Tuesday, February 15, 2022

CHRISTIAN NATIONALISTS HAVE TURNED THE BIBLE INTO A POLITICAL BATTERING RAM

A pro-life protester carries a crucifix in front of the US Capitol Building on theWashington Mall during the annual March for Life, Jan. 24, 2011. 
REUTERS/Jason Reed

Hundreds of voter suppression bills have been introduced in the past year alone. As Rev. Dr. Liz Theoharis of the Poor People’s Campaign argues, “we can’t separate this attack on our democracy from [the] rise of Christian nationalism.”

BY MARC STEINERFEBRUARY 10, 2022
POSTED INTHE MARC STEINER SHOW


“Christian nationalism has influenced the course of American politics and policy since the founding of this country, while, in every era, moral movements have had to fight for the Bible and the terrain that goes with it,” Rev. Dr. Liz Theoharis recently wrote in The Nation. “The January 6 assault on the Capitol, while only the latest expression of such old battlelines, demonstrated the threat of a modern form of Christian nationalism that has carefully built political power in government, the media, the academy, and the military over the past half-century. Today, the social forces committed to it are growing bolder and increasingly able to win mainstream support.”

In this segment of The Marc Steiner Show, Marc welcomes Rev. Dr. Liz Theoharis back on the show to discuss the growing and dangerous influence of Christian nationalism in the US and around the globe—and how to fight it. Rev. Dr. Liz Theoharis is co-director of the Kairos Center, as well as a founder and coordinator of the Poverty Initiative. She is co-chair of the Poor People’s Campaign: A National Call For Moral Revival, and author of Always with Us?: What Jesus Really Said about the Poor. She is also an ordained minister in the Presbyterian Church (USA) and a biblical scholar in New Testament and Christian origins.

Tune in for new episodes of The Marc Steiner Show every Monday and Thursday on TRNN.


Pre-Production/Studio: Dwayne Gladden
Post-Production: Stephen Frank, Dwayne Gladden

TRANSCRIPT

Marc Steiner: Welcome to The Marc Steiner Show, here on The Real News. I’m Marc Steiner, and it’s great to have you all with us once again. And we’ll be producing a series of productions and conversations about the rise of the right in America, the danger it presents, what we can do not just to confront it, but to stop it and build a different future. And one of those organizations at the forefront of the struggle has been the Poor People’s Campaign. And one of its key leaders is the Reverend Dr. Liz Theorharis. A couple of weeks ago, she wrote an article entitled, “How Do We Confront White Christian Nationalism?” It was in tomdispatch.com and also featured in The Nation magazine where I first read it.

The power of the evangelical fundamentalist right-wing Christian movement has always been a force in America, but so has its opposite, from the struggle for abolition, to civil rights, to this moment. Now, the Reverend Dr. Liz Theorharis has joined me numerous times over the years and joins us again today. She’s co-director of the Kairos Center, co-founder of the Poverty Initiative, national co-director of the Poor People’s Campaign, and wrote the book, Always with Us? What Jesus Really Said about the Poor. She’s an ordained minister in the Presbyterian Church and spent years of her life battling for social, economic, and political justice on the front lines with grassroots organizations from across the country. And Reverend Liz Theorharis, welcome back. Good to have you with us.

Rev. Liz Theorharis: Thanks so Much for having me, Marc.

Marc Steiner: I really love this article. It’s funny, when I read this sort of I had just finished reading a couple of articles about Donald Trump’s Trumped-up Christianity, and how he uses his nationals movement –

Rev. Liz Theorharis: That’s right.

Marc Steiner: …To push his own agenda. Let me just begin there. Talk a bit about what you think is this dynamic now with Christian nationalism and where it fits into everything?

Rev. Liz Theorharis: Well, this is so important. And it surely does not start with Donald Trump and it will not end even if his presidential hopefulness for 2024 is defeated. But there is indeed a long history of development of this Christian nationalism. But the way it’s playing itself out in our political and economic life today is one of real concern. And that we must pay some attention to.

What we have is really a theology, an ideology that both blames poor people and immigrants and queer people and women for all of society’s problems, pits us against each other, and then puts it all kind of on God saying that the true followers of the God of history are exclusive, are racist, protect private property, put forward this idea that Jesus was a card carrying member of the NRA. They assert that the real moral issues of our day are who has sex with who, about the health choices of women. When most of the issues that these Christian nationalists are taking a lot of time and effort around aren’t even in our sacred text and traditions.

And yet there’s real silence coming out of many of these communities on the issues that Jesus and the prophets were very loud about. And that is economic justice, that is people having a voice in the decisions that affect their lives, that is actually critiquing those in power who would take the wealth and power of the world just for themselves and allow the deprivation of rights and of livelihoods of a majority of God’s people.

And so today what we have is a politick that has been really kind of veiled or framed… My co-chair of the Poor People’s Campaign, Reverend Dr. Barber, often will talk about these Christian nationalists who pray, P-R-A-Y, over politicians who prey, P-R-E-Y on the poor, on the immigrant, on the widow, on the child, on exactly who in our sacred texts God has the most concern and most interest in caring for.

Marc Steiner: So, as you were speaking, one of the things that hit me, this question is a little diversion from America, but I want to ask and come right back to our own country. I’m curious, as a theologian, as an activist, what do you think the dynamic is across the globe right now? When you see this happening among many Christian denominations, you see it happening in the Jewish world as well, especially in Israel, you see it happening in the Muslim world with kind of rural fundamentalists taking charge and battling societies. You see it taking place in India with Hindu nationalists. You see it across the spiritual spectrum. What do you think that dynamic is? Why is that happening at this moment? And what do we have to contend with here?

Rev. Liz Theorharis: Well, indeed there has surely been a rise of religious nationalism of all stripes over the past decades. And I think we actually have to look at the connection that religious nationalism has to both economic shifts and changes that are taking place in the global economy as well as the rise of these autocratic political movements who take advantage of economic shifts and changes and prey on vulnerabilities that exist.

And so indeed, all over the globe there are these nationalistic movements that are gaining strength and who have some very powerful leaders who then have very powerful bases in these nationalistic movements. You have it in Brazil, you have it in India, you have it, really, across the world. I think there is something, though, to be said especially about Christian nationalism, even the world all over because of the role that Christianity plays and has played both being connected to colonialism, imperialism. I think in terms of what we’re seeing now in different countries across the world of these evangelical nationalistic movements that are gaining some traction amongst marginalized people. But then also from how rich and powerful Christians in this country, and sometimes not even very Christian people, but politicians have a real interest in fanning the flames of nationalism and division and using a particular theology. And then importing that to many of the countries across the world where the US has been, as Dr. King calls, a great purveyor of violence in the world.

And so we see this in different parts of Africa, we see this in different parts of Latin America, we see this really all over. Where there’s battles taking place around sexuality, around abortion, but that are kind of really coming from some elite players in the Christian nationalist movement in the United States.

Marc Steiner: It makes me think of one of the… You have a couple of quotes in your article from Archbishop Tutu, one of our most amazing leaders and people that ever existed on this planet, at least in my lifetime.

Rev. Liz Theorharis: That’s right.

Marc Steiner: What you just said reminds me of a quote that you quoted in the article which is, “When the missionaries came to Africa, they had the Bible and we had the land. They said, ‘Let us pray.’ We closed our eyes. When we opened them, we had the Bible and they had the land.” So I’ve always loved that quote. And I’m glad you put that in there, because it’s so apt even for what we’re facing in America today. And you see the lens, the euphemism for what we’re facing in this country today.

Rev. Liz Theorharis: That’s right. So what we have, and again, this has been developing for decades. It didn’t just show up at the Capitol on Jan. 6 or even the kind of religious rally that happened on Jan. 5. But for decades what has been developing in this country, very motivated, very politically motivated, has been a movement of Christians who have taken a position on so many different issues but used, for instance, the desegregation of schools, and when they couldn’t win on that switched over to a fight for abortion and were able to impose a racist framework in local political governments all across the country, especially in the South.

And what we’re seeing still is that the rising influence of these Christian nationalists and especially the ideology that is attacking our democracy, allowing for very racist and anti-poor legislation being passed. And that just puts a veil on grave injustice. That again, our faith traditions, especially Christianity, have a very different message about.

Marc Steiner: So this leads me to two questions here. One is what you just said, what this struggle may portend, especially in the Christian world. But let me start with, how critical is this, for one of a better term, right-wing fundamentalist evangelical Christianity to the right wing surge. And two, its takeover. As we all both know that there are at least now 26 state legislatures that are completely dominated by the far right. And they are dwindling down the right to vote across America, which is in one way in this nation, in this democracy, to seize control legally. And how important is this kind of Christian nationalism to do that? And what is that set up?

Rev. Liz Theorharis: So, indeed, we are seeing the largest attack on voting rights in this country right now since the attack that came in reconstruction. Right after the civil war where we had these fusion governments all across the South of poor white and formerly enslaved and other freed people who had come together, formed these new reconstruction governments, rewrote constitutions, put in beautiful moralistic language, but that about freedom and justice. And in the North Carolina Constitution, for instance, that constitution doesn’t say just pursuit of justice, establishing justice. It also talks about the right to bear the fruit of one’s labor. That’s enshrined in the constitution there because of these amazing reconstruction governments. And yet, what has to happen for those in power to kind of grab their power back is to defeat reconstruction.

And again, who helped to write a bunch of these constitutions and a part of these reconstruction governments were pastors and moral leaders as well as those that were directly impacted. We’re seeing something similar going on today. Because of multiracial democracy, poor and low-income Black and Latino and Native and white and Asian are coming together across all of these different lines. They have those in power greatly scared. It isn’t really possible right now for those that can control the Republican Party to win elections fairly and especially to win national elections. And so what you have is this intense attack on voting rights.

Again, more than 400 voter suppression laws have been introduced since 2021 into 49 states. And 19 of those states have already passed. This will mean that in the next elections 55 million people who voted in the 2020 election will just be disenfranchised. They won’t have the same manners to vote as they did in 2020. But we can’t separate out this political attack, this attack on our democracy from this rise of Christian nationalism and this rise of autocracy and pushing back and the abridging of people’s right to elect leaders that represent them.

And a huge tool that has been used to allow for this huge attack on our rights and on our civil liberties is taking place through this veil, again, of Christian nationalism. And by some very powerful Christian nationalist actors who have, again, not just shown up overnight, but who have been building networks of media, building a base in different churches and taking political power by being very close to different political actors all across the country. And so this is both something that should be a cause for alarm, but again, it doesn’t have to have the last word. There are people pushing back and organizing, and this is why the Kairos Center and the Poor People’s Campaign: A National Call for Moral Revival is just that. It’s a moral revival because our deepest moral values actually really push back against these extremists in our political views, as well as these nationalists in our religious views.

Marc Steiner: So explore that a bit more. And just in terms of how this is confronted and more importantly, really, I think, to start talking about how it is defeated and how it is stopped and what that means. We have a great quote in your article. Let me just read this for our listeners. And I will encourage everybody at the end to hit the link and to read the article because it’s really worth a read. “The vast majority of food pantries and other emergency assistance programs are run out of them [the churches] and much of the civic work going on in churches is motivated by varying interpretations of the Bible when it comes to poverty. These range from outright disdain and pity to charity to more proactive advocacy and activism for the poor.”

You also write about how the Bible belt in the South is also the poverty belt. So the question is what lessons do we get from that, but also, really, so how do you stop it? When you just said that right now these states are disenfranchising 55 million potential voters through the most horrendous means is just to… It’s just so blatant the way they’re trying to stop people from having the right to vote.

I hate to digress like this, but after kind of being as a young man in the South in the civil rights movement fighting for voting rights across America, to see them be able to take it back. So what now, in terms of the work you do and others around you doing, actually can stop this and build a movement to replace it?

Rev. Liz Theorharis: Well, I really believe that… I’m a pastor –

Marc Steiner: Yes you are.

Rev. Liz Theorharis: I’m a biblical [scholar], and I come to those, both from my upbringing, I was raised in a family that was deeply dedicated to doing the work of justice, but on my mother’s part in particular, a very deep faith commitment. And so I was a Sunday school teacher by 13. I was a deacon by 16. I am the church.

Marc Steiner: You are, really.

Rev. Liz Theorharis: But again, it was never separated that doing justice and advocating for an end to systemic racism. This was what you do, not just to be a good person, not just because there’s injustice, but because that’s what God and our faith traditions command. And that is really important. I’ve been doing grassroots anti-poverty organizing for more than 25 years and almost not a week goes by in my life when somebody doesn’t come up to me and say, I wish you would stop talking about ending systemic racism and poverty because don’t you know in the Bible it says the poor will be with you always.

Now, this does not just come to me from extremist Christian nationalists who have called themselves that. This comes from anti-poverty activists themselves. This comes from scientists and religious scholars. That right now the dominant interpretation of our biblical attacks, our sacred text and theology, really kind of says that God condones injustice. There’s others that go a lot farther and say that, again, God is going to punish poor people and women and all of this. Again, that’s not biblically based. It’s fine that people try to quote the Bible but they always misquote it and can often find very little biblical justification. But what folks have also done is allowed for this kind of overall interpretation of theology to justify poverty and inequality, especially in a very unequal and very impoverished world, an impoverished democracy.

And so to me, one of the responsibilities, but also opportunities that our justice movements have is to reclaim a bunch of the biblical and theological foundations, but also just the values in our society, values that are enshrined in our Constitution or who have been fought to be put there. Values that are in our communities about justice and about fairness and about truth and about welfare. How is it possible that we have the word welfare in our Constitution and yet we’re having a debate this many years into a pandemic about not getting a child tax credit to families that need it. Welfare is in our Constitution, providing for the common welfare. Well, let’s just talk about this. Or for the general welfare, sorry.

But that means that somehow we have allowed a small group of very powerful people to redefine what our values even are. But if we don’t allow that misinterpretation, if we come together and say and show that our sacred texts and traditions, but then also our justice movements are putting forward a different set of values. And that’s that it says in our Bible you can’t honor and worship God without taking care of and welcoming your immigrant neighbor, organizing society around the needs of the poor. That’s not because I want it to be there. It’s because that’s what’s in Deuteronomy. You have anti-poverty programs and pro-justice programs over and over and over in our sacred text. And we see movements including the Poor People’s Campaign take up those biblical and theological foundations and be able to push forward a new vision that’s rooted in these values, that says that everybody must be in, nobody can be left out. And that when you lift from the bottom, everybody rises.

Marc Steiner: [inaudible] as you were speaking I’m thinking that sometimes the inept inaction sometimes of the Biden administration makes you worry about them as much as I do the right wing at times, just in terms of what we face and what we should be doing. So I’d to really conclude with leading up to June 18, which I want people to understand and know about as we finish this conversation, but also what specifically, what strategically are you all putting on the table about what we do and how we organize this defense as well as an offense about building the future and not allowing us to fall into a right wing nationalistic kind of nation.

Because I think we are under serious threat. I think that this is the most serious threat I’ve seen I think America has had since, for want of a better thought, since the late 1800s, the late 1877 when reconstruction was destroyed and on the heels of civil rights and all the other movements and all things people fought for from the ’30s to the ’70s, seeing it all being dismantled and brought down again. And I’m really interested in what you think strategically has to be done, and what you all are doing?

Rev. Liz Theorharis: So what we propose is that a moral fusion movement is the answer to Christian nationalism, to increased poverty, to all of the injustices that are wreaking havoc on people’s lives and livelihoods. And what we mean by that is moral in that it’s rooted in our biblical and theological foundations and traditions that talk about love for one another. And again, lifting from the bottom so everybody can rise. Fusion in that it brings together people from all walks of life, across all the barriers and divisions that right now are really being stoked in our society. And so across geography, across race, across religion.

What we, again, saw in 2020 and what we are trying to do as we organize this moral March on Washington and to the polls is that one third of the electorate in 2020 was poor and low-income. And yet we have very little attention, conversation, and action around the needs of one third of the people that are voting in our elections. And in battleground states back in 2020 it was upwards of 40%, 45% of the electorate was poor and low-income and across race. Native, Black, Latino, and poor white voting together, making the difference in terms of voting for candidates that said that they were going to raise wages and expand healthcare and address systemic racism and do the things that the majority of people in this country need to thrive and not just barely survive.

And so this moral fusion movement that we’re building is also about registering and mobilizing and organizing people for a movement that then can vote, can put independent political pressure on our candidates and on our politicians by saying right now we are living in an impoverished democracy but the power to change that lies in the bodies and souls of poor and low-income people who are really trying to build, as Reverend Dr. Barber has said and we in the Poor People’s Campaign put out, a third reconstruction. And this one to fully address poverty and low wages and address these abridgments on voting rights and address the climate crisis and the militarization of our communities in our world and to address this false narrative of Christian and all forms of religious nationalism.

And so if we take, even from someone like Reverend Dr. King in the last years of his life who is proposing a Poor People’s Campaign, we take some of the strategy there that the Achilles heel, the weak point of our current political system that has allowed for such violence to occur to so many people and poverty and racism to exist, and climate chaos. Then by pulling those people together and having folk organize to take on at the same time systemic racism, and poverty, and ecological devastation, and militarism, and this narrative of Christian nationalism. In this organizing, organizing, organizing kind of way through what we call moral analysis, moral articulation, and moral action. Then we really believe that’s a hope for the nation and to really save the soul of our democracy and to be able to lift people up and put people first.

Marc Steiner: Well, Reverend Liz Theorharis, it’s always a pleasure to talk with you. And before we leave each other today I’m going to leave people with a quote that you started your article with from the Archbishop Desmond Tutu. But real quickly just tell us a bit more just very quickly about June 18 and what you’re building up towards so people understand what this means.

Rev. Liz Theorharis: Great. So June 18 will be a mass poor people and low wage workers assembly and a moral March on Washington then into the polls. People from all across the country will converge and convene in Washington, DC, on that Saturday, June 18 for a declaration, not just a day, where we’re going to come forward with the very solutions to the problems that exist around systemic racism and the suppression of voting rights, around poverty and low wages, around saving the earth and everything living in it, and around all of these issues. And show the power of poor and low-income people.

And so hoping that folks will be involved and invited to help, to organize for this massive generationally transformative event. We already on the poorpeoplescampaign.org website have buses that are being organized and mobilizing kits and information. And so, hope that folks not just sign up to come and be in the numbers, but help to organize thousands of people to join us in Washington, DC.

Marc Steiner: And I’m going to leave you all before we say goodbye to the Reverend Liz Theorharis, at least for today. A quote that the article opened up with, I think that is really important. And I just love the things that Tutu has said. And he said, “If you are neutral in situations of injustice, you have chosen the side of the oppressor. If an elephant has its foot on the tail of a mouse and you say that you are neutral, the mouse will not appreciate your neutrality.” I love that quote.

Rev. Liz Theorharis: Amen. Amen.

Marc Steiner: Liz, thank you so much. Look forward to talking to you again soon.

Rev. Liz Theorharis: Thank you.

Marc Steiner: Thank you all for joining us today. It was great having you with us. And you can find links to Reverend Liz Theorharis’s article and to the Poor People’s Campaign June 18 action in DC right here on our website. And please let me know what you think about what you heard today, what you’d like us to cover. Just write to me at mss@therealnews.com and I’ll get right back to you. And a really important reminder that Bill Fletcher. Jr and I will be producing a series on the rise of the right and what we can do to stop it, coming out on The Real News in March. So for Dwayne Gladden, Stephen Frank, and the crew here at The Real News, I’m Marc Steiner. Stay involved, keep listening, and take care.

IN THE US AND BEYOND, CHRISTIAN NATIONALISM IS ON THE RISE
The influence of Christian nationalism is growing in the US and abroad, and its political and religious doctrines are being used to justify inequality and hammer away at the institutional foundations of democracy.

BY MARC STEINERFEBRUARY 7, 2022

Nick Fuentes, the leader of a Christian based extremist white nationalist group speaks to his followers, 'the Groypers,' in Washington, DC on Nov. 14, 2020.
 Zach D Roberts/NurPhoto via Getty Images

“Christian nationalism has influenced the course of American politics and policy since the founding of this country, while, in every era, moral movements have had to fight for the Bible and the terrain that goes with it,” Rev. Dr. Liz Theoharis recently wrote in The Nation. “The January 6 assault on the Capitol, while only the latest expression of such old battlelines, demonstrated the threat of a modern form of Christian nationalism that has carefully built political power in government, the media, the academy, and the military over the past half-century. Today, the social forces committed to it are growing bolder and increasingly able to win mainstream support.”

In this segment of The Marc Steiner Show, Marc welcomes Rev. Dr. Liz Theoharis back to discuss the growing and dangerous influence of Christian nationalism in the US and around the globe—and how to fight it. Rev. Dr. Liz Theoharis is co-director of the Kairos Center, as well as a founder and coordinator of the Poverty Initiative. She is co-chair of the Poor People’s Campaign: A National Call For Moral Revival, and author of Always with Us?: What Jesus Really Said about the Poor. She is also an ordained minister in the Presbyterian Church (USA) and a biblical scholar in New Testament and Christian origins.

TRANSCRIPT

Marc Steiner: Welcome to The Marc Steiner Show, here on The Real News. I’m Marc Steiner, and it’s great to have you all with us once again. And we’ll be producing a series of productions and conversations about the rise of the right in America, the danger it presents, what we can do not just to confront it, but to stop it and build a different future. And one of those organizations at the forefront of the struggle has been the Poor People’s Campaign. And one of its key leaders is the Reverend Dr. Liz Theorharis. A couple of weeks ago, she wrote an article entitled, “How Do We Confront White Christian Nationalism?” It was in tomdispatch.com and also featured in The Nation magazine where I first read it.

The power of the evangelical fundamentalist right-wing Christian movement has always been a force in America, but so has its opposite, from the struggle for abolition, to civil rights, to this moment. Now, the Reverend Dr. Liz Theorharis has joined me numerous times over the years and joins us again today. She’s co-director of the Kairos Center, co-founder of the Poverty Initiative, national co-director of the Poor People’s Campaign, and wrote the book, Always with Us? What Jesus Really Said about the Poor. She’s an ordained minister in the Presbyterian Church and spent years of her life battling for social, economic, and political justice on the front lines with grassroots organizations from across the country. And Reverend Liz Theorharis, welcome back. Good to have you with us.

Rev. Liz Theorharis: Thanks so Much for having me, Marc.

Marc Steiner: I really love this article. It’s funny, when I read this sort of I had just finished reading a couple of articles about Donald Trump’s Trumped-up Christianity, and how he uses his nationals movement –

Rev. Liz Theorharis: That’s right.

Marc Steiner: …To push his own agenda. Let me just begin there. Talk a bit about what you think is this dynamic now with Christian nationalism and where it fits into everything?

Rev. Liz Theorharis: Well, this is so important. And it surely does not start with Donald Trump and it will not end even if his presidential hopefulness for 2024 is defeated. But there is indeed a long history of development of this Christian nationalism. But the way it’s playing itself out in our political and economic life today is one of real concern. And that we must pay some attention to.

What we have is really a theology, an ideology that both blames poor people and immigrants and queer people and women for all of society’s problems, pits us against each other, and then puts it all kind of on God saying that the true followers of the God of history are exclusive, are racist, protect private property, put forward this idea that Jesus was a card carrying member of the NRA. They assert that the real moral issues of our day are who has sex with who, about the health choices of women. When most of the issues that these Christian nationalists are taking a lot of time and effort around aren’t even in our sacred text and traditions.

And yet there’s real silence coming out of many of these communities on the issues that Jesus and the prophets were very loud about. And that is economic justice, that is people having a voice in the decisions that affect their lives, that is actually critiquing those in power who would take the wealth and power of the world just for themselves and allow the deprivation of rights and of livelihoods of a majority of God’s people.

And so today what we have is a politick that has been really kind of veiled or framed… My co-chair of the Poor People’s Campaign, Reverend Dr. Barber, often will talk about these Christian nationalists who pray, P-R-A-Y, over politicians who prey, P-R-E-Y on the poor, on the immigrant, on the widow, on the child, on exactly who in our sacred texts God has the most concern and most interest in caring for.

Marc Steiner: So, as you were speaking, one of the things that hit me, this question is a little diversion from America, but I want to ask and come right back to our own country. I’m curious, as a theologian, as an activist, what do you think the dynamic is across the globe right now? When you see this happening among many Christian denominations, you see it happening in the Jewish world as well, especially in Israel, you see it happening in the Muslim world with kind of rural fundamentalists taking charge and battling societies. You see it taking place in India with Hindu nationalists. You see it across the spiritual spectrum. What do you think that dynamic is? Why is that happening at this moment? And what do we have to contend with here?

Rev. Liz Theorharis: Well, indeed there has surely been a rise of religious nationalism of all stripes over the past decades. And I think we actually have to look at the connection that religious nationalism has to both economic shifts and changes that are taking place in the global economy as well as the rise of these autocratic political movements who take advantage of economic shifts and changes and prey on vulnerabilities that exist.

And so indeed, all over the globe there are these nationalistic movements that are gaining strength and who have some very powerful leaders who then have very powerful bases in these nationalistic movements. You have it in Brazil, you have it in India, you have it, really, across the world. I think there is something, though, to be said especially about Christian nationalism, even the world all over because of the role that Christianity plays and has played both being connected to colonialism, imperialism. I think in terms of what we’re seeing now in different countries across the world of these evangelical nationalistic movements that are gaining some traction amongst marginalized people. But then also from how rich and powerful Christians in this country, and sometimes not even very Christian people, but politicians have a real interest in fanning the flames of nationalism and division and using a particular theology. And then importing that to many of the countries across the world where the US has been, as Dr. King calls, a great purveyor of violence in the world.

And so we see this in different parts of Africa, we see this in different parts of Latin America, we see this really all over. Where there’s battles taking place around sexuality, around abortion, but that are kind of really coming from some elite players in the Christian nationalist movement in the United States.

Marc Steiner: It makes me think of one of the… You have a couple of quotes in your article from Archbishop Tutu, one of our most amazing leaders and people that ever existed on this planet, at least in my lifetime.

Rev. Liz Theorharis: That’s right.

Marc Steiner: What you just said reminds me of a quote that you quoted in the article which is, “When the missionaries came to Africa, they had the Bible and we had the land. They said, ‘Let us pray.’ We closed our eyes. When we opened them, we had the Bible and they had the land.” So I’ve always loved that quote. And I’m glad you put that in there, because it’s so apt even for what we’re facing in America today. And you see the lens, the euphemism for what we’re facing in this country today.

Rev. Liz Theorharis: That’s right. So what we have, and again, this has been developing for decades. It didn’t just show up at the Capitol on Jan. 6 or even the kind of religious rally that happened on Jan. 5. But for decades what has been developing in this country, very motivated, very politically motivated, has been a movement of Christians who have taken a position on so many different issues but used, for instance, the desegregation of schools, and when they couldn’t win on that switched over to a fight for abortion and were able to impose a racist framework in local political governments all across the country, especially in the South.

And what we’re seeing still is that the rising influence of these Christian nationalists and especially the ideology that is attacking our democracy, allowing for very racist and anti-poor legislation being passed. And that just puts a veil on grave injustice. That again, our faith traditions, especially Christianity, have a very different message about.

Marc Steiner: So this leads me to two questions here. One is what you just said, what this struggle may portend, especially in the Christian world. But let me start with, how critical is this, for one of a better term, right-wing fundamentalist evangelical Christianity to the right wing surge. And two, its takeover. As we all both know that there are at least now 26 state legislatures that are completely dominated by the far right. And they are dwindling down the right to vote across America, which is in one way in this nation, in this democracy, to seize control legally. And how important is this kind of Christian nationalism to do that? And what is that set up?

Rev. Liz Theorharis: So, indeed, we are seeing the largest attack on voting rights in this country right now since the attack that came in reconstruction. Right after the civil war where we had these fusion governments all across the South of poor white and formerly enslaved and other freed people who had come together, formed these new reconstruction governments, rewrote constitutions, put in beautiful moralistic language, but that about freedom and justice. And in the North Carolina Constitution, for instance, that constitution doesn’t say just pursuit of justice, establishing justice. It also talks about the right to bear the fruit of one’s labor. That’s enshrined in the constitution there because of these amazing reconstruction governments. And yet, what has to happen for those in power to kind of grab their power back is to defeat reconstruction.

And again, who helped to write a bunch of these constitutions and a part of these reconstruction governments were pastors and moral leaders as well as those that were directly impacted. We’re seeing something similar going on today. Because of multiracial democracy, poor and low-income Black and Latino and Native and white and Asian are coming together across all of these different lines. They have those in power greatly scared. It isn’t really possible right now for those that can control the Republican Party to win elections fairly and especially to win national elections. And so what you have is this intense attack on voting rights.

Again, more than 400 voter suppression laws have been introduced since 2021 into 49 states. And 19 of those states have already passed. This will mean that in the next elections 55 million people who voted in the 2020 election will just be disenfranchised. They won’t have the same manners to vote as they did in 2020. But we can’t separate out this political attack, this attack on our democracy from this rise of Christian nationalism and this rise of autocracy and pushing back and the abridging of people’s right to elect leaders that represent them.

And a huge tool that has been used to allow for this huge attack on our rights and on our civil liberties is taking place through this veil, again, of Christian nationalism. And by some very powerful Christian nationalist actors who have, again, not just shown up overnight, but who have been building networks of media, building a base in different churches and taking political power by being very close to different political actors all across the country. And so this is both something that should be a cause for alarm, but again, it doesn’t have to have the last word. There are people pushing back and organizing, and this is why the Kairos Center and the Poor People’s Campaign: A National Call for Moral Revival is just that. It’s a moral revival because our deepest moral values actually really push back against these extremists in our political views, as well as these nationalists in our religious views.

Marc Steiner: So explore that a bit more. And just in terms of how this is confronted and more importantly, really, I think, to start talking about how it is defeated and how it is stopped and what that means. We have a great quote in your article. Let me just read this for our listeners. And I will encourage everybody at the end to hit the link and to read the article because it’s really worth a read. “The vast majority of food pantries and other emergency assistance programs are run out of them [the churches] and much of the civic work going on in churches is motivated by varying interpretations of the Bible when it comes to poverty. These range from outright disdain and pity to charity to more proactive advocacy and activism for the poor.”

You also write about how the Bible belt in the South is also the poverty belt. So the question is what lessons do we get from that, but also, really, so how do you stop it? When you just said that right now these states are disenfranchising 55 million potential voters through the most horrendous means is just to… It’s just so blatant the way they’re trying to stop people from having the right to vote.

I hate to digress like this, but after kind of being as a young man in the South in the civil rights movement fighting for voting rights across America, to see them be able to take it back. So what now, in terms of the work you do and others around you doing, actually can stop this and build a movement to replace it?

Rev. Liz Theorharis: Well, I really believe that… I’m a pastor –

Marc Steiner: Yes you are.

Rev. Liz Theorharis: I’m a biblical [scholar], and I come to those, both from my upbringing, I was raised in a family that was deeply dedicated to doing the work of justice, but on my mother’s part in particular, a very deep faith commitment. And so I was a Sunday school teacher by 13. I was a deacon by 16. I am the church.

Marc Steiner: You are, really.

Rev. Liz Theorharis: But again, it was never separated that doing justice and advocating for an end to systemic racism. This was what you do, not just to be a good person, not just because there’s injustice, but because that’s what God and our faith traditions command. And that is really important. I’ve been doing grassroots anti-poverty organizing for more than 25 years and almost not a week goes by in my life when somebody doesn’t come up to me and say, I wish you would stop talking about ending systemic racism and poverty because don’t you know in the Bible it says the poor will be with you always.

Now, this does not just come to me from extremist Christian nationalists who have called themselves that. This comes from anti-poverty activists themselves. This comes from scientists and religious scholars. That right now the dominant interpretation of our biblical attacks, our sacred text and theology, really kind of says that God condones injustice. There’s others that go a lot farther and say that, again, God is going to punish poor people and women and all of this. Again, that’s not biblically based. It’s fine that people try to quote the Bible but they always misquote it and can often find very little biblical justification. But what folks have also done is allowed for this kind of overall interpretation of theology to justify poverty and inequality, especially in a very unequal and very impoverished world, an impoverished democracy.

And so to me, one of the responsibilities, but also opportunities that our justice movements have is to reclaim a bunch of the biblical and theological foundations, but also just the values in our society, values that are enshrined in our Constitution or who have been fought to be put there. Values that are in our communities about justice and about fairness and about truth and about welfare. How is it possible that we have the word welfare in our Constitution and yet we’re having a debate this many years into a pandemic about not getting a child tax credit to families that need it. Welfare is in our Constitution, providing for the common welfare. Well, let’s just talk about this. Or for the general welfare, sorry.

But that means that somehow we have allowed a small group of very powerful people to redefine what our values even are. But if we don’t allow that misinterpretation, if we come together and say and show that our sacred texts and traditions, but then also our justice movements are putting forward a different set of values. And that’s that it says in our Bible you can’t honor and worship God without taking care of and welcoming your immigrant neighbor, organizing society around the needs of the poor. That’s not because I want it to be there. It’s because that’s what’s in Deuteronomy. You have anti-poverty programs and pro-justice programs over and over and over in our sacred text. And we see movements including the Poor People’s Campaign take up those biblical and theological foundations and be able to push forward a new vision that’s rooted in these values, that says that everybody must be in, nobody can be left out. And that when you lift from the bottom, everybody rises.

Marc Steiner: [inaudible] as you were speaking I’m thinking that sometimes the inept inaction sometimes of the Biden administration makes you worry about them as much as I do the right wing at times, just in terms of what we face and what we should be doing. So I’d to really conclude with leading up to June 18, which I want people to understand and know about as we finish this conversation, but also what specifically, what strategically are you all putting on the table about what we do and how we organize this defense as well as an offense about building the future and not allowing us to fall into a right wing nationalistic kind of nation.

Because I think we are under serious threat. I think that this is the most serious threat I’ve seen I think America has had since, for want of a better thought, since the late 1800s, the late 1877 when reconstruction was destroyed and on the heels of civil rights and all the other movements and all things people fought for from the ’30s to the ’70s, seeing it all being dismantled and brought down again. And I’m really interested in what you think strategically has to be done, and what you all are doing?

Rev. Liz Theorharis: So what we propose is that a moral fusion movement is the answer to Christian nationalism, to increased poverty, to all of the injustices that are wreaking havoc on people’s lives and livelihoods. And what we mean by that is moral in that it’s rooted in our biblical and theological foundations and traditions that talk about love for one another. And again, lifting from the bottom so everybody can rise. Fusion in that it brings together people from all walks of life, across all the barriers and divisions that right now are really being stoked in our society. And so across geography, across race, across religion.

What we, again, saw in 2020 and what we are trying to do as we organize this moral March on Washington and to the polls is that one third of the electorate in 2020 was poor and low-income. And yet we have very little attention, conversation, and action around the needs of one third of the people that are voting in our elections. And in battleground states back in 2020 it was upwards of 40%, 45% of the electorate was poor and low-income and across race. Native, Black, Latino, and poor white voting together, making the difference in terms of voting for candidates that said that they were going to raise wages and expand healthcare and address systemic racism and do the things that the majority of people in this country need to thrive and not just barely survive.

And so this moral fusion movement that we’re building is also about registering and mobilizing and organizing people for a movement that then can vote, can put independent political pressure on our candidates and on our politicians by saying right now we are living in an impoverished democracy but the power to change that lies in the bodies and souls of poor and low-income people who are really trying to build, as Reverend Dr. Barber has said and we in the Poor People’s Campaign put out, a third reconstruction. And this one to fully address poverty and low wages and address these abridgments on voting rights and address the climate crisis and the militarization of our communities in our world and to address this false narrative of Christian and all forms of religious nationalism.

And so if we take, even from someone like Reverend Dr. King in the last years of his life who is proposing a Poor People’s Campaign, we take some of the strategy there that the Achilles heel, the weak point of our current political system that has allowed for such violence to occur to so many people and poverty and racism to exist, and climate chaos. Then by pulling those people together and having folk organize to take on at the same time systemic racism, and poverty, and ecological devastation, and militarism, and this narrative of Christian nationalism. In this organizing, organizing, organizing kind of way through what we call moral analysis, moral articulation, and moral action. Then we really believe that’s a hope for the nation and to really save the soul of our democracy and to be able to lift people up and put people first.

Marc Steiner: Well, Reverend Liz Theorharis, it’s always a pleasure to talk with you. And before we leave each other today I’m going to leave people with a quote that you started your article with from the Archbishop Desmond Tutu. But real quickly just tell us a bit more just very quickly about June 18 and what you’re building up towards so people understand what this means.

Rev. Liz Theorharis: Great. So June 18 will be a mass poor people and low wage workers assembly and a moral March on Washington then into the polls. People from all across the country will converge and convene in Washington, DC, on that Saturday, June 18 for a declaration, not just a day, where we’re going to come forward with the very solutions to the problems that exist around systemic racism and the suppression of voting rights, around poverty and low wages, around saving the earth and everything living in it, and around all of these issues. And show the power of poor and low-income people.

And so hoping that folks will be involved and invited to help, to organize for this massive generationally transformative event. We already on the poorpeoplescampaign.org website have buses that are being organized and mobilizing kits and information. And so, hope that folks not just sign up to come and be in the numbers, but help to organize thousands of people to join us in Washington, DC.

Marc Steiner: And I’m going to leave you all before we say goodbye to the Reverend Liz Theorharis, at least for today. A quote that the article opened up with, I think that is really important. And I just love the things that Tutu has said. And he said, “If you are neutral in situations of injustice, you have chosen the side of the oppressor. If an elephant has its foot on the tail of a mouse and you say that you are neutral, the mouse will not appreciate your neutrality.” I love that quote.

Rev. Liz Theorharis: Amen. Amen.

Marc Steiner: Liz, thank you so much. Look forward to talking to you again soon.

Rev. Liz Theorharis: Thank you.

Marc Steiner: Thank you all for joining us today. It was great having you with us. And you can find links to Reverend Liz Theorharis’s article and to the Poor People’s Campaign June 18 action in DC right here on our website. And please let me know what you think about what you heard today, what you’d like us to cover. Just write to me at mss@therealnews.com and I’ll get right back to you. And a really important reminder that Bill Fletcher. Jr and I will be producing a series on the rise of the right and what we can do to stop it, coming out on The Real News in March. So for Dwayne Gladden, Stephen Frank, and the crew here at The Real News, I’m Marc Steiner. Stay involved, keep listening, and take care.


The slippery science of Olympic curling: we still don’t know how it works
The Conversation
February 15, 2022

South Korea's 'Garlic Girls' won curling silver at Pyeongchang Winter Olympics (AFP / WANG Zhao)

Australia’s first ever Olympic curling team scored an historic win but missed the medal podium at the 2022 Winter Olympic Games in Beijing. It was a remarkable performance for a team lacking any dedicated curling facilities at home.

And that’s important, because it is the special properties of curling ice that allow the heavy curling stones to glide and curve in ways that seem to defy physics. In fact, scientists are still not sure what puts the “curl” in curling.
Chess on ice

Curling’s origins date back to 16th-century Scotland, making it one of the world’s oldest team sports. Like golf – invented around the same time in the same part of the world – curling seems both amusingly pointless and deceptively simple to the untrained eye.

It has been called “chess on ice”, although to many Australians it most resembles frozen lawn bowls. Athletes take turns sliding circular 20-kilogram granite stones along the ice toward the centre of a horizontal target 28 metres away. Teams are awarded points for getting their stones closest to the centre of the target, or “house”.

Slippery science


The slippery science behind curling starts with the ice itself. Curling ice must be perfectly flat – far flatter than a typical ice hockey rink – and is sprayed with droplets of water before each game to produce a pebbled surface. This minimises the contact area between the ice and the heavy curling stone.

Curling stones also have a concave lower surface – like the bottom of a beer bottle – that further reduces the contact area between the stone and the ice. The effect is to increase the pressure at the base of the stone, partially melting the ice and reducing friction in a similar way to how ice skates work.

Uniquely among Olympic sports, curling players can change the path of the stone after it has been “thrown”. This is achieved by vigorously sweeping the ice in front of the stone with special brooms that warm the ice and reduce friction, allowing the stone to travel farther and straighter along its path.

Deciding when, where, and how hard to sweep has a big influence on the stone’s trajectory; so naturally it is accompanied by a great deal of enthusiastic yelling.

Give it a spin

By adding a small amount of spin, skilled players can make their stone “curl” along a curving path to block an opponent’s stone or knock it out of the way. Even a small amount of rotation can deflect the path of the curling stone by as much as a metre and a half. How exactly the curling stone does this is something of a puzzle.

Let’s start with a (literal) tabletop experiment. Slide an upturned glass along a table, adding a little spin as it leaves your hand. With a little practice (and perhaps a few replacement glasses) you will be able to make the glass trace a curving path across the table, deflecting to the left when you spin it clockwise or to the right when you spin it anticlockwise.

The reason for this is explained by a branch of science called tribology, which studies the effect of friction on moving and sliding objects.

As the glass spins, it rubs against the table top, generating friction that tries to slow down the rotation of the glass. The friction forces are directed opposite to the direction of motion: for a clockwise-rotating glass, friction will be directed to the left at the front of the glass and to the right at the back of the glass.

When the spinning glass slides across the table, it leans forward slightly in the direction of travel, pushing the front lip of the glass down a little harder on the table than the trailing lip. The extra pressure generates extra friction at the front compared to the back. The resulting imbalance of friction forces causes the glass to deflect in the direction of stronger friction – to the left in the case of a clockwise-rotating glass.

A twist in the tale

But curling stones behave in exactly the opposite way: a clockwise rotation causes the stone to deflect to the right, not the left. For a long time, scientists assumed this was because of an effect called asymmetrical friction.

The theory goes like this: like a glass pushed across a table, a curling stone leans forward slightly. The extra pressure at the front of the stone partially melts the ice at the leading edge, creating a thin film of water that reduces the friction at the front of stone compared with the back.

The curling stone will still deflect in the direction of stronger friction. But in this case, it is the trailing edge that wins, resulting in a deflection to the right rather than the left, for a clockwise-rotating stone.
Scratch that

Like many theories, this explanation was widely accepted until someone got around to actually testing it. In 2012, a team at Uppsala University in Sweden made detailed calculations of the friction forces acting on a sliding stone.

The problem they found is that curling stones rotate quite slowly, only completing a couple of turns before coming to a stop. This spin is far too small to cause a sideways deflection of a metre or more. Even odder, more rotation does not lead to more curl – in fact, spin a stone too hard and it won’t curl at all. Asymmetrical friction cannot explain such behaviour.

The researchers used an electron microscope to look more closely at the ice under a curling stone. They discovered that the front edge of the stone leaves behind miniscule scratches on the ice in the direction of rotation. These scratches act as a guide for the back edge of the stone, causing the stone to deflect in the direction of rotation.


Curling stones make microscopic scratches in the pebbled surface of the ice - and according to one theory, these scratches deflect the stone’s path to the left or right.
H. Nyberg, et al., Wear (2013)

The Swedish team then showed that, using this “scratch-guide” mechanism, they could “steer” the sliding stones by adding artificial scratches to the ice in different directions. In one experiment, a stone was made to travel along a zigzag path by laying down scratches in alternating directions.

Their findings ignited a minor controversy in the admittedly niche world of curling physics.

Competing theories have been proposed, including the pivot-slide model, the evaporation-abrasion model, and the snowplow model.

In 2020, a Japanese team attempted to clear things up by systematically testing each theory in a curling hall using sophisticated motion-tracking equipment, a laser scanning microscope, and some sheets of sandpaper to modify the surface of the curling stone.

However, no clear winner emerged. When it comes to the science of curling, it appears we are just scratching the surface.

Shane Keating, Senior Lecturer in Mathematics and Oceanography, UNSW Sydney

This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.
Like the truck-machines in ‘Mad Max,’ the ‘freedom convoy’ relies on access to fuel
The Conversation
February 15, 2022

A protester walks in front of parked trucks as demonstrators continue to protest the vaccine mandates implemented by Prime Minister Justin Trudeau on February 8, 2022 in Ottawa, Canada 
Dave Chan AFP

The media has been inundated by images of the ‘freedom convoy’ that began converging on Ottawa on Jan. 28. The convoy reflects our continued inability to find a middle ground when it comes to debates surrounding COVID-19 mandates and proposed vaccine passports.

The visuals produced by the ‘freedom convoy’ — loud, honking semi trucks and a party atmosphere — is eerily similar to the monstrous machines that rumble through the desolate landscapes in the 2015 Australian movie Mad Max: Fury Road. As a popular culture researcher, I am interested in how this similarity prompts a consideration of what continues to fuel, so to speak, these ongoing debates.

The movie trailer for ‘Mad Max: Fury Road.’



War boys and trucks


Mad Max: Fury Road is the fourth film in George Miller’s franchise, after Mad Max (1979), Mad Max 2: The Road Warrior (1981) and Mad Max Beyond Thunderdome (1985).

Fury Road follows Max (Tom Hardy), Imperator Furiosa (Charlize Theron) and a group of women who are used as breeding stock as they flee across a desert wasteland in search of a rumoured paradise-like haven. Defeated, they must ultimately return to the Citadel, from which they originally escaped. They are relentlessly chased by the Citadel’s dictator, Immortan Joe (Hugh Keays-Byrne) and his band of War Boys.

Immortan Joe controls access to both water and fuel. He urges his citizens not to become addicted to water, in case “it will take hold of you, and you will resent its absence.” Immortan Joe understands restraint in a world of limited resources, and he restricts access to both the water and the fuel. And in contradiction, Immortan Joe and his War Boys consume fuel excessively for most of the film.

Much of the film comprises car chase scenes typical of the Mad Max franchise, but the film ultimately ends with the characters returning to the Citadel, rendering the chase scenes relatively redundant. Fury Road gives us a glimpse into a world of dwindling fuel stocks where the only pastime is to, ironically, engage in excessive and futile car chases.

In the film, vehicles occupy a special place due to limited fuel supplies and the subsequent death of automobile manufacturing. The vehicles in the film mutate into monstrous machine hybrids. Rather than adopt alternative forms of energy or transportation, the survivors in the film create ever more dangerous vehicles — “Frankenbeasts” — and revere them.

What the Mad Max franchise — and Fury Road in particular — really gives us is a warning about our over-reliance on fossil fuels.



The vehicles in ‘Mad Max Fury Road’ are cobbled together from many different car and truck parts.
(Warner Bros)

Freedom to drive

Petroculture refers to the ways in which our lives revolve around fuel, not just in our cars and pipelines and generators, but seeping into all aspects of our very existence. As such, we have trouble imagining a world that is beyond fuel — post-apocalyptic films embody this limitation.

When the ‘freedom convoy’ set their sights on Ottawa, even though the protest was ostensibly in response to COVID-19 mandates, part of their plight resides in threats to petroculture.

The protest was sparked by the recent announcement that truckers require proof of vaccination to cross the U.S.-Canada border. This limitation to the open road suggests that the “freedom” within the ‘freedom convoy’ is really about the privilege to drive — perhaps across a borderless, unregulated landscape similar to the one in Fury Road.

Fuel supplies to the truckers have been seized and Ottawa police warned that anyone caught bringing in fuel would be arrested, and an oil tanker was removed. In targeting the fuel, the Ottawa police reinforce the threats to petroculture, and arguably, their tactics would not be successful without the already strong reliance on fuel that dominates our country.


A police member stands in front of trucks blocking a street in downtown Ottawa.

THE CANADIAN PRESS/ Patrick Doyle

The most valuable commodity


In the first film in the Mad Max franchise, Max becomes “the fastest thing on the road” after the deaths of his wife and son. He drives a souped-up 1973 Ford XB Falcon, a car which was manufactured almost exclusively by Ford Australia.

In Mad Max 2, fuel has become one of the most valuable commodities, and characters kill each other to keep their vehicles on the road. One of the movie’s plots revolves around the transport of fuel in a fuel tanker.

In Mad Max Beyond Thunderdome, the car chases are relegated to the final scenes of the film and involve a stolen power generator, revealing the franchise’s focus on the procurement and protection of fuel sources.

The success of Mad Max and its impact on popular popular culture occurred during moments when petroculture is threatened. The first three films were released hot on the heels of the 1970s energy crisis, at a time when American car chase films also reached their apex.

During a time when Americans experienced fuel shortages and hikes in gas prices, car chase films provided the opportunity to hit the open road. However, there was also outrage as American truckers went on strikes, chanting, “More gas! More gas!

Fuel for disruption


Furiosa, a prequel to the franchise starring Anya Taylor-Joy as young Furiosa, is set to be released in 2024.

It is interesting that after nine years, the franchise is being resurrected. What is it about today that calls for a revival? Is it a nostalgia for the open road without borders and mandates? Is it the possibility that due to petroculture, climate change becomes more difficult to address? After all, the post-apocalyptic world of Mad Max is a climate crisis nightmare.

The Mad Max franchise is an extension of our anxieties surrounding our reliance on fossil fuels. This is also reflected in petroculture’s support of the ‘freedom convoy’ and its ability to disrupt our lives. What fuels the occupation is quite literally, fuel.

Krista Collier-Jarvis, PhD Candidate in English, Dalhousie University


This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.

Charlie Sykes piles on the mockery of Josh Hawley's 'made in China' insurrection coffee mug

Sarah K. Burris
February 15, 2022

Conservative Charlie Skyes piled on the mockery of Sen. Josh Hawley (R-MO), who is promoting the image of him taken by Francis Chung pumping his fist in the air in solidarity with Jan. 6 attackers. The report of the mug broke Monday, but now it's being discovered that Hawley's insurrection mug isn't even American-made.



Bulwark chief Charlie Skyes put in his morning newsletter a photo from U.S. Senate candidate Rep. Billy Long (R-MO) showing the bottom of the mug.

"When I saw folks in 'Hartzler for Senate' T-Shirts that were made in the Dominican Republic frantically taking Josh Hawley's 'Made in China' stickers off his coffee mugs before Saturday breakfast I knew the jig was up," Long tweeted showing the sticker on the bottom of the mug.

Rep. Vicky Hartzler (R-MO) was called out for campaign t-shirts that were made in the Dominican Republic. Hawley has endorsed her for the GOP Senate primary race.

Sen. Hawley Embraces Jan. 6 'Fist Pump' Photo, Sells Merchandise

Sen. Hawley Embraces Jan. 6 'Fist Pump' Photo, Sells Merchandise
Sen. Josh Hawley, R-Mo., gestures toward a crowd of supporters of President Donald Trump on Jan. 6, 2021.  (Francis Chung/E&E News and Politico via AP Images)

By    |   Monday, 14 February 2022 08:48 PMComment|

The team of Sen. Josh Hawley, R-Mo., has turned a controversial photo showing the senator fist pump protestors outside of the U.S. Capitol on Jan. 6, 2021, into a coffee mug, a tweet from New York Times journalist Shane Goldmacher revealed.

The $20 mug, available by donating to Hawley through WinRed, is made of ceramic and features the phrase "Show-Me Strong!" in all upper-case.

"Liberals are so easily triggered, and this new mug is really whipping the left into a frenzy! Josh isn't scared – he's show-me strong! This Made in America mug is the perfect way to enjoy Coffee, Tea, or Liberal Tears!" the message accompanying the promotion reads.

The promotion then details how buying the mug will support Hawley's 2024 re-election campaign.

Although some have speculated the photo could hurt Hawley, who has been floated as a future presidential contender, the Missouri senator has embraced the photo in a clear sign of appealing to the Republican Party base, The Hill reported.

Hawley had previously defended his fist pump to protesters and challenged the idea of lumping together protestors outside of the Capitol on Jan. 6, 2021, to rioters who breached the building later in the day.

"That was as I was entering the House chamber the morning of the 6th," Hawley told The Washington Post Live in April of last year. "Those were demonstrators who were out there on the plaza, on the far end of the plaza ... standing behind barricades, waving American flags."

Morning Joe slams Josh Hawley for

 supporting Canadian 'insurrectionists'

after fueling Jan. 6 riot

Travis Gettys
February 15, 2022

MSNBC's Joe Scarborough and John Heilemann trashed Republican senators who have thrown their lot with Canadian insurrectionists.

A group of truckers and assorted right-wing extremists have shut down parts of Ottawa and a border crossing into the U.S. as part of their protest against vaccine mandates, and GOP senators and conservative media figures have expressed their support for the increasingly costly demonstration -- and the "Morning Joe" panelists were appalled.

"This group of truckers in Canada, which is a G7 country, huge American ally, a trillion dollars in trade across the border, their stated objective, however implausible, is to overthrow the Canadian government -- that's what they're saying," Heilemann said. "They're insurrectionists. When in the past have Republican politicians in the United States Senate stood up and declared their allegiance to an out-front declared insurrectionist group trying to throw the duly elected government of an American ally?"

"I point it out not because the guys are going to overthrow the government of Canada, but the sympathy with insurrectionists is a thing in the Republican Party," Heilemann added.

Scarborough said the right had become the things they most despised.

"The right is having its hippie moment," Scarborough said. "They are attacking institutions, they are supporting insurrections against the government, they're saying that the United States military -- they hate the military. They're saying the military is taking helicopters from Afghanistan and they're coming to America to kill Trump supporters. They're saying that the FBI, that the FBI is scurrilous and they're going to kick down doors and they're going to arrest people and drag them off for being Trump voters. They're saying all of this stuff. They are saying that nobody at any university can be trusted. I mean, why don't they just take over the president's office at Columbia University. This is a carbon-copy cutout of what we conservatives reacted against in the '60s. This is what created Ronald Reagan and now we've gone a full circle."

Scarborough singled out Sen. Josh Hawley (R-MO) for raising campaign funds selling mugs with the infamous image of himself holding up his fist in solidarity with the U.S. Capitol rioters.

"When you turn around to the other side does it have American flags bashing cops' brains in?" Scarborough said. "He's proud of that and proud of that day when cops got their brains bashed in by American flags. Many thought they were going to die and two committed suicide after because of the trauma and horror of that day."



How poisonous mercury gets from coal-fired power plants into the fish you eat
The Conversation
February 15, 2022

Fresh Water Fish (Screen Shot)

People fishing along the banks of the White River as it winds through Indianapolis sometimes pass by ominous signs warning about eating the fish they catch.

One of the risks they could face is mercury poisoning.

Mercury is a neurotoxic metal that can cause irreparable harm to human health – especially the brain development of young children. It is tied to lower IQ and results in decreased earning potential, as well as higher health costs. Lost productivity from mercury alone was calculated in 2005 to reach almost $9 billion per year.

One way mercury gets into river fish is with the gases that rise up the smokestacks of coal-burning power plants.

The Environmental Protection Agency has had a rule since 2012 limiting mercury emissions from coal-fired power plants. But the Trump administration stopped enforcing it, arguing that the costs to industry outweighed the health benefit.

Now, the Biden administration is moving to reassert it.

I study mercury and its sources as a biogeochemist at Indiana University-Purdue University Indianapolis. Before the EPA’s original mercury rule went into effect, my students and I launched a project to track how Indianapolis-area power plants were increasing mercury in the rivers and soil.

Mercury bioaccumulates in the food chain

The risks from eating a fish from a river downwind from a coal-burning power plant depends on both the type of fish caught and the age and condition of the person consuming it.

Mercury is a bioaccumulative toxin, meaning that it increasingly concentrates in the flesh of organisms as it makes its way up the food chain.



Mercury accumulates as it moves up the food chain.
doug4537 via Getty Images


The mercury emitted from coal-burning power plants falls onto soils and washes into waterways. There, the moderately benign mercury is transformed by bacteria into a toxic organic form called methylmercury.

Each bacterium might contain only one unit of toxic methylmercury, but a worm chewing through sediment and eating 1,000 of those bacteria now contains 1,000 doses of mercury. The catfish that eats the worm then get more doses, and so on up the food chain to humans.

In this way, top-level predator fishes, such as smallmouth bass, walleye, largemouth bass, lake trout and Northern pike, typically contain the highest amounts of mercury in aquatic ecosystems. On average, one of these fish contains enough to make eating only one serving of them per month dangerous for the developing fetuses of pregnant women and for children.

How coal plant mercury rains down


In our study, we wanted to answer a simple question: Did the local coal-burning power plants, known to be major emitters of toxic mercury, have an impact on the local environment?

The obvious answer seems to be yes, they do. But in fact, quite a bit of research – and coal industry advertising – noted that mercury is a “global pollutant” and could not necessarily be traced to a local source. A recurring argument is that mercury deposited on the landscape came from coal-burning power plants in China, so why regulate local emissions if others were still burning coal?

That justification was based on the unique chemistry of this element. It is the only metal that is liquid at room temperature, and when heated just to a moderate level, will evaporate into mercury vapor. Thus, when coal is burned in a power plant, the mercury that is present in it is released through the smokestacks as a gas and dilutes as it travels. Low levels of mercury also occur naturally.

Although this argument was technically true, we found it obscured the bigger picture.


People sometimes fish along the White River where it flows through Indianapolis.
alexeys via Getty Images

We found the overwhelming source of mercury was within sight of the White River fishermen – a large coal-burning power plant on the edge of the city.

This power plant emitted vaporous mercury at the time, though it has since switched to natural gas. We found that much of the plant’s mercury rapidly reacted with other atmospheric constituents and water vapor to “wash out” over the city. It was raining down mercury on the landscape.

Traveling by air and water, miles from the source


Mercury emitted from the smokestacks of coal-fired power plants can fall from the atmosphere with rain, mist or chemical reactions. Several studies have shown elevated levels of mercury in soils and plants near power plants, with much of the mercury falling within about 9 miles (15 kilometers) of the smokestack.

When we surveyed hundreds of surface soils ranging from about 1 to 31 miles (2 to 50 km) from the coal-fired power plant, then the single largest emitter of mercury in central Indiana, we were shocked. We found a clear “plume” of elevated mercury in Indianapolis, with much higher values near the power plant tailing off to almost background values 31 miles downwind.

The White River flows from the northeast to the southwest through Indianapolis, opposite the wind patterns. When we sampled sediments from most of its course through central Indiana, we found that mercury levels started low well upstream of Indianapolis, but increased substantially as the river flowed through downtown, apparently accumulating deposited mercury along its flow path.

We also found high levels well downstream of the city. Thus a fisherman out in the countryside, far away from the city, was still at significant risk of catching, and eating, high-mercury fish.

The region’s fish advisories still recommend sharply limiting the amount of fish eaten from the White River. In Indianapolis, for example, pregnant women are advised to avoid eating some fish from the river altogether.
Reviving the MATS rule

The EPA announced the Mercury and Air Toxic Standards rule in 2011 to deal with the exact health risk Indianapolis was facing.

The rule stipulated that mercury sources had to be sharply reduced. For coal-fired power plants, this meant either installing costly mercury-capturing filters in the smokestacks or converting to another energy source. Many converted to natural gas, which reduces the mercury risk but still contributes to health problems and global warming.

The MATS rule helped tilt the national energy playing field away from coal, until the Trump Administration attempted to weaken the rule in 2020 to try to bolster the declining U.S. coal industry. The administration rescinded a “supplemental finding” that determined it is “appropriate and necessary” to regulate mercury from power plants.

On Jan. 31, 2022, the Biden Administration moved to reaffirm that supplemental finding and effectively restore the standards.


More than a quarter of U.S. coal-fired power plants currently operating were scheduled as of 2021 to be retired by 2035.
EIA

Some economists have calculated the net cost of the MATS rule to the U.S. electricity sector to be about $9.6 billion per year. This is roughly equal to the earlier estimates of productivity loss from the harm mercury emissions cause.

To a public health expert, this math problem is a no-brainer, and I am pleased to see the rule back in place, protecting the health of generations of future Americans.

Gabriel Filippelli, Chancellor's Professor of Earth Sciences and Executive Director, Indiana University Environmental Resilience Institute, IUPUI

This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.