Thursday, December 24, 2020



Framed: What is justice to a man wrongly imprisoned in India for 23 years?



HAZIQ QADRI
&
QADRI INZAMAM

Forced into confessing to a crime he didn't commit, Nisar Mirza Hussain has no idea how to rekindle his relationship with freedom.

Srinagar, India-administered Kashmir — It is May 1996 and Mirza Nisar Hussain is 16. He has finally come to terms with losing his father to cancer in 1990.

A year later, Nisar quits school to help his brother, Mirza Iftikhar Hussain. Their business selling Kashmiri Pashmina shawls and carpets is booming: they are doing well not only where they live in Delhi, but also in Mussoorie (an Indian hill station) and even in Nepal.

Nisar has gone to Kathmandu to receive payment from a trader. He stays with few other Kashmiris in a rented room near a marketplace in Maharajganj. He makes his way to a telephone booth to place a call to his family in Srinagar, with friends in tow.

He enters the booth and realises that several police vehicles have suddenly surrounded the booth - he has no idea what is happening. Even before he can make the phone call, he and his friends are bundled into a police vehicle and taken to an unknown location. What he does notice is that it's not the Nepal Police, but the Delhi Police leading the operation.

Nisar and his friends are interrogated and asked about the purpose of their visit to Nepal. Then he is shown the photograph of the trader who owes him money. He recognises him. His friends also recognise the photo and tell the police how they know him. It still doesn't make sense to Nisar.

They reach the police station where Nisar is taken aback when he sees dozens of Kashmiris having been rounded up (whose fates are unknown to this day). It’s in this police station that Nisar overhears the Delhi Police explaining to the Nepal Police that these Kashmiris are being detained in connection with the Lajpat Nagar bomb blasts that had taken place on the evening of May 2, 1996, in the busy Central Market area of Lajpat Nagar in Delhi. An attack that killed 13 and injured 39 others.

Though just a teenager, Nisar is able to grasp the gravity of the situation. He and his friends are frisked, stripped naked and interrogated for several hours. They are then driven to the India-Nepal border in Sunauli.
An old photograph of Mirza Nisar Hussain in his teenage years, before he was arrested by Indian police in Nepal. (TRTWorld)

The journey is not easy – on their way to India, the police abuse them, some of them even beat them. As they cross the border, Nisar is frightened by the sight of dozens of police jeeps waiting for them. They are hooded, bundled into a police jeep and driven to an underground detention camp in Lodhi Road — and that is where Nisar's story begins.

Torture and coercion

Nisar has no idea where he is, and as soon as he reaches the Lodhi Road detention camp, he is thrown into a cell and stripped naked. His friends, in other cells, face the same treatment.

Nobody says anything. A group of policemen barge in with wooden clubs and beat him occasionally. They hit him all over his body — his shrieks are confined to the concrete walls. He has, for now, disappeared from the face of the earth.

The more he pleads with his captors to stop, the more infuriated they grow and the more brutal they become, as if pleading for mercy triggers their mercilessness. He is not allowed clothes nor food, except on the rare occasion when he is given a cup of tea and bread, which is again followed by a harsh beating.

Nisar is unable to fall into a restful sleep. His friends in other cells meet the same fate. It dawns upon him how young men who disappear in Kashmir leave behind families in a miserable spiral of anticipation, and he could become one of those young men.
Tihar, Central Jail, New Delhi, India. (Arijit Sen / Getty Images)

Nine days pass and he is beaten to a point where he is ready to tell the police that he's willing to do anything they want. By this point, Nisar’s family and friends hear about his arrest. The media starts raising questions about arrests made in Nepal. Under pressure, the Delhi Police’s special cell produces Nisar and two others before the media, but claims to have arrested them on that day.

But before being paraded in front of the media, they are made to sign on a ream of over 200 blank pages. In exchange for no further beatings, they are told to memorise a story: confess in court to their involvement in the Lajpat Nagar bomb blast.

Nisar, who knows nothing about driving, is told to confess to having driven an explosives-laden car to Lajpat Nagar; another friend is asked to tell the court that he had procured explosives from a handler. They agree to confess but seek assurances they will not be beaten.

But Nisar is already broken. How does a boy who has not yet begun to dream, understand that this could be the end of his future? He resigns to his fate. He gives up on hope. He longs for death. Prays for death.

When Nisar and his friends are produced in court, the judge takes a look at them, sees their condition, and asks nothing. He orders them into 14-day police custody. During those two weeks, several agencies interrogate them, take their statements and confessions. They are asked to repeat the story the Delhi Police asked them to memorise. But the thing about lies is that you tend to forget them no matter how much you repeat them.

In every retelling they forget a detail or deviate from the plot, then they are beaten until they remember what they are told to say. As they keep repeating the coerced confession, their chances for freedom turn bleaker. It’s here that Nisar learns that his brother, Iftikhar, has also been arrested in the same case. The hope that Iftikhar could support his family comes crashing down.

Two weeks later, Nisar and others are produced in court again and are sent to Tihar Jail. His age is falsely mentioned as 19, snatching any chance of him being sent to a juvenile court where his prospects for release would have been higher.

Jail diary


What would a 16-year-old, who had never even been in a fight before, do in a prison where hardened criminals, murderers and thieves were kept?

Two weeks later, Nisar finds himself in court again — and another shock awaits.

Nisar finds a team of Rajasthan Police in the court, demanding his custody. They claim Nisar’s involvement in a bomb blast on a bus in Samleti, Rajasthan that had taken place on May 22, 1996, and killed 14 people.

Nisar is shocked. He has never even been to Rajasthan, he tells the court. Even the Delhi Police, who had framed him, tell the court he should not be handed over to the Rajasthan Police. But the court sends Nisar into their custody and he's taken to Rajasthan in connection with the Samleti bomb blast case.

Nisar is taken to a jail in Rajasthan and put in a prison called Bandgaathi, a Hindi word for a ‘closed valley’, a name given by the prisoners to an isolation ward. It is a dark and dingy ward where each cell is devoid of any light and bereft of windows. They are so small that one feels the walls might just shrink. It has a heavy door with a small hole to peep through - that is his only window to the outside world. The cell is dusty, dark and humid. That is all there is: no separate space for a toilet, to bathe, to eat or sit.

Nisar eats, prays, sleeps and defecates within these four walls. All he gets is a small pot of water every day with which he washes and uses the rest of it to drink in the heat of the summer, in a region where the summer temperatures can touch 48 degrees celsius.

But the cell is so filthy that he gets lice in his hair, body and even in his eyebrows. A pot of water is not enough to get rid of the pests. The filth, lice and the sickness they cause is not where the torment stops.

Nisar is regularly beaten for three months, so much so that his left hip is broken. Every time the policemen leave the cell, he imagines himself dying. He imagines comfort in death. The police continuously force him to toe their line, confessing to having been part of the Samleti bomb blast.

How does one live with isolation? In that sweltering prison cell, Nisar survives by remembering the names and faces of all those he had loved. If there is a miracle that the weak and tormented can perform, it lies in summoning their imagination.

Three months later, Nisar is produced in a Rajasthan court where he sees his mother, sisters and uncle at a distance. As soon as they see each Nisar’s condition, they begin to wail - his sisters pull at their hair and fling their scarves; his mother falls unconscious and the uncle tries to console them as Nisar helplessly watches from a distance. That is all the consolation allowed.

Nisar is taken back to his cell
.
Mirza Nissar Hussain, wrongly convicted in the '1996 Lajpat Nagar bomb blast case', seen after a hearing at Patiala Court in New Delhi on Thursday, April 8, 2010. The court convicted him along with 5 others in the case. (Perveen Negi / TRTWorld)

One day, when Nisar sees his elder brother, Zaffar Hussain, he breaks down and realises his helplessness. He pleads for him not to visit in the future and to let him be. He bids him farewell and resigns to his fate, again. He now realises the futility of hope.

The same evening, Nisar hears loud thuds, like gallops, approaching towards him. The heavy door of his cell is thrown open and he is dragged out. Dozens of policemen and several prisoners, holding wooden clubs, start beating him until he loses consciousness and is thrown back into the same cell.

Nine months later, Nisar is shifted back to Tihar where he stays until late 2012.

In Tihar, Nisar meets other Kashmiris who had been framed in the same cases. While there are no frequent beatings and torture in Tihar, life there is fraught with its challenges.

In a barrack with a capacity of not more than 50 people, the cell where Nisar is kept is packed with over 150-170 people. In Delhi’s simmering heat and humidity and the absence of any cooling arrangements, getting a moment’s sleep in these cells is unimaginable.

Nisar and his friend protest against going back to the overcrowded barrack. The jail in-charge, Subhash Sharma, who has earned the sobriquet ‘Saddam Hussain’ for his strictness, puts them in Kasuri ward, a cell reserved for those who violate prison rules. And it comes as a relief. The Kasuri ward is not overcrowded and has enough space for Nisar and his friend so that they can sleep and pray at ease.

Hope and despair

Life becomes fragile when you give up on hope. In his 23 years of prison life, more than 30 judges were changed as they kept dragging the case to a point where it became completely hollowed out. There was one instance in 2006 when a bench was hearing Nisar’s case on a day-to-day basis and his hope for freedom seemed to resurrect.

The 16 prime witnesses the Delhi Police had presented turned hostile. Nisar and others had learnt to hope again. One day, when Nisar was taken to the Patiala Court for the hearing, he found there was no judge. His rekindled hope had been doused again.

In 2010, his brother, Mirza Iftikhar, was acquitted of all charges and released. That revived hope. Soon after his release, Iftikhar moved the Delhi High Court in his brother’s case and challenged the lower court’s order.

Since the case had gone off the rails, the witnesses turned hostile and the case was cannibalised by its own loopholes. The High Court finally acquitted Nisar and his friend Ali Mohammad in 2012 of all charges in the Lajpat Nagar Bomb Blast case. Nisar’s good behaviour in court was duly mentioned and appreciated by the judge who pronounced the judgment.

Nisar waited in anticipation. He imagined himself walking out of the prison. He was eager and impatient. He had forgotten what it meant to be free. But it was still out of reach. Nisar and Ali were shifted to Rajasthan jail to await a verdict in the Samleti blast case. 

An old photograph of Mirza Nisar Hussain (left) with his brother Mirza Iftikhar (Right). (TRTWorld)

As soon as he reached the jail, Nisar was struck by the realisation that maybe he is destined to die alone in a prison cell.

His time in Rajasthan jail was not easy. Whenever there were attacks on Indian forces in Kashmir or massive anti-India protests, Nisar and his fellow Kashmiris faced the brunt of it - the inmates called them terrorists, beat them up and abused them.

When a suicide bomber in Kashmir’s Pulwama killed over 40 Indian paramilitary troops on February 14, 2019, everything inside the jail changed. Emotions ran high. They were constantly abused and threatened.

In the aftermath of the February 2019 attack, Nisar recalls, some prisoners bludgeoned a Pakistani prisoner to death with a stone in a TV room because they wanted to avenge the deaths of Indian troops.

In such a hostile environment, Nisar was uncertain of his fate. But fate works in unusual ways. A former Delhi University Professor, the late SAR Geelani, helped to arrange for Nisar a reputed lawyer, Kamini Jaiswal, who represented Nisar and Ali in the Samleti blast case.

Again, judges were changed, the case dragged on and hearings were adjourned. It was finally in 2019 when a judge from Punjab heard the case on a day-to-day basis for 10 days and heard all the arguments. She acquitted Nisar and Ali and they walked free from Rajasthan jail on July 23, 2019. Hope had finally outlived injustice.

Freedom?

“Sometimes I think I was better off in jail,” Nisar says as he reflects on his life. “I knew my fate when I was in jail. Here I am uncertain. There is too much to worry about.”

It has been more than a year since he was released, but Nisar hasn't found a way to earn. “Soon after I was released, the entire Kashmir was put under a lockdown and the government had other priorities. Any chances of being compensated for my 23 years of wrongful confinement were lost. It was followed by the coronavirus (pandemic),” he says.
Mirza Nisar Hussain at his home in Srinagar's Shamswari, in India-administered Kashmir. (Haziq Qadri / TRTWorld)

It’s becoming increasingly difficult for Nisar to face his relatives, neighbours and acquaintances, for they keep asking about his plans to get married, a job and his future.

“There is no future. What should I tell them?” Nisar says.

Now whenever a guest or a relative visits his home in Srinagar’s old city, Nisar rushes off to another room and waits for the guest to leave so that he doesn’t need to speak about his future. “Who will marry a 40-year-old jobless man?” he asks.

When his brother, Iftikhar, was released, he bore some of the expenses of the case, even though Kamini Jaiswal did not charge anything from the Mirza family. He works at a private firm and they had loaned him money to meet the expenses of the case.

Now that Nisar has been released, half of Iftikhar’s salary is cut to pay back the loan. Whatever little is left, helps to run household expenses. Another brother, Zaffar Hussain, is a private teacher and earns a modest salary.

When Nisar and his brother were arrested in 1996, their shops and goods in Delhi were confiscated. Their family business could never be revived. “If we had not been falsely implicated, we would have been doing well right now. I would not have been begging for a job,” he says.

Every time he looks at his mother, Nisar says, a feeling of despondency dawns upon him. “She wants to see me have a future. She doesn't want me to suffer. She is tormented by questions people ask about me. That torments her. And her grief torments me,” Nisar says. “Life outside the jail is not so free after all.”
Mirza Nisar Hussain with his brother Mirza Iftikhar (left) at his residence in Srinagar's Shamswari in india-administered Kashmir. (Haziq Qadri / TRTWorld)

Justice?


People in their forties might reflect back on their lives and sift through all the memories, good and bad. But what if there is only one memory that permeates throughout your entire life?

What if there is no memory except those of cold concrete grey walls; of years and years of hopelessness; of ageing without dreams; of stolen adolescence; of deceit and betrayal; of being reduced to a number? Then it’s not a memory. It’s not life. It’s a dark spell that makes you believe in the futility of existence, of everything good, like hope. And what if this dark spell lasts a lifetime?

It’s not that Nisar is not happy to be ‘free’, but what does justice mean to him? Does freedom after 23 years offer a semblance of justice? What should one call it?

Nisar sums it up with just a handful of words: “Justice died in prison.”





Haziq Qadri
 

Mohammad Haziq is a freelance journalist based in India-administered Kashmir.




qadri.inzamam
 

Qadri Inzamam is a freelance journalist based in Indian-administered Kashmir. His stories have been published in the BBC, Al Jazeera, The Diplomat, The New Arab, Caravan, Scroll and several national and local media publications.


 Half of Russians skeptical Kremlin critic Navalny was poisoned - poll

MOSCOW (Reuters) - Half of Russians believe that Kremlin critic Alexei Navalny was either not poisoned, as he and Western governments contend, or that his poisoning was stage-managed by Western intelligence services, a poll showed on Thursday.
© Reuters/SHAMIL ZHUMATOV FILE PHOTO:
 Russian opposition politician Alexei Navalny takes part in a rally in Moscow

The poll, released by the Levada-Center, shows how hard it remains for Navalny to shape public opinion in Russia even as his case attracts wide media attention in the West and his own slickly-produced videos of what happened to him this summer rack up millions of views online.

Navalny, one of President Vladimir Putin's most outspoken critics, was airlifted to Germany for medical treatment in August after collapsing on a plane in Russia. Germany has said he was poisoned with a Soviet-style Novichok nerve agent in an attempt to murder him, an assertion many Western nations accept.

A joint media investigation last week named agents from Russia's FSB security service it said were behind the plot to kill him. Navalny on Monday released a recording of him speaking by phone to a man he described as a state security agent who told him, among other things, that the poison had been placed in his underpants.

The FSB has called that recording a fake designed to discredit it, however, and has said that foreign intelligence services helped Navalny make it while the Kremlin has mocked Navalny and tried to call his sanity into question.

The poll by Levada, which is regarded as more independent than state counterparts, showed only 15% of Russians believed what happened to Navalny was an attempt by the authorities to rid themselves of a political opponent.

Video: Russian President Vladimir Putin refutes reports that Russia's security services were behind the poisoning of opposition figure Alexei Navalny, saying that if they had been, the opposition leader would not be alive. (AFP)
Half of Russians sceptical Kremlin critic Navalny was poisoned - poll (msn.com)
HIS NOVICHOK HIT TEAM SEEMS TO BE ZERO FOR SUCCESS LEAVING 
THEIR VICTIMS ALIVE THE NOVICHOK MAY BE EXPIRED!!!1

By contrast, 30% thought that the incident was stage-managed and that there was no poisoning, and 19% said they believed it was a provocation orchestrated by Western intelligence services.

The same poll, which canvassed 1,617 Russians aged 18 or older, showed that 7% thought it was revenge by someone he had targeted in one of his anti-corruption investigations.


Denis Volkov, Levada's deputy director, said the results showed a split in opinion between older and younger Russians, whom Navalny has targeted with high-profile online investigations and by speaking to them directly in live internet broadcasts.

"Older generations receiving news on TV and trusting TV news, and supporters of the authorities mostly consider what happened as a stage-managed event and provocation of the West," Volkov wrote on Facebook.

"Young people, active internet users and critics of the authorities are much more likely to blame Russian authorities for the poisoning," he said.

Navalny is still convalescing in Germany, but has said he wants to return to Russia.

(Reporting by Andrew Osborn; Editing by Alexandra Hudson)
VIVA CUBA VENCEREM0S
Cuban doctors arrive in Panama to fight pandemic amid US opposition

A group of 220 Cuban health care professionals arrived in Panama on Thursday to help fight the coronavirus pandemic despite objections from the United States, Panama's health ministry said.
© STR Hospitals in Panama are saturated as a spike in coronavirus cases has forced the government to order a lockdown over Christmas and the New Year

The Cuban medics will "reinforce the health system in this fight against covid-19," the ministry said on Twitter.

Panama announced o0n December 15 it would hire doctors from Cuba, the US, Mexico, Venezuela and Colombia to tackle the pandemic despite a law restricting medical practice to locals.

Panama is the worst affected country in Central America with more than 220,000 Covid-19 cases and over 3,600 deaths among its 4.2 million population.

But the announcement had met resistance from Michael Kozak, Washington's acting assistant secretary for Western Hemisphere Affairs.

"Governments that hire Cuban medical workers must ensure their fair and humane treatment -- in stark contrast to the Castro regime, which traffics in, and exploits, the workers' bravery for its own gains," Kozak tweeted on December 21.

"Make contracts transparent and pay workers directly."

The US is Panama's main political and economic ally.

Cuba's practice of hiring out its world-renowned health care workers has been branded "white coat diplomacy" by Havana's detractors, including Washington, which has accused Cuba of "forced labor" and using the medics as a propaganda tool.

"Our White Coat Heroes have arrived in Panama," Cuba's embassy in Panama said on Twitter alongside a video of people wearing white coats and carrying a Cuban flag.

Since reopening its economy in September and October, Panama has witnessed a spike in coronavirus cases that has left its hospitals saturated and their staff exhausted.

The government has imposed a total lockdown over Christmas and the New Year to try to slow the virus's spread.

Panama is due to receive 450,000 doses of the Pfizer/BioNTech vaccine during the first quarter of 2021.

Panama President Laurentino Cortizo had announced plans to hire Cuban doctors in August but backed down following criticism from Washington and from within the country.

However, the government was forced into a change of heart as it was unable to hire enough health care professionals to tackle the virus crisis.

jjr/dga/bc/ft
A probe snaps 'great conjunction' photo of Jupiter and Saturn from the moon


By Chelsea Gohd 

Behold, the view from the Lunar Reconnaissance Orbiter!




(Image credit: NASA/GSFC/Arizona State University)

A moon-orbiting probe got a stunning up-close view of the "great conjunction" of Jupiter and Saturn from Earth's rocky satellite.

Monday (Dec. 21), Jupiter and Saturn appeared closer in the night sky than they had in about 800 years during what's known as a "great conjunction." People all around the globe watched and photographed the planets, which looked almost like a single, bright "star" in the sky. However, us Earthlings weren't the only ones who got a celestial show.

NASA's Lunar Reconnaissance Orbiter (LRO), which launched in 2009 and has enough fuel to keep orbiting the moon for another six years, spotted the cosmic event all the way from the moon.

The Lunar Reconnaissance Orbiter Camera's (LROC) Narrow Angle Camera (NAC) captured an unbelievable image of the two planets just a few hours after the pair's point of closest separation (0.1 degrees), which occurred at TK. Now, while Jupiter and Saturn may have looked like one glowing orb to the naked eye, with the detailed view of the NAC, you can clearly resolve the individual planets. In fact, the image provides so much detail that you can even faintly see Saturn's rings. 

Here on Earth, skywatchers were able to see Jupiter's moons with DSLR cameras and even basic telescopes, though Saturn's rings were usually only visible with higher-powered telescopes.



On Dec. 21, 2020, Jupiter and Saturn appeared just one-tenth of a degree apart, or about the thickness of a dime held at arm's length, according to NASA. During the event, known as a "great conjunction," the two planets (and their moons) were visible in the same field of view through binoculars or a telescope. (Image credit: NASA/JPL-Caltech)

When the NAC captured this image of the two planets, Jupiter was about four times brighter than Saturn, so the brightness of the original image was adjusted to make both equally visible.

While Jupiter and Saturn have a close conjunction once every 20 years, the planets haven't appeared this close since 1623. Additionally, the planetary alignment came just a few days before Christmas, with many dubbing the bright event a "Christmas Star," adding even more to the astronomical excitement.

Email Chelsea Gohd at cgohd@space.com or follow her on Twitter @chelsea_gohd. Follow us on Twitter @Spacedotcom and on Facebook.




SPACE WEATHER
A dark storm on Neptune has reversed direction and scientists can't explain why
© Provided by Space 
Astronomers were surprised to see two storms on Neptune. It’s possible the planet’s giant storm spawned another when it abruptly changed directions.

A dark storm on Neptune abruptly switched directions and started moving away from almost certain death, puzzling astronomers.

NASA’s Hubble Space Telescope first spotted the vortex in 2018. A year later, the storm began drifting southward toward Neptune’s equator, following the path of several storms before it. Usually, these dark spots on Neptune live for a few years before either vanishing or fading away. However, the storm mysteriously stopped moving south and made a sharp u-turn, drifting back northwards. At the same time, astronomers spotted a second, smaller dark spot on the planet.

They theorize that this smaller “cousin” storm may be a piece of the original vortex that broke off and drifted away.

Related: Birth of 'Great Dark Spot' Storm on Neptune Seen for 1st Time (Photo)

"We are excited about these observations because this smaller dark fragment is potentially part of the dark spot’s disruption process," Michael H. Wong of the University of California at Berkeley said in a NASA statement. "This is a process that's never been observed. We have seen some other dark spots fading away and they're gone, but we've never seen anything disrupt, even though it’s predicted in computer simulations."

Although Hubble has tracked similar storms on Neptune over the past 30 years, astronomers have never seen such unpredictable atmospheric behavior.

The current storm, which is 4,600 miles (7,403 kilometers) across (bigger than the Atlantic Ocean) is the fourth-darkest spot Hubble has tracked since 1993. These storms are high-pressure systems that rotate clockwise due to the planet’s rotation (unlike hurricanes on Earth, which are low-pressure systems that rotate counterclockwise).

Typically, as storms drift toward Neptune’s equator, the Coriolis effect that typically keeps them stable starts to weaken and the storm disintegrates. Yet, unlike past observed storms and computer simulations that show storms following a more-or-less straight path to the equator, this latest vortex didn’t migrate into this “kill zone.”

"It was really exciting to see this one act like it's supposed to act and then all of a sudden it just stops and swings back," Wong said in the same NASA statement. "That was surprising."

Spotting a smaller storm that potentially broke off from the larger vortex was also surprising. Astronomers informally call the smaller storm "dark spot jr." This "jr." is still quite large, stretching 3,900 miles (6,276 km) across. Although researchers can’t prove that the smaller storm broke off from the larger one, Wong said it’s possible that shedding that fragment was enough to stop the larger storm from continuing on towards the equator.

This latest giant storm on Neptune is the best-studied so far on the planet. For instance, when Hubble first spotted the storm in 2018, the telescope saw bright companion clouds around the vortex. Those clouds are now gone, having disappeared when the storm stopped drifting southward. It’s possible that the lack of these clouds could reveal some secrets about how the dark spots evolve.

There is still a lot of mystery surrounding storms on Neptune, but NASA’s Outer Planet Atmospheres Legacy (OPAL) program is standing by to crack those mysteries. But, for now, astronomers will keep their eyes on this mysterious dark spot on Neptune.

Follow Kasandra Brabaw on Twitter @KassieBrabaw. Follow us on Twitter @Spacedotcom and on Facebook.
MEET NEO
A huge asteroid potentially measuring more than double the size of the Statue of Liberty is set to sail past Earth on Christmas Day.
© iStock Stock image: Artist's illustration of an asteroid. A large space rock will sail past the Earth on Christmas Day, 2020.

During its close approach, the space rock—dubbed 501647 (2014 SD224)—will come within 0.02019 astronomical units, or nearly 1.9 million miles, of our planet at 8:20 p.m. UTC (3:20 p.m. ET) on December 25, data from NASA's Center for Near Earth Studies (CNEOS) shows.

According to CNEOS, the asteroid is estimated to measure anywhere between 302 feet and 689 feet in diameter.

At the lower end of this range, the space rock would be almost exactly the same height as the Statue of Liberty. But at the upper end, it would be more than double the size of the famous monument in New York City.

While a close approach of 1.9 million miles sounds very far away, it is actually relatively near in astronomical terms. In fact, 1.9 million miles is just under eight times the average distance between the Earth and the moon.

As 2014 SD224 flies past our planet, it will be travelling at a speed of more than 22,000 miles per hour—which is roughly thirty times the speed of sound.

The space rock is one of many so-called near-Earth objects (NEOs) that orbit the sun in the vicinity of our planet.

Technically, the term NEO refers to any asteroid or comet that have orbits with the potential to come within 121 million miles of the sun, or 30 million miles of the Earth's own orbital path.

So far, researchers have spotted around 25,000 NEOs—the vast majority of which are asteroids. Scientists think most of the of the largest NEOs have been discovered, although there are likely to be many more smaller ones that are still undetected.

"By continually searching for asteroids, we expect to eventually find the majority of the hundred-meter-scale asteroids over time, as each happens to pass by our planet many years or decades before a possible potential impact," CNEOS director Paul Chodas previously told Newsweek.

"We have already inventoried over 95 percent of the really large asteroids (1 kilometer or 0.62 miles in size and larger) and we know that none of them has any chance of impacting over the next century."

NEOs that are thought to measure more than 460 feet in diameter and are in orbits that could potentially cross the Earth's own path within centuries or millennia—like 2014 SD224—are categorized as "potentially hazardous."

2014 SD224 will fly past Earth just a few days after the winter solstice on December, which marked the shortest day of the year in the Northern Hemisphere.

The astronomical event was notable this year because it coincided with a "great conjunction" of Jupiter and Saturn during which the two planets appeared closer in the sky than they have done for around 400 years.
'Lasting honour': Battle for Hong Kong ended on Christmas Day 1941 and Capt. John Reid was among the Canadians there

THERE WAS A VETERAN OF HONG KONG WHO WAS A MEMBER OF MY PARENTS NORWOOD BRANCH 149 OF THE ROYAL CANADIAN LEGION YEG

© Provided by National Post
 “C” Force arrives in Hong Kong on November 16, 1941.

VIDEO AT THE BOTTOM

On Christmas Day, 1941, Hong Kong surrendered to invading Japanese forces. The Canadian death toll was 290, and some 1,700 were taken prisoner. Among the PoWs was John Reid, a young Canadian doctor who volunteered for the Royal Canadian Army Medical Corps after his medical training. He survived the war, but finding a peace of his own took 10 tumultuous years, with casualties of a different sort. This excerpt from the new book The Captain Was a Doctor describes Reid’s experience through the last three days of the battle for Hong Kong.

By December 22, Mount Cameron, several miles north of Reid’s Regimental Aid Post, had become the linchpin of West Brigade’s defensive line as the Japanese forced their way from the east. The position was held by only 100 Winnipeg Grenadiers, reinforced by a platoon of British Royal Engineers — all that could be spared. After raining Mount Cameron’s defenders with artillery and mortar fire, the Japanese attacked during the evening with 1,000 troops. The Grenadiers and Royal Engineers fought back ferociously, but a Japanese breakthrough on their right flank threatened to encircle their position and forced their withdrawal northward to Wan Chai Gap. In his postwar debriefing in October 1945, Reid recalls the confusion of this night:

(We were) still at Aberdeen Reservoir. This hill (where we had our aid post) continued to Wan Chai Gap. That part was held by the British and Canadians on our left flank. During the night we heard a lot of firing on this hill. We phoned (Grenadier Headquarters, northwest of Mount Cameron) to find out what was going on. They said, absolutely nothing — everything’s under control and quiet. In about ten minutes we got a call (from Grenadier Headquarters) in a great hurry and as soon as the phone was off (the hook) someone said the Japs are coming, we’re falling back on Mt. Gough, northwesterly, and for us to get up (to Mount Gough) any way we could … we would try to make a last stand there, then they banged down the phone. We picked it up again to ask, what’s this all about? Nobody was there.

Mount Cameron fell to the Japanese in the early hours of December 23. Except for Stanley Peninsula, where Canada’s Royal Rifles and the rest of East Brigade were cut off but still holding out, the Japanese now controlled the whole eastern half of Hong Kong Island, including the north-south corridor down the centre to Repulse Bay. West Brigade’s entire defence line from Leighton Hill in the north of the island to Bennet’s Hill in the south was under intense attack. On this day, another telegram was sent to Governor Mark Young by Prime Minister Winston Churchill:

There must be no thought of surrender. Every part of the island must be fought and the enemy resisted with the utmost stubbornness. The enemy should be compelled to expend the utmost life and equipment. There must be vigorous fighting in the inner defences and, if need be, from house to house. Every day that you are able to maintain your resistance you help the Allied cause all over the world, and by a prolonged resistance you and your men can win the lasting honour which we are sure will be your due.
© Courtesy of The Captain was a Doctor Captain John Reid.

With Mount Cameron overrun by the enemy, the Winnipeg Grenadiers north of the Aberdeen Reservoir, now dangerously exposed, were ordered to pull back to Aberdeen Village on the coast, Reid’s medical unit with them. On the morning of Tuesday, December 23, Reid deposited his wounded at the Aberdeen Naval Hospital and took stock of what he should do next.

At the beginning of hostilities, all of the garrison’s field ambulances, including the Royal Canadian Army Medical Corps, were reorganized as the Combined Field Ambulance led by Lieutenant-Colonel Lindsay Ride of the Hong Kong Volunteer Defence Corps, with the Winnipeg Grenadiers’ Major John Crawford as second-in-command. During the last three days of fighting, the Combined Field Ambulance Headquarters had been on the move and was out of touch with many of its medical units. When Reid finally made contact late on Tuesday afternoon, he was ordered to Pok Fu Lam on the west coast of the island. As he describes in his postwar debriefing, believing his short-lived military career was about to end, he persuaded the Field Ambulance Headquarters otherwise:

I hadn’t been in the army a very long time and I asked the British Colonel if I could be assigned somewhere else. I had just got into the army and here I was in Hong Kong only a few days and the war was almost done and I asked him if there wasn’t something I could be doing. There wasn’t anything to do at Pok Fu Lam and there wasn’t going to be. He phoned back (and) said, okay, you go to the War Memorial Hospital. That was on the Peak. So I went over there and gave anaesthetics for a day.

The Casualty Clearing Station at War Memorial Hospital was dealing with civilian wounded as well as a stream of British, Canadian, and Indian military casualties. Shortly after the invasion of the island, the hospital’s water supply and electrical system had been knocked out, although engineers from a scuttled British ship managed to rig a small dynamo to produce power for the operating room. Reid was a welcome addition to the medical team. Dr. Annie Sydenham, the hospital’s chief anaesthetist, later reported: “We benefited from the assistance of (Captain Reid) as he knew his own men and was able to give them confidence and cheer.”

Reid remembers the night of December 24 as the oddest of Christmas Eves:

In the basement of the hospital, whose floors above lay ravaged by shell fire, by the flickering lamps in the darkness gathered a varied group: nurses and volunteer nurses, the few daughters of the well-placed who had clung to Hong Kong despite the signs that the “balloon” was really going aloft this time, patched wounded, medical orderlies, officers, and the odds and sods drifting in from the hills — to all came the sudden realization of Christmas Eve. Pots of jam were brought out, loaves of bread, tins of plums, strong hot tea, and — almost surreptitiously — a song: “Silent night, holy night,” rising stronger, louder, fuller till every voice took it up. For an hour all the old sweet airs (were sung), faces gleaming, smiling, tear-dropped but buoyed by the general British “thumbs-up,” till finally fading, most slumped left or right in exhausted sleep.

By dawn of Christmas Day, the remaining elements of West Brigade were hemmed into the western third of the island, while those of East Brigade were trapped on Stanley Peninsula in the southeast. In Victoria that morning, the South China Morning Post, somehow still operating amid the battle, published its penultimate wartime edition with the headline: “Hong Kong Is Observing the Strangest and Most Sober Christmas in Its Century-Old History.” Governor Mark Young broadcast a Christmas message to the colony: “In pride and admiration I send my greeting this Christmas Day to all who are fighting and all who are working so nobly and so well to sustain Hong Kong against the assaults of the enemy. Fight on. Hold fast for King and Empire. God bless you all in this your finest hour. Let this day be historical in the grand annals of our empire. The Order of the Day is to hold fast.”

Practically the last action of the Battle of Hong Kong was a suicidal attack ordered on Christmas morning by Brigadier Wallis, British commander of East Brigade, to retake Stanley Village, a position at the top of Stanley Peninsula recently overrun by the Japanese. The unit chosen for the mission was “D” Company of the Royal Rifles, a force by now reduced through casualties to 120 men. Although Wallis promised artillery support for the attack, none materialized, and at 1:00 p.m. on Christmas Day, Company Sergeant Major George MacDonell and two other platoon leaders led the Canadians across open ground in a wild charge that by its sheer fierceness succeeded in evicting the larger enemy force from parts of Stanley Village while inflicting heavy casualties. But greatly outnumbered by Japanese reinforcements, who began to encircle them, and targeted by a sustained artillery barrage, the Rifles were soon ordered to retreat by Major Maurice Parker, “D” Company’s commanding officer, a tricky withdrawal by two’s and three’s, while MacDonell and Sergeant Lance Ross provided covering fire with their Bren guns before barely escaping themselves. Twenty-six Royal Rifles died during the action. With the 75 who were wounded, “D” Company suffered 84 percent casualties in the attack on Stanley Village. For all the men’s heroics, nothing was gained.

On the west side of the island, General Maltby, the garrison commander, had reached the same conclusion: holding Hong Kong was hopeless; fighting on only meant pointless loss of life, followed by inevitable defeat. Maltby’s final dispatch to London ended: “At 3:15 p.m. (Christmas Day) I advised his Excellency the Governor and Commander-in-Chief that no further useful military resistance was possible and I then ordered all Commanding Officers to break off the fighting and to capitulate to the nearest Japanese Commander, as and when the enemy advanced and the opportunity offered.”

The official surrender of Hong Kong to the Japanese took place at 4:30 on Christmas afternoon. Reid heard the news and its after-effect half an hour later:

The white flag went up about four in the afternoon. Now isolated pockets (of resistance) only, snarling hedge-hogs, but separate. About 5 p.m. the NOISE faded away, little and lesser noises, fewer and farther and, finally, still, still silence, even movement suspended from that hour.

With the silence (came) a bee-hive of thoughts buzzing in the brain: Hong Kong — how strange; home — so far and unreal; only small boats left, and where to go?; friends lost, found, and unknown. Fundamentally, a sense of de-personalization, as though floating in a limbo and seeing, but not fully comprehending, reality.

The Captain Was a Doctor by Jonathon Reid, John Reid’s son, was published in October 2020 by Dundurn Press.


Quebec watchdog completes its probe into police-involved death of Chantel Moore

WHAT NO PEPPER SPRAY? NO TASER? NO BILLY CLUB?
Moore was shot by a member of the Edmundston Police Force during a wellness check on June 4, after the young woman had allegedly walked toward an officer with a knife in her hand.


FREDERICTON — Quebec's police watchdog has completed its investigation into the New Brunswick police-involved killing of Chantel Moore, a 26-year-old Indigenous woman.
© Provided by The Canadian Press

The watchdog, known as the Bureau des enquetes independantes, said Wednesday it had forwarded its report to New Brunswick's Public Prosecutions Services and to the coroner in the case, on Dec. 16.

Quebec's independent police watchdog investigated the case because New Brunswick does not have its own police oversight agency.

New Brunswick's prosecutions office said Wednesday it will examine the Quebec watchdog's finding to determine whether it will lay charges.

The office says its examination could take several weeks.

Quebec's police watchdog says its investigation revealed a person made a call to the Edmundston police to ensure the safety of Moore at around 2 a.m. on June 4.

The watchdog says when police arrived, Moore allegedly opened the door to her apartment holding a knife and walked toward the policeman.

The police officer allegedly stepped back, asked Moore to drop the knife and when that didn't happen, he fired.

This report by The Canadian Press was first published Dec. 24, 2020.

The Canadian Press
Family of Pakistan dissident Karima Mehrab urge thorough investigation into her death

TORONTO — The family of an internationally prominent Pakistani dissident urged a thorough investigation into her death, saying Wednesday they were having difficulty accepting a police conclusion she killed herself.
© Provided by The Canadian Press

In an interview with The Canadian Press, Sameer Mehrab was careful to say the family had no evidence his sister, Karima Mehrab, was in fact the victim of foul play, but said they found it unlikely the Toronto resident would have drowned herself in the frigid waters of Lake Ontario.

"Police are saying it's like a textbook suicide," he said. "We are not suggesting anything but we want to be open to other possibilities due to the threats she was receiving."

Online posts showed hundreds of people rallying in the Pakistani region of Balochistan on Wednesday to protest what they saw as Karima Mehrab's killing. They urged a fair investigation into the death.

Toronto police have offered few details publicly about what happened to Mehrab, 37, widely known as Karima Baloch, who fled Pakistan for Canada in 2015.

She had been an activist on behalf of the often violent quest for Baloch separatism and continued her activism from Canada. Pakistan's military and government have steadfastly denied any rights abuses in the Baloch region.

While police said they were aware of the concerns around Mehrab's death, they had found no evidence of foul play after her body was pulled from the lake on Monday.

"The Toronto Police Service is aware of heightened community and media interest surrounding a missing person investigation," the force said in a statement on Wednesday.

"The circumstances have been investigated and officers have determined this to be a non-criminal death and no foul play is suspected."

Mehrab's brother, however, said the family has had little success in getting investigators to delve into the threats he said his sister and her husband had received. In one such threat, a person warned her husband that she would get a "Christmas gift" she would never forget, her family said.

"We actually tried to tell the police every time they call us that this is the history, but they refuse to be convinced because, according to them, they don't have any evidence (of foul play)," Sameer Mehrab said.

From what the family has learned, Karima Mehrab was anxious about an economic exam she was to write as a first-year student at the University of Toronto. Her doctor had prescribed mild medication to help her sleep, her brother said. The doctor saw no sign of severe depression, her family said he told them.

Mehrab left home alone on Sunday, her family said.

Transit records and surveillance video show she made her way to the Toronto Islands, a favourite place for her to clear her head, her brother said. Police found no indication anyone was with her, he said they told the family.

"Her being alone is not evidence that she was not harmed," her brother said.

Lateef Johar, a close friend, said Mehrab's belongings were found on the island.

Those close to Mehrab said she was a strong person for whom life was improving, and she would never have killed herself. She left no note or gave any indication she was planning self-harm, her brother said.

Sameer Mehrab, himself a refugee who now lives in Toronto, worked for years in the Middle East with another Pakistani dissident and exile, Sajid Hussain, editor in chief of the Balochistan Times. Hussain was found drowned in a river earlier this year in Sweden. Authorities said there was no indication of foul play but couldn't rule it out definitively.

The Canadian government expressed its condolences on Karima Mehrab's death Tuesday but refused further comment.

This report by The Canadian Press was first published Dec. 23, 2020.

Colin Perkel, The Canadian Press



'White nationalist' Paul Fromm received federal COVID-19 relief money to fund his groups

© Lorenda Reddekopp, CBC News Paul Fromm, a self-described white nationalist who founded the Canadian Association for Free Expression and Citizens for Foreign Aid Reform, received COVID-19 relief funds for both of those groups.

Anti-hate groups are urging the federal government to reconsider which employers can apply for the Canada Emergency Wage Subsidy (CEWS) after self-described white nationalist Paul Fromm received COVID-19 relief funds for two of his groups.

Vice first reported he received money for the Canadian Association for Free Expression (CAFE) after the government published a searchable registry of companies that have accessed CEWS.

CAFE is a non-profit that has intervened in several human rights cases across Canada, including on behalf of websites encouraging homophobia and Holocaust denial.

CBC News has since learned Fromm also received money for another group of his — Citizens for Foreign Aid Reform, which opposes foreign aid and multiculturalism.

Fromm has appeared in far-right protests, spoken regularly on the white nationalist radio show Stormfront, and is the subject of a Hamilton police investigation after complaints he shared the New Zealand mosque shooter's manifesto on the CAFE website. Stormfront describes itself as being "pro-white news, opinion and inspiration."

"I'm a white nationalist," Fromm said in an interview. "I'm proud of our European heritage and I want to keep it."

Still, he denies being labelled a neo-Nazi or white supremacist, and told CBC News on Wednesday that his organizations met all the requirements to receive CEWS funds.

"The criteria as I read it was not 'What are your politics?' The criteria is 'Are you an employer, do you have an employer number, have you been impacted by the COVID shutdown and if so, you qualify up to a certain amount," Fromm said.

"Given the rules, there's not much [the government] can do."

The government was unable to provide an interview.

Katherine Cuplinskas, press secretary for the office of Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of Finance Chrystia Freeland said the government "categorically condemns white supremacy, far-right extremism, and racism in all its forms."

"Wage subsidy funds can only be used for employee remuneration. Should these funds have been abused, the penalties can include repayment of the wage subsidy, an additional 25 per cent penalty, and potentially imprisonment in cases of fraud," Cuplinskas wrote in an email.
Anti-hate groups want government to review system

Bernie Farber, chair of the Canadian Anti-Hate Network, said he was shocked to learn Fromm successfully applied to CEWS. Neo-Nazi groups getting taxpayer money is a "a glitch in the system" from a government trying to navigate a pandemic, he added.

"I don't think any of us can really blame the government for having a glitch in the system. I think we can blame the government if this glitch in the system isn't fixed immediately," he said.

"I think Canadians want to hear our government say 'Whoops, this was a mistake ... it's an outrage at a time when people are literally losing their homes and livelihoods and need this money badly, that it would be going to people like Paul Fromm."

Fromm would not reveal the number of employees in either organization, but acknowledged the number was "small and modest." He also didn't disclose how much money he received but said it was "small potatoes."

Cuplinskas wouldn't say whether the government plans to investigate the issue further, but Kojo Damptey, Hamilton Centre for Civic Inclusion's interim executive director, said he hopes it does.

"They should have a list of organizations that espouse racist rhetoric, xenophobic rhetoric, and not provide them with public funding," he said. "If our government are funding racist institutions, white nationalist institutions, what kind of society are we building and what does it say to many marginalized communities that have been affected by this sort of rhetoric?"
Venezuela's oil unions accuse government of persecution

Venezuela's vital oil industry is failing and the socialist government is feeling the pressure, and now the regime of President Nicolas Maduro is being accused of lashing out at the sector's unions.
© Handout The government of Venezuela President Nicolas Maduro claimed in October, 2020 that the Amuay oil refinery was subjected to a terrorist attack

In recent months, several union leaders have been arrested, accused of terrorism, sharing confidential information and inciting hatred.

Venezuela is in the midst of a crippling economic crisis that it is unable to escape because its oil industry is operating at just one eighth of its capacity from 12 years ago.

Critics say the government doesn't want anyone to know it's to blame for the demise.

"The idea is to neutralize the oil union movement by force," said Ivan Freites, director of the federation of Venezuelan oil workers, who has fled to neighboring Colombia.

© Jhonn ZERPA Venezuela's Oil Minister Tareck El Aissami

Speaking to AFP by WhatsApp, the 57-year-old accused the government of "political persecution."

He slipped out of Venezuela secretly, using a false identity and by breaking through border fences put up due to the coronavirus pandemic.

"They were going to come for me," Freites said.

On November 18, military intelligence officers arrested another oil union spokesman, Eudis Girot. They accused him of terrorism and revealing secret information.

Four days before that, Guillermo Zarraga -- a colleague of Freites's at the Paraguana refinery, the largest in Venezuela -- was detained after an explosion at the refinery that the government claimed was a "terrorist attack.
"
© - Venezuela has had to import fuel from Iran despite sitting on the world's largest proven oil reserves

Union leaders, however, said it was due to failed attempts to reactivate facilities amidst a chronic fuel shortage that has seen cars lining up for days at gas stations waiting to fill their tanks
.
© Yuri CORTEZ Venezuela President Nicolas Maduro denies persecuting the unions and claims it is the judiciary that is behind the arrests of prominent union figures

In January, two other union members were arrested by members of the National Guard during a workers' assembly at the major El Palito refinery in the northern Carabobo state.

"In Venezuela the criminalization of critical opinion and social protests is a state policy, systematic and generalized," said the human rights NGO PROVEA in a 2019 report on the persecution of unions.

- 'Destabilizing action' -

Venezuela has been wracked by three years of hyperinflation and has been in recession for seven years.

Citizens have faced shortages of basic necessities such as food and medicine while public services regularly fail.

It is almost entirely dependent on its oil revenue but according to the Organization of the Petroleum Exporting Countries (OPEC) it is producing just 400,000 barrels a day compared to 3.2 million in 2008.

Maduro's government blames Venezuela's problems on US sanctions -- particularly those targeting state oil company PDVSA -- but analysts say the South American country's issues run deeper and are the fault of corruption and mismanagement.

PDVA employees once enjoyed salaries that were the envy of other sectors but inflation and currency depreciation mean they fluctuate from $3-$10 a month.

The collective agreement that protected workers' rights and conditions ran out in October 2019 and has not been renewed, said Jose Bodas, general secretary of the oil union workers' federation.

He said some workers had been forced to resign or retire.

Venezuela is using the law to "restrict the possibility of holding rallies, demonstrations or strikes," according to PROVEA, which accuses the government of being "anti-democratic."

"Any act of protest by the citizenry is considered a 'destabilizing action'."

All unions have come under fire but recently the government appears to have focused on the oil industry.

"Us oil (unions) are the most under attack because of what oil signifies .... their power base is there and they're not going to let the workers rise up," said Freites.

Until the industry collapsed, PDVSA brought in more than 90 percent of Venezuela's revenue.

"We'll keep going ... the workers' class exists regardless of repression and the jail cell," Bodas told AFP.

- 'Legal issue' -

Maduro's regime has its defenders, though, including the oil workers' federation president Wills Rangel.

He's a party loyalist and was elected as a legislator in December 6 parliamentary elections that were boycotted by the main opposition parties and denounced as neither free nor fair by the United States, European Union and several Latin American countries.

When asked about the arrest of two unionists accused of being CIA spies, Maduro told a foreign press conference that there were "full guarantees" for unions in Venezuela.

"It's a legal issue ... I'm not going to get involved," said Maduro, who insisted he was a "workers' president" due to his past as a Caracas metro industry unionist.

erc/jt/gma/bc/mjs
'Like water eroding rocks': Thai protesters prepare for long fight

By Patpicha Tanakasempipat, Chayut Setboonsarng and Matthew Tostevin
© Reuters/Soe Zeya Tun FILE PHOTO:
Protest leaders Panusaya "Rung" Sithijirawattanakul and Parit "Penguin" Chiwarak wearing crop tops ride on an escalator at Siam Paragon shopping centre, as they demonstrate against the monarchy, in Bangkok

BANGKOK (Reuters) - As they paraded through a Bangkok shopping mall in crop tops to mock Thailand's king, protesters made an incongruous sight among the festive decorations.

They brought stares, smiles and some muted cheers, but the few dozen activists were far short of the tens of thousands who joined earlier anti-government protests that broke the taboo on criticising King Maha Vajiralongkorn.
© Reuters/Soe Zeya Tun FILE PHOTO: 
A demonstrator gestures during a pro-democracy rally demanding reforms on the monarchy and for the government to resign, in Bangkok

After months of street demonstrations that have shaken Thailand's establishment, the best-known figures of a movement that drew tactics and inspiration from protests in Hong Kong told Reuters they are at a critical juncture.

There are disagreements over strategy, fatigue, scores of charges brought in a royalist backlash and now a coronavirus outbreak that could make mass gatherings hard.

"I think most people are exhausted," said Parit 'Penguin' Chiwarak, 22, who helped lead the crop top protest, noting that exams at the end of the university term made it hard for students to join.
© Reuters/MATTHEW TOSTEVIN Protest leaders Panusaya "Rung" Sithijirawattanakul and Parit "Penguin" Chiwarak wearing crop tops walk at Siam Paragon shopping centre, as they demonstrate against the monarchy, in Bangkok

"We'll try again next year," he told Reuters. "We won't stop no matter what."

Government spokeswoman Rachada Dhnadirek said authorities were not against protesters expressing their views, but a rise in coronavirus cases meant there should be no large gatherings for any reason at the moment.

The crop top protest, however, showed just how far discussion has shifted in Thailand, with its defiance of the royal insult law by openly lampooning a king who has been pictured wearing a crop top in European tabloids.

But divisions between protesters have become more evident as they discuss how best to maintain their push next year to unseat former junta leader and Prime Minister Prayuth Chan-ocha, to rewrite the constitution and to curb the king's powers.
© Reuters/MATTHEW TOSTEVIN Protest leaders Panusaya "Rung" Sithijirawattanakul and Parit "Penguin" Chiwarak wearing crop tops walk at Siam Paragon shopping centre, as they demonstrate against the monarchy, in Bangkok

The main factions are student protesters linked to the Thammasat University, including Parit and Panusaya 'Rung' Sithijirawattanakul, and the Free Youth group, which kick-started the protests in July. Both have been allied, calling themselves the "People" movement.

© Reuters/MATTHEW TOSTEVIN A message reading "We fight for Democracy not Communism" is pictured during a protest demanding reforms on the monarchy in Bangkok

But Parit and Panusaya, 22, have distanced themselves from the launch of Free Youth's Restart Thailand movement, with a logo whose RT letters resemble a hammer and sickle.

Critics of Restart Thailand say it risks putting some people off with apparent communist symbolism in a Southeast Asian country where a two-decade long communist insurgency ended in the 1980s.

"A lot of people are confused," said protester Kent Ruqsapram, who brought a sign to one event that said "We fight for democracy, not communism" to make his point.

DIFFERENT MEANS

Meanwhile, Free Youth's Jutatip Sirikhan, 22, said the group will focus on its own campaign next year despite the earlier alliance with the student leaders.

"We want to create more participation from all groups, whether labourers, farmers or those without access to social welfare," she told Reuters.

It is not the first time that divisions have surfaced and both groups say they have the same goals of breaking the decades-old hold on power of the army and palace.

"Both still go in the same direction, just use different means," said Arnon Nampa, 36, a rights lawyer who said he aimed to step up the push for reforms to the monarchy next year as the campaign for change continues.

"The longer this goes on, the more people will understand the problems and side with us - like water eroding rocks," he told Reuters.

There is little to show yet on the core demands.

Prayuth has dismissed calls to stand down, discussion on the constitution will only proceed on the government's terms and the Royal Palace is ramping up a PR campaign rather than entertaining any possibility of change.

"The protests are weakening," Warong Dechgitvigrom, 59, of royalist group Thai Pakdee told Reuters. "The government can just let the movement die on its own."

The royalists are behind a surge of lese majeste charges against protest leaders - with a coordinated effort described by Warong to bring complaints to police on charges that can lead to up to 15 years in prison.

Anyone can bring such a royal insult complaint. Grounds have included everything from using the king's own words disrespectfully to dressing in clothes that parody the royals.

At least 35 activists now face lese majeste charges - many of them multiple charges, according to data from Thai Lawyers for Human Rights: Parit alone faces eight. Total charges against all activists now number in the hundreds including those for sedition, computer crimes, illegal assembly and flouting coronavirus restrictions.

"It can drain a lot of time, resources, and energy," said Free Youth's Tattep 'Ford' Ruangprapaikitseree, 23, who faces six charges, including lese majeste and sedition. "It would be a lie if I said I didn't lose heart sometimes."

Like other prominent protesters, he is not currently detained, but is under police investigation to see if there is enough evidence for trial.

PROTESTS IN PANDEMIC

Thailand currently faces a new outbreak of coronavirus, with hundreds of cases reported among migrant seafood workers - a discouragement to mass gatherings if not the full lockdown the country went through early in 2020.

"We fought during the pandemic and did it without spreading the virus," said Parit. "We can do more online."

As in Hong Kong, online mobilisation has been a hallmark of Thailand's youth-driven demonstrations.

Demonstrating enough support to force change in the real world, however, is a bigger challenge. Provincial elections on Dec. 20 largely returned establishment politicians despite being contested for the first time by a movement with youth support.

And the Royal Palace's fightback is growing.

King Vajiralongkorn, 68, has begun an intensive public relations counter-offensive with Queen Suthida, 42, as a driving force in the campaign at visits around Thailand.

Also joining lavish public events have been the king's daughters and his 35-year-old royal consort, Sineenat Wongvajirapakdi.

Sometimes spoken to the crowds, sometimes signed on royal pictures, the mantra is one of national unity under the monarchy - whose power and prestige were strengthened during the seven-decade reign of the monarch's late father King Bhumibol Adulyadej.

"The monarchy and the people are inseparable," the king told crowds at one recent stop.

And while the numbers have rarely been as big as the tens of thousands who have joined the protests, the appearances play every night on the royal television news that remains popular with older Thais.

"This has won them many hearts and minds," said Termsak Chalermpalanupap, a visiting fellow with Singapore's ISEAS–Yusof Ishak Institute.

Having been absent in Europe for most of 2020, the king's return to Thailand in October marked the start of an intense round of appearances. A Reuters tally showed over 40 events, including more than a dozen at which the king spoke individually to members of the public - previously unheard of.

For protesters that is also a sign that they are having an impact and need to keep going even if it takes years.

"You think the government hasn't responded, but it has," said Arnon, the rights lawyer. "The king making unusual trips is a response. The government using the law to suppress or silence expressions is a response."

"Fire has caught. It will keep burning," he said.

(Additional reporting by Panarat Thepgumpanat; Writing by Matthew Tostevin; Editing by Raju Gopalakrishnan)
Victims' families in Iraq furious over Trump's Blackwater pardons

President Donald Trump's decision to pardon four Blackwater private security contractors
convicted of a massacre in Baghdad has been met with fury by the victims' families in Iraq.
© Provided by NBC News

"How are these criminals released after they killed 17 innocent people?" Hussein Saheb Nasser, 35, told NBC News by telephone from his home in Baghdad on Wednesday.

"On what basis did Trump depend on to release them? Let us assume that I travel to America and kill 17 American citizens. Are they going to release me?"

Nasser's younger brother, Mahdi Saheb Nasser, was 22 and working as a taxi driver when he was killed in September 2007 alongside other unarmed civilians in Baghdad's Nisur Square.

Iraqi authorities say 17 people were killed; the Department of Justice has said the total was 14.

The deaths provoked international outrage and raised questions about the use of private security firms in war zones.

In 2014, four former government contractors who worked for Blackwater Worldwide, a security firm founded by Erik Prince — an ally of Trump and the brother of Education Secretary Betsy DeVos — were convicted in federal court in Washington in connection with the killings.

Nicholas Slatten was sentenced to life in prison without parole after being convicted of murder, while Paul Slough, Evan Liberty and Dustin Heard were convicted of manslaughter and weapons charges.

Prosecutors said the Blackwater convoy launched an unprovoked attack using sniper fire, machine guns and grenade launchers.

Defense lawyers for the four veterans, who were working as contractors for the State Department at the time of the killings, argued that they had returned fire only after being ambushed by Iraqi insurgents.

Trump issued pardons for all four men on Tuesday.

Nasser, who attended the 2014 trial in the United States, said his brother's death had broken his father's heart.

"Before he died, he went crazy as he used to go out into the street and whenever he saw a young man, he imagined that he was Mahdi," he said.

His mother also suffered a stroke, he added.

The pardons have reduced American talk of human rights to mere "slogans," he said, adding, "They prefer animals over humans, and then they talk about human rights, justice and humanity."

Jasem Mohammed Hashem, who was working as a police officer when he was shot in the head in the attack, was also disappointed by Trump's decision to free the men who, he said, "opened fire randomly at the citizens."

"I consider what the security company personnel have done is a terrorist act, as many civilians were martyred and wounded," said Hashem, 41, a father of five who was partially disabled and forced to retire after the incident.
© Mark Wilson Image: Erik Prince, chairman of the Prince Group, LLC and Blackwater USA, tesifies during a House Oversight and Government Reform Committee hearing on Capitol Hill (Mark Wilson / Getty Images file)

Sarah Holewinski, Washington director at Human Rights Watch, said Trump's pardons were an insult to justice, "but it's also an insult to the victims."

"After years of waiting, the victims finally saw justice served when these men were convicted," she said in an email. "With those sentences reversed by the stroke of a pen, who will trust the American justice system again?"

Blackwater has been renamed and falls under the Constellis group of companies, a risk management business formed in 2010.

Constellis did not immediately respond to requests for comment.

The Iraqi government condemned the pardons, with the Ministry of Foreign Affairs saying in a statement late on Wednesday that it would follow up with the U.S. through diplomatic channels to urge a reconsideration.

"The ministry believes that this decision did not take into account the seriousness of the crime committed and was inconsistent with the U.S. administration's declared commitment to the values of human rights, justice, and the rule of law, and regrettably ignores the dignity of the victims," it said.

American troops invaded Iraq in 2003 and toppled Saddam Hussein's regime. They left in 2011 but returned in 2014 after the Islamic State militant group overran large parts of the country.

More than 3,000 troops remain in Iraq, according to defense officials, with a drawdown scheduled for January.

The Associated Press contributed to this report.

CP Rail to develop hydrogen-powered locomotive

Calgary-based Canadian Pacific Railway plans to develop North America's first hydrogen-powered freight locomotive.

Author of the article: Amanda Stephenson • Calgary Herald
Publishing date: Dec 18, 2020 •
A CP Rail locomotive is see in this file image.
PHOTO BY SUPPLIED

Calgary-based Canadian Pacific Railway plans to develop North America’s first hydrogen-powered freight locomotive.

The company announced Friday that it will be retrofitting one of its locomotives with hydrogen fuel cells and battery technology that will power the locomotive’s electric traction motors. It will then conduct a number of tests and rail service trials to evaluate if the technology can work for the freight-rail sector.

In a news release, CEO Keith Creel called the locomotive plan a “globally significant project” that positions the company at the leading edge of decarbonizing the freight transportation sector. Currently, nearly all of North America’s entire freight locomotive fleet consists of diesel-powered units, making locomotives the rail sector’s most significant source of greenhouse gas emissions.

Globally, hydrogen use for heating, transportation and electricity production is increasingly viewed as one possible solution as countries look to meet their climate targets. In Canada, Natural Resources Minister Seamus O’Regan introduced a long-awaited federal hydrogen plan earlier this month in an effort to cement Canada as a global supplier of the zero-emission fuel, help hit the country’s goal of net-zero emissions by 2050 and create up to 350,000 new jobs.

The Alberta government also has its own hydrogen plan. The province wants to use its plentiful natural gas reserves to become an exporter of hydrogen by 2040.