on Tuesday to back the far-right leader in his dispute with the Supreme Court, exacerbating a conflict that has rattled Latin America’s largest democracy.

On Monday night, hundreds of demonstrators dressed in the green-and-yellow colors of the Brazilian flag breached one police cordon and trucks honking horns advanced towards Congress.

They were blocked by police barriers then, and again on Tuesday, from reaching the Supreme Court, which some demonstrators have vowed to occupy in a protest modeled on the Jan. 6 assault on the U.S. Capitol by supporters of then-President Donald Trump.

The court has authorized investigations of Bolsonaro allies over accusations they attacked Brazil’s democratic institutions with misinformation online. Bolsonaro has called the court-ordered probes a violation of free speech rights.

Congress and the courts also resisted Bolsonaro’s attempt to introduce paper voting receipts as a backup to an electronic voting system which he says is vulnerable to fraud. The electoral court maintains the system is transparent and safe.

Bolsonaro urged government supporters to turn out in record numbers, hoping for an overwhelming display to offset his slipping support in opinion polls and setbacks in his clash with the judiciary.

“From now on I won’t accept one or two people acting outside the constitution,” Bolsonaro said in comments to supporters on Tuesday morning, echoing his recent criticism of certain Supreme Court justices, before he donned the presidential sash and rode in an open Rolls Royce to a military event marking Independence Day.

In Rio de Janeiro, along Copacabana Beach, rows of trucks draped in Brazilian flags parked along the esplanade, as yellow-clad bikers roared past, honking their horns.

“I’m here because I’m Brazilian and as a Christian. Today we have a president who believes in God and the family,” said Claudio Mattos, 44, wearing yellow face paint and a camouflage cap. He said he was an off-duty military police officer.

Bolsonaro’s longstanding support among police and military rank and file has contributed to concerns that uniformed officers could take part in demonstrations or fail to contain potential excesses.

Critics fear the president is encouraging supporters to the point that they might try to invade the Supreme Court.

Brasilia security forces used tear gas outside the Foreign Ministry on Tuesday morning to deter a crowd heading toward the court. A public square outside the Supreme Court remained closed off by barriers and a line of police, television images showed.

Bolsonaro said on Friday the demonstrations will be an ultimatum to the Supreme Court justices who had taken what he called “unconstitutional” decisions against his government.

Bolsonaro’s critics say he is sowing doubts so he can challenge the results of next year’s election, which opinion polls now show him losing to former President Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva. Neither has confirmed his candidacy.

Bolsonaro supporter Monica Martins, a 51-year-old lawyer at the demonstration in Rio, said she was certain of Bolsonaro’s victory next year.

“If he loses, we know there was fraud,” she said.


In the afternoon, Bolsonaro will join supporters on a major avenue in Sao Paulo at a gathering that he has billed as the biggest political rally in Brazilian history.

Many leftist leaders have urged their followers to avoid clashes by skipping counter-demonstrations on Tuesday in favor of larger anti-Bolsonaro protests on Sept. 12.

(Reporting by Anthony Boadle in Brasilia and Gabriel Stargardter in Rio de Janeiro; Editing by Brad Haynes and Rosalba O’Brien)

Brazil’s president Jair Bolsonaro attends Independence Day ceremony in Brasilia
President Bolsonaro supporters march in support of his attacks on the country’s Supreme Court, in Brasilia
Brazil’s President Jair Bolsonaro leads marches against the Supreme Court in Brasilia
Brazil’s President Jair Bolsonaro leads marches against the Supreme Court in Brasilia


Brazil: warning Bolsonaro may be planning military coup amid rallies

Former world leaders and public figures say nationwide marches are modelled on US Capitol insurrection

Jair Bolsonaro warned on 21 August that the rallies were a ‘necessary counter-coup’ against Congress and the supreme court. 
Photograph: Adriano Machado/Reuters


Patrick Wintour Diplomatic editor
Mon 6 Sep 2021 08.55 BST

The Brazilian president, Jair Bolsonaro, and his allies could be preparing to mount a military coup in Brazil, according to an influential group of former presidents, prime ministers and leading public figures on the left.

An open letter claims rallies that Bolsonaro followers are staging on Tuesday represent a danger to democracy and amount to an insurrection modelled on Donald Trump supporters’ attack on the US Capitol on 6 January.

They assert the nationwide marches by Bolsonaro supporters against the supreme court and Congress, involving white supremacist groups, military police, and public officials at every level of government, are “stoking fears of a coup in the world’s third largest democracy”.


Fears of violence on Brazil’s streets as millions rally to back Bolsonaro


Signatories include José Luis Rodriguez Zapatero, the Spanish former prime minister, Yanis Varoufakis, the former Greek finance minister, Jeremy Corbyn, the former UK Labour leader, Fernando Lugo, the former Paraguayan president, Caroline Lucas, the British Green MP, and Adolfo Pérez Esquivel, the Argentine Nobel laureate and human rights activist.

They point out that on 10 August, Bolsonaro “directed an unprecedented military parade through the capital city of Brasília, as his allies in Congress pushed sweeping reforms to the country’s electoral system that he says are critical before the presidential elections next year”.

The president himself said on 21 August that the marches were preparation for a “necessary countercoup” against Congress and the supreme court. His message claimed that Brazil’s “communist constitution” had taken away his power, and accused “the judiciary, the left, and a whole apparatus of hidden interests” of conspiring against him.

The open letter warns: “Members of Congress in Brazil have warned that the 7 September mobilisation has been modelled on the insurrection at the US Capitol on 6 January 2021, when then-president Donald Trump encouraged his supporters to ‘stop the steal’ with false claims of electoral fraud in the 2020 presidential elections.

“We are gravely concerned about the imminent threat to Brazil’s democratic institutions – and we stand vigilant to defend them ahead of 7 September and after. The people of Brazil have struggled for decades to secure democracy from military rule. Bolsonaro must not be permitted to rob them of it now.”

Other signatories include Ernesto Samper Pizano, a former president of Colombia, Cori Bush, a US Democrat House of Representatives member, Jean-Luc Mélenchon, the French presidential candidate and Manon Aubry, the French MEP.

More than 5,000 police officers will reportedly be deployed to protect Congress amid fears that it could suffer the same fate as the US Capitol after Trump’s defeat. Leftist leaders have urged their followers to avoid clashes by not holding counterprotests, while the US embassy has told citizens to steer clear.

On Thursday, the chief justice of Brazil’s supreme court, Luiz Fux, said people should be aware of the “judicial consequences of their acts”, whatever their political leanings. “Freedom of expression does not entail violence and threats,” Fux warned.

Polls show 60% of voters will not vote for Bolsanaro in any circumstances in next year’s elections with voters furious at his chaotic handling of the Covid crisis.

Brazil’s Bolsonaro seeks big turnout at national day rallies

Slumping in the polls, Bolsonaro hopes to energise his far-right base as the threat of violence between supporters and opponents looms.

Brazilian President Bolsonaro is seeking to energise his base in rallies on national day [File: Eraldo Peres/AP Photo]
6 Sep 2021

Fighting record-low poll numbers, a weakening economy and a judiciary he says is stacked against him, President Jair Bolsonaro is calling for huge rallies for Brazilian independence day on Tuesday, seeking to fire up his far-right base.

With polls putting Bolsonaro on track to lose badly to left-wing ex-leader Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva in next year’s presidential elections, Bolsonaro is hoping to use the rally to energise his supporters.


And September 7 is shaping up to be a turbulent day, with pro- and anti-Bolsonaro demonstrations scheduled in some of the country’s largest cities.

“The time has come to declare our independence for good, to say we will not allow some people in Brasilia to impose their will on us,” Bolsonaro told supporters in a speech last week. “The will that matters is yours.”

His words, “some people in Brasilia”, were widely read as a reference to the Supreme Court, which has ordered a series of investigations into Bolsonaro and his inner circle, notably over allegations of systematically spreading fake news from within the government.

Bolsonaro has responded by declaring all-out political war on justices he perceives as hostile.

He has signalled that the judges should consider Tuesday’s rallies an “ultimatum” – the latest in a long list of ominous warnings aimed at the legislature and the courts.
‘All or nothing’

Bolsonaro plans to attend rallies in both Brasilia and the economic capital Sao Paulo that day, which marks 199 years since Brazil declared independence from Portugal.

The 66-year-old ex-army captain, who is often compared with former US President Donald Trump, vowed to draw a crowd of more than two million to Sao Paulo’s Avenida Paulista.

That would be far bigger than his recent rallies, which have had turnout in the tens of thousands.

Bolsonaro is playing “all or nothing” in his fight with Brazi’s legislature, the courts and the electoral system, said political scientist Geraldo Monteiro of Rio de Janeiro State University. Bolsonaro has alleged without evidence that there is a risk of massive fraud in next year’s elections.

“Each side is looking to show what it’s got in its arsenal. The Bolsonaro camp is putting everything they’ve got into these rallies,” Monteiro told the AFP news agency.

“The question is whether they’ll get a significant number of people in the street. I think it will be a watershed moment. If the rallies are big, it will in some ways tip the scale in the president’s favour. If they’re not, the crisis will continue, but ‘Bolsonarismo’ might go into a downward spiral,” he added, referencing a term used to describe the Brazilian president’s ideological leanings.
‘Calculated risk’

Supreme Court Chief Justice Luiz Fux voiced concern on Thursday over the tone in which the rallies are being organised. “In a democracy, demonstrations are peaceful, and freedom of speech should not be synonymous with threats or violence,” he said.

Internationally, more than 150 left-leaning former presidents and party leaders signed an open letter criticising Bolsonaro for encouraging what they called an imitation of the deadly January 6 insurrection at the US Capitol.

The demonstrations are “stoking fears of a coup d’etat in the world’s third-largest democracy”, the letter warned.

Hardcore Bolsonaro supporters at such rallies often include off-duty police and gun-toting fans of his tough talk, meaning there is a “real risk of violence”, said political consultant Andre Rosa.

“Bolsonaro supporters are very reactionary, they’re going to want to go to war,” he told AFP. “The president can’t control it if there’s violence. He’s taking a calculated risk.”

Security officials are trying to ensure the rival camps stay apart.

The pro-Bolsonaro march in Brasilia will be held on the Esplanade of Ministries, the avenue leading to the square flanked by the presidential palace, Congress and the Supreme Court, which will be closed. The anti-Bolsonaro march in the capital, meanwhile, will depart from the capital’s iconic TV tower, about 3km (2 miles) away.

In Sao Paulo, the anti-Bolsonaro march will be held in the city centre, about 5km (3 miles) from where the president’s supporters will rally.

Security was reinforced in Brasilia on Monday and police started blocking access to the central mall. Some 5,000 police and military personnel will be on hand in the capital.

It is a risky strategy for Bolsonaro at a time when polls put his approval rating at an all-time low of about 23 percent and soaring unemployment and inflation have hampered the pandemic recovery of Latin America’s biggest economy.

The president also risks alienating key allies, such as speaker of Congress Arthur Lira, who has so far shielded Bolsonaro from scores of impeachment attempts. “If turmoil erupts, the president knows he’ll be the only one who loses,” Lira said.
SOURCE: AFP
ProtonMail deletes 'we don't log your IP' boast from website after French climate activist reportedly arrested

Cops can read the SMTP spec too, y'know

Tue 7 Sep 2021 // 11:31 UTC
THE REGISTER®

Encrypted email service ProtonMail has become embroiled in a minor scandal after responding to a legal request to hand over a user's IP address and details of the devices he used to access his mailbox to Swiss police – resulting in the user's arrest.

Police were executing a warrant obtained by French authorities and served on their Swiss counterparts through Interpol, according to social media rumours that ProtonMail chief exec Andy Yen acknowledged to The Register.


At the time of writing, the company's website said: "We believe privacy and security are universal values which cross borders."

After data from ProtonMail was handed to the Swiss and then French police, the author of a left-wing political activists' blog in France wrote (en français) that a group called Youth for Climate had been targeted:

The police also noticed that the collective communicated via a ProtonMail email address. They therefore sent a requisition (via EUROPOL) to the Swiss company managing the messaging system in order to find out the identity of the creator of the address. ProtonMail responded to this request by providing the IP address and the fingerprint of the browser used by the collective. It is therefore imperative to go through the tor network (or at least a VPN) when using a ProtonMail mailbox (or another secure mailbox) if you want to guarantee sufficient security.

ProtonMail has said in the past that it does not collect user data and implements end-to-end encryption and repeated that over the weekend, saying: "Under no circumstances however, can our encryption be bypassed, meaning emails, attachments, calendars, files, etc, cannot be compromised by legal orders."

This statement, while bold, seems to be borne out by the service's privacy policy which states that it can access the following user information:
Sender and recipient email addresses
The IP address incoming messages originated from
Message subject
Message sent and received times

These are all standard unencrypted information from email headers, inherent to the SMTP email specification, though it appears that ProtonMail's previous promises about user information logging were a bit over-generous. Back in January this year, the company's homepage stated: "No personal information is required to create your secure email account. By default, we do not keep any IP logs which can be linked to your anonymous email account. Your privacy comes first."

Today that boast has been replaced with a mealy-mouthed version: "ProtonMail is email that respects privacy and puts people (not advertisers) first. Your data belongs to you, and our encryption ensures that. We also provide an anonymous email gateway."

Tutanota cries 'censorship!' after secure email biz blocked – for real this time – in Russia

The firm's privacy policy, which was updated yesterday, now says: "If you are breaking Swiss law, ProtonMail can be legally compelled to log your IP address as part of a Swiss criminal investigation."

In a statement posted to Reddit, which Yen forwarded to El Reg in lieu of making a statement of his own, ProtonMail said: "In this case, Proton received a legally binding order from the Swiss Federal Department of Justice which we are obligated to comply with. There was no possibility to appeal or fight this particular request because an act contrary to Swiss law did in fact take place (and this was also the final determination of the Federal Department of Justice which does a legal review of each case)."

As a Swiss company, ProtonMail is obliged to obey Swiss law and comply with Swiss legal demands, though it's unclear why the company was logging user-agent strings and IP addresses of client logins. An option exists in ProtonMail's user interface to enable access logging, though there is no information in public to suggest whether or not the French environmental protestor had enabled that. ®


Climate Change Is The Greatest Threat To Public Health, Top Medical Journals Warn


LAUREN SOMMERTwitter
NPR
September 7, 2021

Climate change is increasingly becoming a public health threat, experts warn. Thousands were displaced and dozens died during Hurricane Ida
 Sharrett/Bloomberg via Getty Images

The rapidly warming climate is the "greatest threat" to global public health, more than 200 medical journals are warning in an unprecedented joint statement that urges world leaders to cut heat-trapping emissions to avoid "catastrophic harm to health that will be impossible to reverse."

The editorial, which was published in leading journals such as The Lancet, The New England Journal of Medicine and the British Medical Journal, says the world can't wait for the COVID-19 pandemic to pass before addressing climate change.

"No temperature rise is 'safe'," the editorial says. "In the past 20 years, heat-related mortality among people over 65 years of age has increased by more than 50%."


Public health systems are already under strain

Hotter temperatures are already taxing public health systems. Last week, Hurricane Ida caused dozens of deaths across several states from flash flooding and other impacts. With the power grid down, some died from carbon monoxide poisoning caused by using generators. In the aftermath of the storm in Jefferson Parish in Louisiana, local officials have been working to provide transportation for those who need dialysis and other medical care.

Earlier this summer, hundreds died in a record-breaking heat wave in the Pacific Northwest. Wildfire smoke, increasingly clogging skies with dangerous levels of air pollution, causes spikes in emergency room visits.

"Young kids are getting more and more admissions to the [emergency room] and the hospital with asthma exacerbations due to poor air quality," says Dr. Mickey Sachdeva, a pulmonologist at Kaiser Permanente in Fresno, Calif. "We're seeing more heat exhaustion and heat-related illnesses. With climate change happening, the number of these cases will keep rising."

The most vulnerable populations are at highest risk from climate change, including the oldest and youngest, as well as those already facing economic and health challenges. Repeated disasters, such as hurricanes and fires, can lead to mental health problems and instability as residents are displaced. Infectious diseases are also expected to rise.


SHOTS - HEALTH NEWS
Study Finds Wildfire Smoke More Harmful To Humans Than Pollution From Cars

"We've seen a complete change in where the insects that carry diseases are spread," says Dr. Eric Rubin, editor-in-chief of the New England Journal of Medicine. "Lots of them were confined to tropical areas, and as the Earth gets warmer, they've been migrating further northward. And so the mosquitoes that carry a lot of the major diseases that affect Central and South America are here in the U.S. right now."

The warning comes ahead of major climate negotiations this fall. World leaders will gather this November to discuss new commitments to cut greenhouse gas emissions at the COP26 conference in Scotland. After having effectively abandoned international climate efforts under President Trump, the U.S. will have an uphill battle convincing other nations it can deliver on its climate promises.

The editorial notes that climate change requires the same kind of funding and focus that the COVID-19 pandemic has received.

"Climate change may be the biggest threat out there to public health and to our ways of life," Rubin says. "I think we can't lose sight of these enormous issues because we're consumed with one that happens to be a health problem right now."

Temperatures have risen almost 2 degrees Fahrenheit already, but to limit the worst impacts of climate change, scientists warn that warming needs to stay under 3 degrees. Even seemingly small differences can dramatically increase extreme weather. In a major international climate report released in August, scientists found that 3.6 degrees Fahrenheit of warming makes extreme heat events almost 14 times more likely.

The editors say wealthy nations have to lead the way


With the world currently on track to exceed 3 degrees Fahrenheit of warming by 2100, the medical journal editors are urging wealthier nations to lead by cutting emissions beyond what is currently promised.

"The current strategy of encouraging markets to swap dirty for cleaner technologies is not enough," the editorial reads. "Governments must intervene to support the redesign of transport systems, cities, production and distribution of food, markets for financial investments, health systems, and much more."

President Biden has committed to expanding electric vehicles, improving fuel economy and rolling out more renewable energy, but with a razor slim Democratic majority in Congress, is still struggling to pass some of his core climate policies.


SCIENCE
3 Things To Know About What Scientists Say About Our Future Climate

Scientists say while some warming is inevitable in the near term, there's still time to avoid the worst impacts of climate change.

"The point of this is not to say the sky is falling," Rubin says. "It's to say: There are problems. They're very severe and there are things we can do and we should be doing them right now. I'd like this to be more of a call to action than an obituary on our planet."
UK opens public inquiry into proposed new deep coal mine


Demonstrators stand outside the proposed Woodhouse Colliery, south of Whitehaven, ahead of the public inquiry into controversial plans for a new deep coal mine on the Cumbria coast, in Whitehaven, England, Tuesday, Sept. 7, 2021. The U.K. has opened a public inquiry into plans for the country's first new deep coal mine in three decades amid complaints that permitting the project would send the wrong message as the government seeks to persuade other countries to give up coal. Communities Secretary Robert Jenrick ordered the investigation in March, saying the project may conflict with the government's target for reaching net zero carbon emissions by 2050. (Owen Humphreys/PA via AP) | Photo: AP

By DANICA KIRKA
Updated: September 07, 2021 

LONDON (AP) - The U.K. has opened a public inquiry into plans for the country's first new deep coal mine in three decades amid complaints that permitting the project would send the wrong message as the government seeks to persuade other countries to give up coal.

Communities Secretary Robert Jenrick ordered the investigation in March, saying the project may conflict with the government's target for reaching net zero carbon emissions by 2050. Local planning officials in northwest England had previously approved the project proposed by West Cumbria Mining.

The company wants to mine about 3 million tons of coking coal at the site annually, creating 532 direct and 1,618 supply chain jobs. Coking coal is used in the production of steel, not as a source of fuel for factories and power plants.

Even so, climate activists say the project would undermine efforts to decarbonize the steel industry though increased recycling and the development of new techniques that substitute hydrogen for coking coal.

The West Cumbria project also comes at a sensitive moment for Prime Minister Boris Johnson's Conservative government, which is pushing other countries to phase out coal production as it prepares to host the latest U.N. climate summit in November in Glasgow.

"With the world hurtling towards catastrophic climate change, we should be slamming on the brakes, not hitting the accelerator with yet more fossil fuels,'' said Tony Bosworth, a climate campaigner for Friends of the Earth. "Areas like Cumbria should be at the forefront of government plans to transform our economy, create new jobs and build the cleaner future we so urgently need."

The four-week public inquiry is scheduled to end Oct. 1. The planning officer conducting the inquiry will then make a recommendation on whether the government should approve or reject the project, with Jenrick making the final decision.

The main parties in the public inquiry are West Cumbria Mining, Friends of the Earth, and the local environmental group South Lakes Action on Climate Change, which has led opposition to the project. The Cumbria County Council is also participating, even though it has adopted a position of "strict neutrality" on the mine after initially approving the project.

Members of the public have also been asked to comment, with almost 40 scheduled to speak on Wednesday.

___

Follow all AP stories on climate change issues at https://apnews.com/hub/climate.
Towards extinction...or hope

A review of 'Crude Britannia: How Oil Shaped a Nation' by James Marriott and Terry Macalister.

Terry Brotherstone | 27th August 2021 |
The Author
THE ECOLOGIST, UK

Amgueddfa Cymru
Terence Soames (c) Amgueddfa Cymru - National Museum Wales

Even Alok Sharma – Boris Johnson loyalist, former Tory cabinet minister, now president of the COP 26 UN climate summit in Glasgow in November – says he recognises it: the planet is in the last-chance saloon.

Indeed, the scientists on the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) warn, the clock – to borrow George Orwell’s opening to 1984 – has already struck thirteen.

Read an excerpt from Cruel Britannia.

“Human activity,” reports The Guardian,“is changing the Earth’s climate in ways unprecedented in … hundreds of thousands of years”: some potentially disastrous consequences are “inevitable and ‘irreversible’”.

Catastrophe


Only the worst effects can now be alleviated, and that only by decisive action drastically to reduce greenhouse gas emissions. Without a serious move to end reliance on fossil fuels, human society as we know it faces extinction.

And, argues this book, Britain is a nation the modern existence of which has been shaped by oil. What hope is there for the future?

The publication of Crude Britannia: How Oil Shaped a Nation is timely indeed. That James Marriott and Terry Macalister had fun researching it resonates in their writing, but it must have been hard work too.

It took them about three years longer than planned, when the instability that afflicted Britain in the years following the 2007-09 financial crash prompted their project.

The effects of austerity; the near-miss 2014 Scottish independence referendum that raised the now immanent possibility that the 314-year-old union with England could end, and with it the fragile constitutional underpinnings of the United Kingdom; “Brexit”; growing fears of climate catastrophe…it all made the nation look unprecedentedly insecure.

Debate


Experts in their different ways in the central socio-economic role of oil in the modern world, Marriott and Macalister decided to investigate the part it had played in holding the Britain of recent decades together – and is now playing in tearing it apart.

They would travel the country, researching its post-World-War-II relationship with the industry.

Then, as they were reaching their journey’s end, the Covid-19 pandemic dealt the final blow to what to them – children, as they introduce themselves, of the years in which oil replaced coal in the engine-room of British prosperity and sustained the underlying certainties of the country’s political economy and social life – had seemed an “era of optimism”.

They “had spent [their] lives writing on the oil and gas industry and its impacts around the world”, and now wanted to understand “what was its role … in Britain’s turbulence?”

Marriott and Macalister make an ideal pair to ask the question, and they have devised an entertaining, instructive and original way of starting serious debate about answering it.

Momentum


The delay in their publication plans, moreover, means that their book has arrived at an opportune moment.

The protest movement is gathering momentum, notably in London against the Science Museum’s acceptance of Shell’s “greenwashing” sponsorship for its “Future of the Planet” exhibition and, in Scotland, against further North Sea oil exploitation, in the first place of the Cambo field, west of Shetland.

And planning is well underway for major demonstrations at the COP 26 summit that the smooth and well-travelled (although never-quarantined) Sharma is scheduled to chair in Glasgow in November – described by Kevin McKenna in The Herald in Glasgow recently as an exercise in entrusting “our climate recovery … to the sector chiefly responsible for creating it … the planet’s chief pollutant: global capitalism.”

Macalister, now Senior Research Fellow at Wolfson College, Cambridge and a freelance journalist, was for some years Energy Editor at The Guardian – a position in which he clearly formed working relationships with key figures in the oil industry, access to whom adds important insights to Crude Britannia.

Interviewees include senior politicians such as Michael Heseltine and “Green Deal” Corbynite, Rebecca Long-Bailey; and chief executives such as Royal Dutch Shell’s Bernardus (or “Ben”) van Beurden, and John, Baron Browne of Madingley.

Re-branding

Browne was British Petroleum’s chief executive from 1995 until 2007, and his shape-shiftingly image-conscious, but never less than ruthless, career punctuates the story at key moments.

His 41 years with BP ended following the revelation that he had lied about his personal life in a sworn court deposition.

Now a cross-bench peer, he emerges as one of the key business figures in the “new Labour” years.

His ultimately unsuccessful attempts to rebrand BP as “Beyond Petroleum” with a sun-god logo, dovetailed well with premier Tony Blair’s short-lived “third way”, capitalism-with-a-human-face ideology.

The oil road

Marriott’s complementary qualifications include having co-authored in 2012 with Mika Minio-Paluello an innovative travel book, The Oil Road: Journeys from the Caspian Sea to the City of London.

It follows an itinerary from the oilfields of the Caucasus to the controlling web of the metropolitan financial and corporate institutions of London.

It has more exotic locations and anthropologically intriguing human-interest tales than Crude Britannia, for which it provided a methodological template.

Marriott, moreover, is a campaigner who works with Platform, a group that brings together artistic, educational and research initiatives with activism focused on social and ecological justice.

Campaigners


The group last year contributed to the “just transition” campaign, by surveying North Sea workers – men and women seldom consulted by political campaigners, far less policymakers – and showing that more than 80 percent of them would consider leaving their oil and gas jobs if a credible alternative were on offer.

A not dissimilar conclusion came from a more recent Canadian survey, when a parallel question was asked of oil workers there.

In addition to their abiding interest in energy and the climate crisis, the journalist-scholar and the artist-activist share a love of contemporary music.

At an online launch event in May, Macalister said the project had focused on “the key places where [the industry and its offshoots] had solidly placed its footprint”; in research centres, refineries, plants and pipelines.

Power-centres

They were bent on “soaking up the atmosphere in the Thames Estuary, South Wales, Merseyside and North East Scotland”, and talking to people on the ground, as well as in the power-centres of London and The Hague.

But they have enhanced the account of their zig-zagging, back-and-forth journey around the UK with illuminating snatches from lyrics – from The Beatles’ Baby, You Can Drive My Car (1965), via Orchestral Manoeuvres in the Dark’s Stanlow (1980) (“the only British pop song written about an oil installation”) to Slovo vocalist Barbarella’s Deliver Us (2020).

You can listen to the playlist of 16 tracks referred to while you read.

It all makes for a stimulating firework display of a book, as chronological narrative criss-crosses, sometimes repetitively, with thematic and topographical contexts.

Oil history


Within three principal sections, spanning respectively 1940-1979, 1979-2008 and 2008-2020, Crude Britannia skilfully brings together stories told by people from a wide variety of backgrounds and occupations: secretive (but to Marriott and Macalister surprisingly open) oil traders; technicians; refinery workers; trade unionists; climate-change activists; community leaders; film-makers and musicians.

Their stories form the building blocks of the book, adding something new to a literature that, in the last few years, has begun at last to challenge the conventional “there [was] no alternative”, quasi-Thatcherite version of contemporary British history – which, intellectually and politically, dominated the early years of this century.

From that point of view, Crude Britannia deserves to be taken seriously as a contribution to historical scholarship.

But Marriott and Macalister, concerned to address a wide audience, banish their academic credentials to the back: there are 710 endnotes which, with the bibliography, take up about one fifth of the book’s 430 pages, and often contain information that could have been in the main text, had the authors not been bent on ensuring that their work is not mistaken for, as Macalister put it, “an academic tome”.

Energy


The unifying idea behind Crude Britannia is well expressed by Helen Thompson, a professor of political economy at Cambridge University, whom the authors quote, saying that she herself had planned to write about the fallout of the financial crisis, with one focus on energy.

But when she tried to bring “oil into things [she already] knew about”, she concluded that it was not a question of “introducing oil into the other stories [because] oil is the story” [emphasis added].

To her, the puzzle is that this is rarely discussed.

Oil, she thinks, is “so big” that it permeates everything from daily living to foreign policy decisions to climate change.

Careful limits


It is something that, at many different levels of discourse, “people don’t really want to think about”.

But of course more and more people, especially young people, do want it thought – and talked – about.

And they want to see action that challenges the economic and political elites, who are desperate to keep discussions about the future of oil within careful limits.

Crude Britannia provides a narrative the authors describe as the “hidden” or “submarine” history of how, as the book’s subtitle has it, oil has “shaped a nation” – the post-imperial UK.

Transforming the nation


It encourages us to understand better that overcoming the economic and political power of the oil industry can not be achieved without radically transforming that nation, and, indeed, the world of globalised capital of which it is a much-diminished, but still significant, part.

Crude Britannia begins with the role of oil in World War II, during which Shell had been “effectively split into an Allied corporation and an Axis corporation”.

The latter, Rhenania-Ossag, flew the Swastika at its HQ in The Hague and helped fuel the Nazi state.

In the Battle of Britain, “a dogfight over the Channel between a Messerschmitt and a Spitfire could have seen both planes fuelled by Shell”.

Petrochemical plants

We learn that, in 1941, Macalister’s father was in the North African desert with the RAF, when lack of diesel thwarted the Axis powers’ drive for easy access to Iranian oil fields, and aviation fuel kept British fighters in the air.

Marriott’s family lived in rural Yorkshire, in a cottage heated with coal and connected to cities by steam train.

But, the authors imply, it was being born at this “moment of global oil wars”, when “Britain took a pivotal switch away from coal” that led their lives on an ultimately convergent course.

They were “travel[ing] in cars before [they] were born … [and then] suckl[ing] on rubber teats and dummies that were the outputs of petrochemical plants.”

Fundamental


Oil was fundamental to their generation’s upbringing.

“Plastic toothpaste tubes, holidays abroad, nylon clothes, food packaging, detergents, collecting oil company stickers and garage giveaways” were all made possible by “the abundance of cheap oil that fuelled the optimism of the era”.

From that engagingly personal beginning, Crude Britannia takes readers through the UK’s post-war years of industrial recovery.

It’s a story of increasingly all-pervasive petrochemicals; of the oil imperialism that made Britain a pariah-power in Iran, Nigeria and elsewhere; of the growth of civilian air travel; of the discovery of recoverable energy resources in the North Sea; and of the Middle East oil crises of the late 1960s and early 1970s.

Then come the Thatcher governments, with their determination to destroy trade-union power and use the Americanised, offshore North Sea oil and gas industry as the model for the privatisation policy that would give the UK a new “shape”; or rather would reshape the social-democratic nation and recreate it as a beacon for global, “neoliberal” capital.

Tool of the corporations


As the UK shifted from being a coal-fired to an oil-fired nation, so the situation in which the major corporations – and BP remained majority-state-owned into the 1980s – had to at least adapt themselves to government-determined, welfare-state, social priorities, shifted decisively to one in which governments, whatever their declared politics, became the tool of the corporations.

Crude Britannia’s second section takes us into a period when the “crucible of British political direction lay in the struggle between its financial sector and its industrial areas”: the “oil companies played a pivotal role … not only in the City’s battle over the development of the North Sea but in the manufacturing heartlands such as South Wales”.

These were the years of the “pushback against union power, and [against] Labour’s drive to nationalise assets”; though just how serious that drive was, especially from the mid 1970s on, can be questioned.

Not the least of Crude Britannia’s virtues is that it debunks the myths that still surround Tony Benn, and had their part to play in the delusions of Corbynism – based in the great populist’s own accounts of how, when he was Energy Secretary, he stood up to the oil companies and sent them packing in the name of “democracy”.

As Marriott and Macalister point out, when the BP chairman at that time, David Steel, died in 2004, one obituary headline referred to him as the executive “who triumphed over Tony Benn”; but when Benn died ten years later, his “departure was accompanied by acres of newsprint and yet there was little mention of the … struggle which had taken place in [the BP headquarters at] Britannic Towers”.

Financialisation


Any effective action against the social effects of the financialisation of British capital – and there are several stories illustrative of this in Crude Britannia – came not from the “Labour movement” leadership, but from rank-and-file trade-union and community activists; and, important and still inspiring though its successes were, they were inevitably limited.

At the launch event, Macalister described Crude Britannia as “a social history [and] a travelogue”, that is “also a climate action handbook” to help campaigners in their struggle – against the vested interests of governments and the now retreating and less confident, but still powerful and profit-driven, corporations – for a post-fossil-fuel world. In the book’s third section, covering the years since 2008, this last element comes to the fore.

The concluding chapters are presented as dated diary entries – at first chronological, then organised around particular themes – that take readers through a number of key events with implications for the future of the “oil-shaped” nation and some important moments in the authors’ research journey:

□ 18 December 2008: news of the Lehmann Brothers collapse;

□ 21 April 2010: the explosion of the BP Deepwater Horizon oil-rig in the Gulf of Mexico (“reviving memories of the Piper Alpha disaster 22 years previously”);

□ 28 June 2010, when the eventually successful campaign to “liberate” the Tate Gallery from BP sponsorship began;

□ 21 May 2013: a Shell AGM at which organisations like Greenpeace, Platform, Share Action, and Resisting Environmental Destruction on Indigenous Lands challenged the company’s destructive activities in the Arctic;

□ December 2015: the Paris Climate Summit;

□ 14 April 2016: a BP AGM Marriott and Macalister take as a moment, with CEO Bob Dudley on the back-foot, from which to survey some of the often-courageous, and by then increasingly effective, campaigns to influence public opinion about the disastrous environmental impacts of the industry;

□ 11 December 2017: the leak in Aberdeenshire from the INEOS pipeline that cut off much North Sea crude for weeks.

Climate crisis

This last event led Marriott and Macalister to BP Integrated Supply and Training at Canary Wharf, to examine the world of oil trading, which – increasingly the determining force in the industry – depends not on production, but on exploiting the financial opportunities offered by the share-price volatility that follows such events.

The authors’ return to north east Scotland brings us back to North Sea oil.

Crude Britannia is primarily about Shell and BP and the impact of their worldwide history on Britain and on the climate crisis.

North Sea oil, and the way it fuelled the rise of the Scottish National Party in the 1970s, features – but less centrally than it would have done had the prospect of the UK breaking up been a more central theme.

Had that been the case, Marriott and Macalister might have consulted the extensive Lives in the Oil Industry oral history archive (LOI), a resource they appear to have overlooked. (It is accessible at Aberdeen University and the British Library, and, when delays caused by the pandemic have been overcome, will be on line. More detail in an article in Northern Scotland here.)

Memorial

Engagement with these interviews would have changed neither their central narrative nor their campaigning purpose, but it might have led to the 1988 Occidental Oil Piper Alpha disaster, and the offshore workers’ safety-regime-focused, trade union actions in its aftermath, receiving greater attention.

Crude Britannia has a short account of the authors’ visit to Sue Jane Taylor’s intensely moving – if somewhat monumental – memorial, all too easily missed by visitors to Aberdeen in the city’s suburban Hazlehead Park; and one of the most striking items on the book’s playlist is the classical composer James Macmillan’s lament for the victims, Tuireadh (also the title of Chapter 7).

But somehow, despite a number of references, the full historical impact of Piper Alpha is missing.

In the LOI archive you can, for example, listen to Tim Halford, PR man for Occidental owner Armand Hammer, recounting how his boss, sensing the threatening tremors from below on the platform’s surface, laughed them off as the welcome rumbling of “those dollars flowing underneath”.

You can live for an hour or two with the late Bob Ballantyne, giving a survivor’s account of his narrow escape, his rescue from the freezing North Sea, the pain of the loss of his closest mates, and the experience of giving evidence to the subsequent Cullen Enquiry.

Political regime

Such witness statements – exemplifying not only the industry’s subordination of life to profit, but also the complaisant priorities of the political regime that legitimised and encouraged its activities – should help to put the Piper Alpha story at the centre of any critical history of UK North Sea oil.

History, as Marriott and Macalister assuredly recognise, matters, particular the history that lies just beyond the memory reach of most of the young campaigners they surely hope will read their book.

From Ballantyne – and from other offshore workers interviewed for the LOI archive – there is much to learn, too, from the post-Piper Alpha campaign for a human-life-centred North Sea safety regime; and from the experience of the Offshore Industry Liaison Committee trade-union (which gets only one brief reference in Crude Britannia) and its fight for this goal – often against the “official” unions’ reluctance to commit unequivocally to it.

An important source for the continued relevance of these stories is the account by another LOI participant, former offshore worker and now Extinction Rebellion activist, Neil Rothnie, of his more recent work attempting to draw the attention of journalists, fellow trade unionists and climate activists to the lessons of the 2012 near-miss catastrophe on the Elgin platform, when there was a major gas leak, not far from where Piper Alpha had exploded a quarter of a century earlier.

The Elgin Disaster

The Elgin disaster-that-only-just-didn’t-happen, Rothnie has said recently, was, for him – because of its even more catastrophic potential, and the way it demonstrates the potentially fatal limits of the safety regime changes made since 1988 – more historic even than the Piper Alpha tragedy itself.

But that is a story that, unless Rothnie’s writing about it receives wider public exposure, is unlikely to enter historical memory at all.

What we do get from Marriott’s and Macalister’s most recent visits to north east Scotland (in 2018 and 2019) are interviews with Jake Molloy, himself a veteran of the OILC experience, now a Rail, Maritime and Transport (RMT) union official, and with North Sea oil’s “official” historian, Aberdeen University professor Alex Kemp.

Molloy belongs to a generation of trade unionists who cut their militant teeth in the years of the “post-war boom” during which unions were recognised as, in Winston Churchill’s phrase, an “estate of the realm” – a period that ended decisively with Thatcher’s mobilisation of the full force of the state to defeat her “enemy within”, the National Union of Mineworkers, in 1984-85.

Renewables industry

Faced with the very different situation today, he talks not only about the impossibility of serious negotiations with the oil companies, but also about his fears that this dismissive culture is being replicated in the renewables industry.

Kemp is described as “a tiny man with a serious demeanour,” hidden “like an Elfin King” in an office made “almost completely inaccessible due to a mountain of research papers”.

He offers the complacent opinion – a warning perhaps about the implications of much “official” thinking – that North Sea oil will last at least till 2045, even if increasingly without the direct involvement in production of the major international companies.

The authors withhold comment, contenting themselves with securing professorial confirmation for the view that “oil played a major role in helping the Thatcher government defeat the miners”.

Looking forward: the meaning of hope


The final chapters of the book – “Nexus of Change”, “Heading for Extinction” and an epilogue, “The Commonwealth of Wind” – are, as these titles suggest, where the oil industry’s past is brought most directly into confrontation with the struggle over its future.

Elite business and political views continue to be reported, but with increasing scepticism.

And it is ideas such as those informing the “electrifying speech” made in Parliament Square on 23 April 2019, when Extinction Rebellion mounted its attempt to blockade London, by Elsie Luna – “the ten-year old … who went on to found XR Kids” – that provide momentum to Crude Britannia’s concluding pages.

Luna is given Crude Britannia’s parting comments, expressing her frustration “with oil companies, governments and even Extinction Rebellion”.

Insofar as “civil society [is] changing Britain and the oil companies”, she thinks, it is doing so far too slowly; and “XR is wrong to prioritise climate over justice”, because “neither is more important than the other”.

The companies “are continuing to exploit land and indigenous peoples just to make themselves rich … [their] talk of decarbonisation is just greenwash” and “current [governmental] systems” are incapable of taking the “decisions needed”. But she is “definitely not” giving up.

Local communities

The work that’s needed, which she says she intends to participate in, must aim “to change the politics” and that “starts … with local communities.”

Luna’s youthful resilience sets up Marriott and Macalister’s final aphorism.

“In the ruins of an oil world,” they conclude “the new is being built.”

This hopeful phrase – and the way in which it is attached to implicit faith in the capacity for effective struggle of a new generation – arguably encapsulates the essence, and the limits, of the forward thinking that informs the book.

It was latched on to by Green MP, Caroline Lucas, whose stress, when she chaired the Crude Britannia launch, was on the opportunities for change offered by the perceived seriousness of the crisis; and on the, in reality relatively small-scale, steps being taken in some places to address it.

Participants, along with the chair and the authors, were Gail Bradbrook, coalminer’s daughter, biophysicist, campaigner for disabled people’s web access and cofounder of Extinction Rebellion; Suzanne Dhaliwal, cofounder of the Tar Sands Network that has challenged Shell and BP on their destructive activities in Canada, and a lecturer in environmental justice and decolonisation strategies; Dave Randall, the guitarist who founded the band Slovo, also a writer and political activist; and the RMT’s Jake Molloy.

Systemic change


As a group – a radical politician, journalists, campaigners, a musician and a trade unionist – they represent key elements in the coalition of activists that the book aspires to inform, as the political pressure grows for what, as Luna’s comments tentatively suggest, has to be systemic change, going far beyond simply gaining governmental and industry commitments to environmental targets.

You can not, as the youthful campaigner told Marriott and Macalister, “prioritise climate over justice” … to which Dhaliwal, the contributor at the launch who came closest to tempering her enthusiasm with creative critique, added that the environmental movement has to examine itself before it can seriously confront the oil companies.

She appealed for an approach that challenges “the white supremacy” within the movement, and recovers the history of those who historically have been on the receiving end of the colonial system of which the oil industry has been a key part.

Socio-economic crises


UK campaigns, she clearly feels, are too parochial, alienating many people from such backgrounds and are insufficiently attentive not only to this history but to some of the most powerful social movements today, such as that of the Indian farmers against the new laws they think will ruin their livelihoods.

To this listener at least, Dhaliwal’s contribution came over as an urgent plea for critical thinking, that might lead some environmental campaigners beyond Bradbrook’s cheerful call to “keep going out on the streets” and doing what they enjoy “because we’re in this for the long haul”.

Molloy of the RMT spoke frankly to the launch about his dilemmas as a concerned trade unionist confronting what is now a systemic crisis of human society itself, very different from the sort of cyclical socio-economic crises in which unions were for long able to secure important gains for their members.

Utopian

Dave Randall called for more utopian and visionary thinking to offset the dystopian jeremiads the climate crisis has generated – and which are likely to be redoubled when the practical outputs from whatever agreements are reached by the capitalist powers in Glasgow in November begin to be seriously analysed.

Two important appeals can perhaps be heard in, or at least derived from, these contributions.

The first concerns the recognition that class agency remains critical if radical transition – “just”, not only in employment terms, but in transition to a humanity-centred social metabolism – is to be accomplished.

Advanced world


But in the so-called “advanced world” of the 21st century, it has to be recognised, class agency can no longer be equated simply with the struggles of the national, industrial working classes that many of us, in the second half of the twentieth century (and others long before then) thought – if only they were led by revolutionaries – held the future in their grasp.

The category that Karl Marx defined as the “structural antagonist” of capital, and therefore the only force that can bring about radical societal change to a “truly human future” was not the industrial working class he began to see emerging in the Europe of his own time as such, but “labour”.

And that category has today to be fundamentally rethought as embracing much more diverse, and rapidly changing, forms of human activity than simply factory-work.

Urgency

Prioritising the urgency of the climate crisis is no substitute for confronting such issues, since – whatever may be the impact of more immediate actions to delay the threat of planetary extinction – it is only by moving towards radical transition beyond the hegemony of capital, that humanity can secure its own, and the planet’s, long-term future.

The second implicit appeal that, to my ear, was just audible at the Crude Britannia launch was for activism to be informed with new thinking, by renewed attention to theory that interacts with, and guides, action.

However much it is sustained by the unprejudiced enthusiasm of youth, activism which does not strive to generate and renew its own theoretical guidance, can – in the face of the ruthlessly destructive force of capital – only end in disillusion and defeat.

Hope

For this reason, it is important to pursue Randall’s comment on utopianism.

Discouraging visionary and utopian thinking has always been a key weapon in the armoury of capital, whose ideologues promote a sense of impossibility and hopelessness.

The most that women and men who understand the systemic nature of the injustices of existing society can be allowed by those ideologues to hope, and to fight, for, is piecemeal reform – what the Fabians Sidney and Beatrice Webb called “the inevitability of gradualness”.

Better future

Such limited aspiration has resulted in the hegemony of capital being prolonged far beyond its systemic compatibility with human need – to the point indeed at which the threat of extinction has become all too real.

To have visions of a better future, and for those who can to sing about the hope they sustain, is, indeed, an important element in the response needed.

But utopianism – which Marx and his comrade Friedrich Engels in the 1840s critiqued – and went beyond, in the forms in which it existed then – but did not reject, has to become part of more general theoretical renewal.

Ernst Bloch

In East Germany in the 1950s, the philosopher Ernst Bloch – a long-standing student of utopian thinking, by then increasingly in conflict with the authoritarian Stalinist regime and its anti-humanist perversions of Marxism (he was soon effectively forced to leave his university chair, and the country) – called his most important book The Principle of Hope.

Bloch’s work has recently found a new following amongst philosophy students, notably in Poland, but, in part no doubt because of its formidable length and eclectic form, it is seldom cited by theoretically-minded political campaigners in the West.

For the protest movements of today, to which Crude Britannia offers important encouragement to become something more than a loosely formulated urge to find a bright side amidst the encroaching gloom, Bloch offers a way of thinking about the relationship between past, present and future.

Planetary catastrophe

This could create an intergenerational discourse between mid- to late-20th-century activists, licking their Marxist wounds in the aftermath of the now-decades-long, apparent triumph of “neoliberalism”, and the fresh forces drawn into struggle by today’s infinitely more profound crisis, within which lurks the threat of extinction.

Hope is an essential condition for such discourse, for it to be meaningful, and for it to have a positive outcome for humanity.

But – in the face of the Himalayan nature of the challenge to end the long hegemony of capital, to prevent planetary catastrophe, and to find ways in which humanity can live in harmony with itself and with the natural world (and of course not only in the “oil-shaped” United Kingdom) – it must be hope based on serious intellectual and theoretical foundations.

New generation

It is an achievement of Crude Britannia that it demonstrates that, even in the midst of the pressures of practical struggle against the threat of extinction, historical understanding matters.

More important still, the book has the potential to begin a discussion about how the hope revived by a new generation of protestors could create the conditions for the rediscovery and renewal of those foundations.

There is much work to be done.

This Author

Terry Brotherstone is a historian based in Scotland. He is a senior lecturer at the University of Aberdeen. This article first appeared at People and Nature.