Showing posts sorted by relevance for query INDIA FARMERS. Sort by date Show all posts
Showing posts sorted by relevance for query INDIA FARMERS. Sort by date Show all posts

Wednesday, December 16, 2020

Indian farm widows join protests against agriculture reforms

Protest against the farm bills on outskirts of Delhi


Devjyot Ghoshal
Wed, December 16, 2020

NEW DELHI (Reuters) - Hundreds of Indian women, including many widows of farmers who were believed to have killed themselves over debt, joined a protest on Wednesday against government reforms that farmers say threaten their livelihoods.


Farmers have been protesting for nearly a month over the reforms, enacted in September, to deregulate the agriculture sector, allowing farmers to sell to buyers beyond government-regulated wholesale markets.


Small farmers fear the changes will mean the end of guaranteed minimum prices for their crops and leave them at the mercy of big retailers.

"If these black laws come, more farmers will go deeper into debt," said 40-year-old Harshdeep Kaur, a widow from Punjab state, at one protest site on the outskirts of the capital, New Delhi.

"More mothers and sisters will become widows like me."

Suicide by struggling farmers has been a problem in India for years.

Nearly 10,350 farmers and agricultural labourers committed suicide in 2018 - making up almost 8% of all suicides in India, according to the National Crime Records Bureau.

Kaur said her husband committed suicide three years ago after running up debts of 500,000 rupees (nearly $7,000). As she spoke, she held a passport sized photo of him.

The reforms, contained in three laws, loosen rules around the sale, pricing and storage of farm produce.

Prime Minister Narendra Modi has tried to assure farmers the changes will bring them new opportunities but few have been convinced. Several rounds of talks between farm union leaders and the government have failed.

"We'll keep protesting," said Gurbax Singh, a farmer union leader at a north Delhi protest site.

The farmers have gathered at various sites around the capital since late last month, blocking traffic and clashing with police, at least in the early days of their action.

Singh said dozens of buses, tractors and cars were being arranged to bring more women from Punjab – the epicentre of the agitation.

The protesters occupied several kilometres of a busy main road in western Delhi with their tractors on Wednesday.

At a nearby protest site, old farmers lounged in ramshackle shelters beside medical stalls and makeshift kitchens.

Kaur said she and other women were prepared to protest until the laws were repealed.

"More women will come," she said.

(Reporting by Devjyot Ghoshal in New Delhi; Writing by Zeba Siddiqui; Editing by Robert Birsel)

Hunger strike hits India's mass farmer protests

Mon, December 14, 2020, 

Leaders of the massive protests by farmers that have swept India began a one-day hunger strike on Monday (December 14).

They've been demonstrating for weeks against agricultural reforms that they say threaten their livelihoods.

The demonstrations are increasing pressure on Prime Minister Narendra Modi's government to withdraw the legislation.

"We want to give this message to the government, that the one who feeds the country sits hungry because of your wrong policies."

The legislation would deregulate agriculture in India, and allow farmers to sell produce to buyers beyond government-regulated wholesale markets - where growers are assured a minimum price.

Small growers fear that the changes will mean the end of price support for staples, like wheat and rice - leaving them at the mercy of big business.

The changes are part of Modi's liberalizing reforms.

He has sought to allay concerns, telling farmers they will gain new rights and opportunities.

But six rounds of talks between government officials and farmers' union leaders have failed to resolve the issue.
Video Transcript

[NON-ENGLISH SPEECH]

- Leaders of the massive protests by farmers that have swept India began a one day hunger strike on Monday. They've been demonstrating for weeks against agricultural reforms that they say threaten their livelihoods. The demonstrations are increasing pressure on Prime Minister Narendra Modi's government to withdraw the legislation.

[NON-ENGLISH SPEECH]

TRANSLATOR: We want to give this message to the government that the one who feeds the country sits hungry because of your wrong policies.

- The legislation would deregulate agriculture in India and allow farmers to sell produce to buyers beyond government regulated wholesale markets, where growers are assured a minimum price. Small growers fear that the changes will mean the end of price supports for staples like wheat and rice, leaving them at the mercy of big business.

The changes are part of Modi's liberalizing reforms. He has sought to allay concerns, telling farmers they will gain new rights and opportunities. But six rounds of talks between government officials and farmers' union leaders have failed to resolve the issue.

Friday, November 19, 2021

Indian PM Modi repeals controversial farming laws after a year of protests

Fri, 19 November 2021


Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi said on Friday he would repeal three agriculture laws that farmers have been protesting against for more than a year, a significant climb-down for the combative leader as important elections loom.

The legislation, introduced in September last year, was aimed at deregulating the sector, allowing farmers to sell produce to buyers beyond government-regulated wholesale markets, where growers are assured of a minimum price.

Farmers, fearing the reform would cut the prices they get for their crops, staged nationwide protests that drew in activists and celebrities from India and beyond, including climate activist Greta Thunberg and pop singer Rihanna.

"Today I have come to tell you, the whole country, that we have decided to withdraw all three agricultural laws," Modi said in an address to the nation.

"I urge farmers to return to their homes, their farms and their families, and I also request them to start afresh."

The government would repeal the laws in the new session of parliament, starting this month, he said.

The surprise concession on laws the government had said were essential to tackle chronic wastage and inefficiencies, comes ahead of elections early next year in Uttar Pradesh (UP), India's most populous state, and two other northern states with large rural populations.

Nevertheless, Modi's capitulation leaves unresolved a complex system of farm subsidies and price supports that critics say the government cannot afford.

It could also raise questions for investors about how economic reforms risk being undermined by political pressures.

Protesting farmers, who have been camped out in their thousands by main roads around the capital, New Delhi, celebrated Modi's back-track.

"Despite a lot of difficulties, we have been here for nearly a year and today our sacrifice finally paid off," said Ranjit Kumar, a 36-year-old farmer at Ghazipur, a major protest site in Uttar Pradesh.

Jubilant farmers handed out sweets in celebration and chanted "hail the farmer" and "long live farmers' movement".

Rakesh Tikait, a farmers' group leader, said the protests were not being called off. "We will wait for parliament to repeal the laws," he said on Twitter.

Vulnerable to big business

Modi's Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) government said last year that there was no question of repealing the laws. It attempted to break the impasse by offering to dilute the legislation but protracted negotiations failed.

The protests took a violent turn on Jan. 26, India's Republic Day, when thousands of farmers overwhelmed police and stormed the historic Red Fort in New Delhi after tearing down barricades and driving tractors through roadblocks.

One protester was killed and scores of farmers and policemen were injured.

Small farmers say the changes make them vulnerable to competition from big business and they could eventually lose price support for staples such as wheat and rice.

The government says reform of the sector, which accounts for about 15% of the $2.7 trillion economy, means new opportunities and better prices for farmers.

Modi announced the scrapping of the laws in a speech marking the birth anniversary of Guru Nanak, the founder of Sikhism.

Many of the protesting farmers are Sikh.

Modi acknowledged that the government had failed to win the argument with small farmers.

The farmers are also demanding minimum support prices for all of their crops, not just for rice and wheat.

"We need to know the government's stand on our other key demand," Darshan Pal, another farmers' leader, said of the new demand, which has gained traction among farmers across the country, not just in the northern grain belt.

Rahul Gandhi of the main opposition Congress party, said the "arrogant" government had been forced to concede.

"Whether it was fear of losing UP or finally facing up to conscience BJP govt rolls back farm laws. Just the beginning of many more victories for people’s voices," Mahua Moitra, a lawmaker from the Trinamool Congress Party and one of Modi's staunchest critics, said on Twitter.

But some food experts said Modi's back-track was unfortunate because the reforms would have brought new technology and investment.

"It's a blow to India's agriculture," said Sandip Das, a New Delhi-based researcher and agricultural policy analyst.

"The laws would have helped attract a lot of investment in agricultural and food processing - two sectors that need a lot of money for modernisation."

(REUTERS)

Elections trump economics in Modi's farm reforms U-turn


The rural reforms infuriated many farmers, who feared they would leave them at the mercy of big agribusiness corporations (AFP/Money SHARMA)

Bhuvan BAGGA
Fri, November 19, 2021

Elections trumped the urgency for agricultural reform in Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi's surprise decision on Friday to repeal new farm laws, economists and political analysts said.

Although far from perfect, the three laws passed in September 2020 which Modi now plans to scrap would have made a start at liberalising India's enormous but hugely inefficient farming sector.

"The government has made an electoral calculation," Professor Harsh V Pant, an Indian author and analyst, told AFP.

Modi "instinctively, intuitively" felt the political costs of his reforms were higher than their economic benefit, he added -- making the subject "untouchable" going forward.

"If even Modi, with his electoral mandate, is struggling, then I don't think anyone in the near future will be able to get the same mandate or tackle these issues," he said.

India's agriculture sector is vast, with two-thirds of the 1.3 billion population relying on farming for their livelihood. But it is a mess.

Several hundred thousand Indian farmers have been driven to suicide in the past three decades by crippling poverty, debt and ever more erratic weather patterns caused by climate change.

Huge volumes of produce rot before they reach consumers and experts say that in many areas farmers are growing unsuitable crops, guzzling up groundwater at unsustainable rates.

In northern India, farmers burn the residue from rice paddy across huge areas, blanketing the capital New Delhi and other towns and cities in a sickly cloud of toxic pollution every year.

The new laws aimed to allow farmers to sell their produce directly to private companies at mutually agreed prices, and anywhere they could find a buyer.

The government said it would open up competition and encourage farmers to not just rely on subsidies, but to become more competitive by adopting more efficient farming methods.

But that meant breaking up the decades-old monopoly of state-controlled agricultural markets that buy at set minimum prices.

And the prospect struck fear into the hearts of many farmers, who saw the reforms as leaving them at the mercy of big agribusiness corporations who would squeeze them for every last rupee.

- Election fight -


Last November tens of thousands of them, egged on by opposition parties, headed for Delhi and -- after ugly clashes with police -- camped out on the outskirts of the capital where they remain today.

In January they gatecrashed Indian Republic Day celebrations, running riot in Delhi on their tractors and raising a flag at the historic Red Fort. Hundreds of police officers were injured.

Suddenly Modi -- voted in on a platform of supporting ordinary people but also as a reformer -- was facing his biggest political challenge since his Hindu nationalist government came to power in 2014.

After taking a beating in May elections in the eastern state of West Bengal, Modi's Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) started to worry about votes due in five more states early next year.

They include Punjab, governed by the Congress party of the Gandhi dynasty, and the currently BJP-run bellwether state of Uttar Pradesh. Both are home to enormous numbers of farmers.

And analysts say that Modi's move was unashamedly driven by his party's political interests.

"Obviously, this decision puts electoral politics front and centre," Nistula Hebbar, political editor with The Hindu, told AFP. "The BJP under Modi is willing to be very pragmatic for its electoral success."

"If they lose UP everything will be bad for them going forward –- from the morale of the party supporters, the opposition's morale, the election of next Indian president and Modi's 2024 reelection bid," she added.

It is only the second major U-turn the firebrand Modi has carried out since his election, after he dropped plans to reform rural land titles in 2015, also following huge protests by farmers and other countryside-dwellers.

Satish Nambardar, an official with one of the farmers' unions behind the current demonstrations, said: "He took a one-man decision to introduce the laws and now he's taken a one-man decision to take them back."

bb/stu/slb/leg

Wednesday, January 27, 2021

CANADA HAS THE LARGEST SIKH DIASPORA 
Calgary Punjabis take to the highway to support Indian farmers

© Dan McGarvey/CBC Cars and trucks with stickers and posters supporting Indian farmers made the trip Tuesday morning to Edmonton in support of the cause.

Dozens of cars and trucks braved the icy highway between Calgary and Edmonton on Tuesday to show support with farmers protesting controversial new agriculture laws in India.

The car convoy left CrossIron Mills headed for the legislature to raise awareness of the situation that's been unfolding in India since last September. Cars were flying flags and displaying stickers and homemade posters.

New legislation came into effect in India last year changing the rules around the sale, pricing and storage of produce from India's agricultural regions.

Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi said the changes will allow farmers to set prices and allow them to sell crops to private businesses and corporations, giving them more freedom.

Farmers are worried it will leave them open to being exploited and devastate them financially, and they say they weren't consulted
.
© Dan McGarvey/CBC Cars and trucks covered with signs, decals and flags travelled up the highway in a convoy to Edmonton.

Until now, farmers had relied on selling crops direct to the government at guaranteed prices.

Some families in Calgary still own land in rural India and the change in laws has direct implications for some.

Half of India's vast population is employed in the agriculture sector in some form.

"We want to give our memorandum in support of farmers protesting, that's the purpose," said Vik Sahiwal.

"Opening up the market is the intention, but with such small land holdings, just two acres on average, those farmers are not educated and equipped to deal with the free market," said Sahiwal.

"We want the government to repeal these laws," he said.
© Dan McGarvey/CBC Vik Sahiwal says the car rally is a way for Punjabis in Alberta to express their support and passion for the farmers’ protests happening in India.

Tens of thousands of farmers travelled to the Indian capital, Delhi, late last year from rural regions like Punjab, Haryana and Uttar Pradesh, with many making the journey in tractors and other farm equipment. They've been there for months,

In the past 24 hours, those peaceful protests turned violent, with farmers breaching police barricades and storming Delhi's historic Red Fort complex.

The protesters were part of a rally being held to mark India's Republic Day and were given routes to stick to by police, but some ignored the guidance leading to chaotic scenes and clashes.

"It's heartbreaking for everyone," said Sahiwal. "Last night, watching those scenes, you're worried about the safety or older people and women and children. We hope things calm down and sense prevails, peace prevails," he said.

He says Calgarians have been glued to TV screens and devices following the news back home minute by minute.

"We're scared for our families back home," said Paramjit Singh.

"This cold, it's nothing compared to what they're facing. We have heaters in our cars, they have nothing," said Singh, who has also been following events.
© Dan McGarvey/CBC Paramjit Singh says Punjabis in Calgary support the farmers protests in Delhi after new laws were passed that farmers say will their kill their livelihoods.

"We were watching and we were all scared," he said.

Leaders of farmers unions issued appeals to protestors and have condemned the recent violence.

The government offered to put the laws on hold last week, but farmers say they want a full repeal.

Tuesday, January 26, 2021

With flags on India’s Red Fort, farmers challenge Modi and protest movement unity

Issued on: 26/01/2021 -
Protesters on the ramparts of the Red Fort in New Delhi as farmers demonstrated against new agricultural laws on Jan. 26, 2021  Photo by Sajjad HUSSAIN / AFP

Text by: Leela JACINTO

Farmers protesting against new market-friendly agrarian laws on Tuesday stormed India’s historic Red Fort, posing a major challenge to Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s government and potentially threatening the unity of one of India's longest protest movements.

The main act in India on Tuesday was supposed to be the Republic Day parade marking the anniversary of the adoption of the country’s constitution on January 26, 1950.

The pandemic had forced a shortening of the traditional programme this year but even the truncated ceremonies had enough pomp and splendour to dominate the news.

The 72nd Republic Day parade featured the usual colourful displays of India’s diversity capped by a military parade that included, for the first time, a showcasing of India’s Rafale jets, newly bought from France, making a daring debut of “Vertical Charlie” formations over the majestic Rajpath ceremonial boulevard in New Delhi.

But a buildup of slow-tech farm tractors rained on the military parade on Tuesday, stealing the thunder of sophisticated fighter jets and dominating news coverage.


Tens of thousands of farmers protesting against new market-friendly farm laws broke through police barricades to reach the historic, Mughal-era Red Fort in the heart of the Indian capital in the afternoon, after the official parade had ended.

On the ramparts of the 17th century red sand stone fort, where the Mughals, colonial British and independent Indian administrations have raised their flags, some of the protesters hoisted a myriad mix of farm union and religious community banners.

After more than two months of demonstrations, farmers on Tuesday answered the call for a Republic Day protest, gathering around 8am local time at border points on the National Highway No. 1 linking the Indian capital to the neighbouring state of Haryana. Chanting slogans, dancing to protest songs, and showered with traditional flower petals, the scenes at capital’s border points looked more like harvest festivals than angry protests.

Protesting Indian farmers at a tractor rally in New Delhi on January 26, 2021. 
(Photo by Money SHARMA / AFP) 

By noon, the live coverage headlines had switched to police firing tear gas as farmers broke through barricades preventing their entry into New Delhi. As the hashtags #KisanTractorRally (Farmers’ Tractor Rally) and #KisanTractorRallyLive trended on Twitter, news footage showed farmers surging past overwhelmed police lines, tearing down roadblocks in some places, as police fired tear gas and conducted baton charges in some places.


Police said one protester died after his tractor overturned but farmers said he was shot. Protesters laid the victim’s body, draped in the Indian tricolour flag, on the road for a while and sat around the corpse. Television channels showed several bloodied protesters and at least 86 police officers were injured, according to an official statement..

One of India’s longest-running farmer protest movements reached an alarming peak on Republic Day, exposing Prime Minister Narendra Modi's failure to comprehend the level of opposition to the controversial new agricultural laws and to address the issues that have united powerful, and often competing, voting blocs against his ruling Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP).

“Modi has harvested decades of agrarian anger with the farm laws. Today’s events show that the state underestimated the might of the people. The state should have known better,” said Amandeep Sandhu, a writer who documented agricultural practices in India’s Punjab farming heartland in his book, “Panjab: Journeys Through Fault Lines”.

Songs, vendors add a fairground flair

The farmers crisis was sparked in September 2020, when the government crammed complex legislative changes into three new laws and pushed them through parliament during an opposition walkout. They were passed as Covid-19 rages through India, with the country reporting the world’s second-highest number of cases.

The new laws make farmers sell their produce on the open market – including agribusiness corporations and supermarket chains – instead of through state-run institutions that guarantee a minimum price.

Modi maintains the “reforms are needed for development", and has warned that, “we cannot build the next century with the laws of the previous century."

>> For more: Why Indian farmers are not convinced by Modi’s promised market miracle

Since he came to power in 2014, Modi has opted for shock policy announcements with little preparedness that have left the populace scrambling to cope with the fallout – humanitarian and economic – of his populist moves.

Early last year, the prime minister sparked a mass exodus on foot of migrant workers from cities to villages across the country when he suddenly announced a lockdown without coordinating emergency services, giving people just four hours to prepare for one of the world’s strictest nationwide confinements.

By the end of November, with the lockdown lifted, a reverse human flow saw farmers from the North Indian agricultural heartland streaming toward New Delhi, answering a call to protest the discredited farm reform laws.

Over the past two months, the farmers have held a sit-in on the outskirts of New Delhi, setting up outdoor kitchens to feed tens of thousands of protesters making up one of India’s largest sustained protests.

The protest camp – complete with vendors plying snacks, thermal underwear, soap, hair oil bottles and other essentials – have had a fairground atmosphere, sparking a rich counter culture of literature and protest songs released by leading Punjabi singers.

But the protest has also had a human cost. Camping outdoors in the North Indian winter, through chilly rain has claimed more than 160 lives, according to an independent researcher. Indian media have attributed the deaths to the weather, illness or suicide.

Unfazed by these challenges, the farmers of the Punjab and neighbouring states have stuck to their demands, with their protest, garnering support from farmers across the nation and capturing the imagination of Indians opposed to Modi’s Hindu supremacist policies but lacking the mobilisation to confront his government.

For months, the protest movement managed to unite farmers and landless agricultural labourers regardless of their caste, class, gender and bridging ideological divides between leftist unions and traditional community organisations.

Enter the Supreme Court


Caught unprepared by the sheer scale and determination of the protesters, the government has held 10 rounds of talks with farm union representatives, with the issue moving up to the country’s highest court.

The farmers are demanding a complete repeal of the new laws, which they fear will remove the scant protection they have enjoyed, leaving them at the mercy of corporate giants without the means to ensure they get fair treatment.

Earlier this year, the Indian Supreme Court ruled that the laws should be temporarily halted until a committee of experts, appointed by the court, could consult with government officials and protesting farmers to try to find a solution to the dispute.

It failed to break the impasse. Farm union representatives questioned the makeup of the experts committee, noting that all four members were in favour of the agricultural laws and sparking a Supreme Court statement expressing disappointment over the “unnecessary aspersions” cast on the court-appointed panel.

The government’s offer to temporarily halt the laws for 18 months was viewed by the farmers as an attempt to “buy time", according to Sandhu. “By pushing the issue by 18 months, the government was trying to buy time to break the protests, and probably buy the protest leaders. It also meant pushing the issue to 2022, closer to the 2024 general elections, which suits the BJP since they can then make election promises, as they did in 2014, and win the election,” he explained.

A tale of competing protest trails


In the lead-up to Tuesday’s planned rally, the Supreme Court last week asked the government to withdraw its plea against the tractor rally on Republic Day and reiterated that it will not pass orders against the protest march.

In the absence of a court ruling, the government attempted to block the January 26 rally into the heart of the Indian capital, opting instead for a march to a site in Haryana, well outside the city.

As protest leaders and the authorities haggled over march routes, an umbrella group of 32 farmers unions – the Sanyukt Kisan Morcha (SKM) – agreed to the government’s plan on Monday.

Another umbrella group – the Kisan Mazdoor Sangharsh Committee (KMSC) – however stuck with the original plan to march peacefully into the heart of the Indian capital.

In a statement issued late Tuesday, the SKM condemned the violence on Republic Day, blaming “antisocial elements” as well as the KMSC for the breaking the “rules and routes”.

There were no statements about a planned farmers’ march on foot to Parliament on February 1, when the country’s new budget will be presented.

'Power creeps up' protester ranks


Following the Republic Day events, Sandhu worried that “the farmers’ factions are falling into a trap” of breaking the extraordinary unity between diverse groups within the protest movement.

“Nobody understood why the decision was made to route the protest by keeping farmers on the outskirts of Delhi. The SKM didn’t spend enough effort to make the people understand. I think the SKM also underestimated the farmers by deciding everyone should follow the route. This is how power creeps up,” he noted.

By the end of the day, Twitter posts on the farmers protest had lost some of the morning's sparkle. “Violence in a protest either by protestors against the state, or the state against protestors must be condemned. This is not a neutral position, this is a facet of democracy. Arson is illegal, it’s not a right. Disrespecting national symbols is not symbolic it’s illegal,” tweeted lawyer Sherbir Panag.


The #KisanTractorRally hashtag also drew posts from Modi’s supporters calling on the government to react to “terrorists” and “anti-nationalists” who used “tractors as weapons”.

Sandhu declined to predict how Tuesday’s events could affect the farmers movement in the immediate future. “It’s clearly too early to say,” he insisted. But he was convinced the chatter on Twitter, including calls for a government crackdown, would not end the crisis. “Twitter talk does not change the reality on the ground for the farmers. They will continue to push for their demands. The support the SKM instituted could get questioned, I think. But the farmers aren’t going anywhere, the government can’t simply wish them away.”

Friday, January 01, 2021

India’s huge farmer protests, explained

Thousands of India’s farmers have set up camp in Delhi.


Tuesday, July 12, 2022



The Indian Farmer Protests: A Rare Concession

12.JUL.2022 1:13 AM 

Gloomy faces, weary from the steady onslaught of the draconian heat and unforgiving weather, peered into the camera. A myriad of emotions flashed through the faces of the interviewees sitting before the plethora of newscasters, ranging from anxiety to restlessness, placidity to anger. They all came to rest upon one: determination.

“We are fighting for our land, we are fighting for our rights. We’ve been protesting for two months here, but we’re ready to be here for two years until these laws are repealed.” When local farmer Devilal Dahiya spoke to several news correspondents in India’s Haryana state, he publicly chastised the national policies which sought to remove the legal umbrellas protecting his fellow farmers. Despite encouragement from his family to heed these policies, Dahiya refused, emboldened by the massive support from his fellow farmers across India. In a movement championed by swaths of citizens, sprawling protests took over New Delhi and several cosmopolitan cities in India, a testament to the sheer number of agricultural producers in India. On India's annual Republic Day,  falling on January 26, 2021, tens of thousands of farmers converged on Delhi, riding their tractors and pushing for reparations against the policies endangering them.

Promulgated by the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), the reigning political party of India, the controversial agricultural laws removed the threshold for minimum prices for outside entities to buy crops, which hitherto protected farmers from an uncontrolled market. The bills originated as an attempt to liberalize Indian markets, encouraging private economic growth and the deregulation of private markets. The laws provided farmers the flexibility to sell crops to private entities, rather than the traditional middlemen regulating regional markets. The resulting laws loomed ominously over anxious villagers and farmers, who feared that this move “forward” would pull farmers three steps back through removing minimum prices that protected their products from being undervalued. The BJP envisioned the laws to be an essential next step in the modernization of India’s farming practices, an effort to stimulate the private sector through promoting negotiation.

Through removing traditional buffers in farmer markets, the BJP’s agriculture policies hoped to assist farmers in directly trading with private entities. Although supported by Prime Minister Narendra Modi, these laissez-faire policies were met with intense anger and backlash. Dating back to the 1960s, maintained prices helped alleviate food shortages and improve crop sales. Farmers feared that the BJP would end a protective mechanism that guaranteed prices for several crucial cash crops such as rice, paddy, cotton, grains, and onions, all items typically sold in mandis. In regions such as Punjab and Haryana, mandis are smaller, local farmer markets, and any threats to these crops could spell calamity for the families who grew them.

The BJP, on their part, attempted to diffuse tension through verbally guaranteeing the maintenance of prices, however farmers argued for an officiated law. Many feared an agreement without writing would leave room for the free-market economy to prey on their farms. With aggression rising and impassioned leaders speaking on both sides, protests spewed out across the country. Although beginning with peaceful rallies, protesters quickly moved towards symbolic acts and coordinated movements. The beginning of 2021 saw masses of protesters storm the heart of New Delhi in Red Fort, filling to the brim with farmers, primarily from Punjab and Haryana, demanding better conditions. As a result of these invigorated groups, police and officials convened to disperse the crowd, resulting in dozens injured and one dead.

Across the span of 2021, hundreds of farmers died as a result of drought, and the everpresent COVID-19 virus. Estimates put the total at over 500, with farmer leaders demanding monetary compensation for the families of the deceased in the form of 500,000 Indian rupees (US$6,750).

In the form of several smear campaigns, social media propaganda, and organized in-person canvassers, the BJP attempted to disavow the protests as the actions of another Indian minority. With the majority of the protesting movement being held afloat by Sikh farmers, Modi moved to exploit ethnic tensions. He stoked fear in Indian denizens with warnings of a potential Sikh religious movement, and referred to protesters as "Khalistanis” (a previous, unaffiliated Sikh group vying for an independent homeland from the Indian nation). Modi attempted to sway the nations towards anti-farmer sentiment through supplanting any support with fear of a potential uprising. In response to his denigration of the many agricultural producers ineffably important to India, anger and vitriol followed, along with heavy criticism from humanitarian activists and leaders.

Despite the rising tides of support, the protesters’ future seemed incredibly bleak. India was not renowned for bending to societal pressure or heeding democratic movements. Farmers such as Devilal Dahiya, despite being surrounded by hundreds of impassioned protesters, felt as much. In a reiteration of his declaration, he vowed to spend as much time as needed, whether it be a month or two years, to reestablish the vital safety net Indian farmers so desperately need.

As it turns out, two years were unnecessary.

In a far-less anticipated move, Modi publicly vowed to remove the laws which inspired hundreds of thousands to protest against him in November, 2021, a year later. Speaking in a nationally televised address, Modi addressed the pushback, emphasizing that “the purpose of the new laws was to strengthen the country’s farmers, especially small farmers. We have failed to convince some farmers despite all our efforts.” While protests continued until December 2021, roadblocks were decreased and heavily amassed groups lessened in intensity. Many noted his actions come ahead of elections in key states such as Uttar Pradesh and Punjab, which are major agricultural producers. His party, the BJP, has voiced concerns over dropping support there..

The move has represented a rare concession for the 71-year-old leader, who has stood firm in the face of fierce criticism of his government's many controversial actions. From a ban on high-denomination banknotes to citizenship laws preventing Muslims immigrating into the country, even in the face of escalating violent protests, Modi has rarely bowed to public pressure. But farmers are a particularly influential constituency in India—both because of their sheer size and because they are often romanticized as the heart and soul of the nation. They are particularly important to Modi's base and represent a significant portion of the population in some of the states his party has strong support in.

While the road towards an eventual full repeal of the heavily criticized agricultural laws remains open, the widespread implications of Modi’s actions and even more shocking reversal of course are substantial. It remains to be seen what is made of such an event, as the significant and overwhelming pressure is now enough to alarm Modi. A particular point of contention was Modi introducing the laws through an executive order, traditionally used for national emergencies. The rebuke of Modi’s foundational support ultimately proved intense enough to dissuade the often-unwavering political powerhouse. The BJP has also been criticized for its refusal to prolong the debate on the legislation, with allegations that it has too often used its majority to pass laws without sufficient consultation.

The BJP’s next steps to swing the pendulum in their favor remain to be seen. As the elections approach, the recent farmer protests are anticipated to be a heavily deciding factor between the BJP and major opposition parties. Opposition leaders have welcomed the repeals, yet have frequently lamented upon the loss of unnecessary life in the process, claiming the BJP capsized to pressure due to the upcoming elections. What is known, however, is the strength of amassed support in the face of approaching threat. For the BJP, it has been nothing short of astonishing to witness a group of people, impassioned about their families, mobilizing themselves in such a way and achieving what was only before considered impossible. Their actions open a number of possibilities in a government that formerly repudiated a number of policies supported by public groups. Despite various televised remarks and agitprop from vast parts of the country, the farmers had prevailed, leaving room for other national groups to ponder: what else is possible?

Saturday, December 12, 2020

Why are Indian farmers protesting, and what can Modi do?

Issued on: 12/12/2020 -
The farmers protest is potentially the trickiest challenge yet to Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi's authority Sajjad HUSSAIN AFP/File


New Delhi (AFP)

As an army of resolute Indian farmers keeps up its blockade of New Delhi, Prime Minister Narendra Modi faces potentially the trickiest challenge yet to his authority and reform agenda.

With the protests entering their third week, AFP looks at the background to new farm laws, why they are sparking such opposition and Modi's limited options.

- What is the state of Indian agriculture? -


India's farming sector is vast and troubled.

It provides a livelihood to nearly 70 percent of the country's 1.3 billion people and accounts for around 15 percent of the $2.7-trillion economy.

The "Green Revolution" of the 1970s turned India from a country facing regular food shortages into one with a surplus -- and a major exporter.

But for the past few decades, farm incomes have remained largely stagnant and the sector is in sore need of investment and modernisation.

More than 85 percent of farmers have less than two hectares (five acres) of land. Fewer than one in a hundred farmers own over 10 hectares, according to a 2015-16 agriculture ministry survey.

India hands out an estimated $32 billion in subsidies to farmers annually, according to the finance ministry.

- How are farmers coping? -

Water shortages, floods and increasingly erratic weather caused by climate change, as well as debt, have taken a heavy toll on farmers.

According to a Punjab government report in 2017, the northern state will use up all its groundwater resources by 2039.

More than 300,000 farmers have killed themselves since the 1990s. Nearly 10,300 did so in 2019, according to the latest official figures.

Farmers and their workers are also abandoning agriculture in droves -- 2,000 of them every day according to the last census in 2011.

- What did Modi promise? -

Indian governments have long made big promises to farmers -- a crucial vote bank -- and Modi is no exception, vowing to double their incomes by 2022.

In September, parliament passed three laws that enabled farmers to sell to any buyer they chose, rather than to commission agents at state-controlled markets.

These markets were set up in the 1950s to stop the exploitation of farmers and pay a minimum support price (MSP) for certain produce.

The system has led to farmers sometimes growing crops unsuited to the local climate, such as thirsty rice in Punjab, and can be fertile ground for corruption.

But many farmers see the MSP as a vital safety net, and fear being unable to compete with large farms and being paid low prices by big corporations.

"The laws will harm the farmers and in turn destroy our livelihood," said Sukhwinder Singh, a farm worker who cycled 400 kilometres (250 miles) to the protests.

"Land, cattle and farmers will be enslaved by rich people. This government wants to finish us," he said.

- What can Modi do? -

Modi has drawn fire before -- a disastrous withdrawal of large banknotes in 2016, for example -- but his popularity has held up, winning a landslide re-election in 2019.

From late 2019, there were months of protests against a citizenship law imposed by Modi's Hindu-nationalist BJP government that was seen as discriminatory to Muslims.

But the BJP, with its clout in traditional and social media, was able to depict the demonstrators as "anti-nationals" before Covid-19 eventually snuffed out the protests.

Modi, 70, has tried to brush off the current agitation as being stoked by an opportunistic opposition "misleading" the farmers.

Some in his party have upped the ante by branding the protesters -- many of whom are Sikhs -- as "hooligans, Sikh separatists and anti-nationals".

But with the farmers, it is different.

They enjoy widespread support among Indians and ignoring them clashes with Modi's self-styled image as a champion of the poor.

In rural areas, where 70 percent of Indians live, there is already a growing perception that Modi is cosy with big business and billionaire industrialists such as Mukesh Ambani, Asia's richest person.

"There are many things which are outdated in the agriculture sector. But reforms cannot be pushed like this," Arati Jerath, a political analyst, told AFP.

"This is so far the biggest challenge to the government... It will have to find a way to walk back and save face at the same time."

© 2020 AFP 


Wednesday, February 10, 2021




The farmers’ protests are the biggest political threat Modi has seen


K S DAKSHINA MURTHY

The protests are arguably the biggest challenge to the authority of the ruling BJP government to date, and they are going nowhere.

The borders between Delhi and that of two adjoining states, by all accounts, resemble a conflict zone with fencing, barricades, coils of barbed wire, iron spikes cemented to the ground and scores of security personnel manning them. All of it was erected by the government to keep away protesting farmers from the Indian capital.

For the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) government under prime minister Narendra Modi, the protests are the latest, and arguably the biggest, challenge to its authority.

After initially appearing to be conciliatory and holding several rounds of talks with the agitating farmers, the government has stepped back and let the protests be – possibly hoping that the steam will run out and that the farmers will return to their homes.

But contrary to the government’s hopes, the protests have intensified. More farmers, in their thousands, have joined in and there is no way of knowing which way the agitation will turn.

Negotiations reach a stalemate


The protests have turned out to be extraordinary in several ways. Farmers – across all classes – are out on the streets in full force, along with their families including scores of women and children.

According to eyewitnesses, the anger is palpable and they are determined to fight to the finish. Hundreds of thousands of farming families take turns to be at the protest site and it is working with rare efficiency despite the biting cold.

Their demand is for the repeal of three farm laws passed by the Modi government in August last year. The laws open up India’s vast agricultural economy to the private sector enabling corporates to directly buy farm produce and allows private companies to stock essential commodities like wheat and rice without any limit. The third law allows private players to directly sign deals with farmers away from the gaze of government regulators.

The government terms these laws necessary as part of agricultural reforms which will enrich farmers and release the enormous potential of this sector.

But the protesters are not buying into the government’s view.

According to them, undermining government regulators and supervisors will expose farmers to the volatility of the market. The Minimum Support Price (MSP), which the government announces every season to ensure that farmers don’t run into losses, will effectively become redundant and they fear that private corporations will drive down prices.

To begin with, the farmers demanded that the MSP be turned into a law as a guarantee that corporations wouldn’t indulge in price undercutting. The government refused and the farmers hardened their stance asking for the cancellation of all three new laws.

Despite holding eleven rounds of talks with the farmers’ unions, the government has been unable to convince them to give up their protests. The discussions have boiled down to one basic demand: repeal the laws.

The Supreme Court of India, in response to a petition, intervened and named a committee of four individuals linked to the agricultural domain to try resolve the stalemate. But the farmers rejected the committee as, according to them, all four were individuals who had on earlier occasions supported the new farm laws.

The government offered to suspend the implementation of the three laws for 18 months to give time for a resolution. But the farmers rejected the offer on the grounds that there is no legal option to keep the laws in abeyance, and that they wouldn’t take the government on its word.

Protesters are in for the long haul


The protests are being spearheaded by two umbrella bodies of farmers that in turn make up nearly 300 farmers’ groups across the country. And these unions are ideologically diverse, ranging from ones led by left parties to centrist-liberal groups that have worked among peasants for decades.

Having carefully organised and planned the protests, the farmers committed one serious blunder on January 26, India’s Republic Day, when a planned tractor rally into Delhi went awry. A section of renegade farmers broke away from the pre-decided route and stormed Red Fort, a high-profile structure that over the years has come to symbolise India’s nationhood.

It is here that the prime minister traditionally hoists the national flag and addresses the nation on India’s independence day.

The farmers forced their way into the Red Fort and hoisted the flag of the Sikh community near the one where the national tricolour was fluttering. The government and many across the political spectrum frowned on the farmers’ actions. The Modi government attempted to use the farmers’ misstep and public condemnation by sending in security forces to evict the protesters from the border.

However, the farmers’ unions themselves criticised those who had stormed the Red Fort and claimed that it was an attempt by sections close to the ruling BJP that tried to sabotage the protests. Once the farmers realised their agitation was in danger they flocked back to the Delhi borders in their thousands, pre-empting the security forces from evicting them.

According to the latest reports, more farmers have now turned out at the protest sites compared to before January 26. And farm leaders have categorically stated they are in it for the long haul. Reports quoting Rakesh Tikait, one of the leaders, said they “will not go back home until the laws are taken back.”

For the Modi government, the situation is tricky as one wrong move can hurt its chances of returning to power in 2024. There is no immediate threat as the ruling BJP has a comfortable majority in the Lower House of Parliament. Of the 543 seats, it holds 303 – well above the halfway mark of 272.

But the challenge to the BJP is in the long-term, as public perception about the government will matter. Elections in at least four state assemblies are scheduled in a couple of months. They may prove an indicator on which way popular opinion is moving over the farmers’ issue.

Besides the farm laws themselves, questions have been raised over the urgency in the manner in which the farm laws were passed in parliament.

Despite the long-term implications of the three farm laws, which seek to overhaul India’s agriculture economy, the government rushed the laws through without adequate discussion.

Agriculture under the Indian Constitution is a state subject and, some experts say, the federal government may have exceeded its mandate by passing the three laws.

Though farmers in their thousands from the states of Punjab, Haryana, Uttar Pradesh and Rajasthan have been in attendance for the protests, others from farming communities in Maharashtra, Karnataka and Kerala too have come out periodically in their own states in support.

The government would like its supporters to believe that the protests are restricted to one state – Punjab. But its pan-Indian character is there for anyone to see.

The situation, undoubtedly, is tense. Despite the veneer of a peaceful protest, the government knows it has to promptly handle the protests lest it blows up on its political fortunes.

Disclaimer: The viewpoints expressed by the authors do not necessarily reflect the opinions, viewpoints and editorial policies of TRT World.


Tuesday, October 17, 2023

 

A Reading List for the Delhi Police from Tricontinental Research Services

On 3 October, the homes and offices of over one hundred journalists and researchers across India were raided by the Delhi Police, which is under the jurisdiction of the country’s Ministry of Home Affairs. During this ‘act of sheer harassment and intimidation’, as the Committee to Protect Journalists called it, the Delhi Police raided and interrogated the Tricontinental Research Services (TRS) team. Based in Delhi, TRS is contracted by Tricontinental: Institute for Social Research to produce materials on the great processes of our time as they play out in the world’s most populous country, including the struggles of workers and farmers, the women’s movement, and the movement for Dalit emancipation from caste oppression. It would be a dereliction of duty for TRS researchers to ignore these important developments that affect the lives of hundreds of millions of Indians, and yet it is this very focus on issues of national importance that has earned them the ire of the government led by Prime Minister Narendra Modi. Is it possible to live in the world as a person of conscience and ignore the daily struggles of the people?

At the end of the day, the Delhi Police arrested Prabir Purkayastha and Amit Chakravarty, both of the media project NewsClick.

During the raid of the TRS office, the Delhi Police seized computers, phones, and hard drives. I very much hope that the Delhi Police investigators will read all of the materials that the TRS team has produced with great care and interest. So that the Delhi Police does not miss any of the important texts that TRS has produced for Tricontinental, here is a reading list for them:

1The Story of Solapur, India, Where Housing Cooperatives Are Building a Workers’ City (dossier no. 6, July 2018). Balamani Ambaiah Mergu, a maker of beedis (cigarettes), told TRS researchers that she used to ‘stay in a small hut in a slum in Shastri Nagar, Solapur city. When it rained the hut used to leak, and there wouldn’t be a single dry patch inside’. Since 1992, the Centre of Indian Trade Unions (CITU) has campaigned to secure dignified housing for workers in this town in the state of Maharashtra. Since 2001, CITU has been able secure government funds for this purpose and build tens of thousands of houses, a process led by the workers themselves through cooperative housing societies. The workers built ‘a city of the working class alone’, CITU leader Narasayya Adam told TRS.

2How Kerala Fought the Heaviest Deluge in Nearly a Century (dossier no. 9, October 2018). In the summer of 2018, rain, and subsequent flooding, swept through the southern coastal state of Kerala, impacting 5.4 million of the state’s 35 million residents. TRS researchers documented the flood’s rage, the rescue and relief work of organised volunteers (largely from left formations), and the rehabilitation of both the Left Democratic Front government and various social organisations.

3. India’s Communists and the Election of 2019: Only an Alternative Can Defeat the Right Wing (dossier no. 12, January 2019). To understand the political situation in India in the lead-up to the 2019 parliamentary elections, the TRS team spoke with Communist Party of India (Marxist) leader Brinda Karat. Rather than confine her analysis to the electoral or political sphere, Karat discussed the challenges facing the country at a sociological level: ‘Cultures promoted by capitalism and the market promote and glorify individualism and promote individualistic solutions. All these add to the depoliticisation of a whole generation of young people. This is certainly a challenge: how to find the most effective ways of taking our message to the youth’.

4. The Only Answer Is to Mobilise the Workers (dossier no. 18, July 2019). In April–May 2019, the National Democratic Alliance, led by the right-wing Bharatiya Janata Party, prevailed in India’s parliamentary elections. In the aftermath of the elections, the TRS team met with CITU President K. Hemalata to talk about the periodic massive strikes that had been taking place in the country, including an annual general strike of nearly 300 million workers. Whereas working-class movements in other countries seemed to be weakened by the breakdown of formal employment and the increasingly precarious nature of work, unions in India displayed resilience. Hemalata explained that ‘the contract workers are very militant’ and that CITU does not distinguish between the demands of contract workers and permanent workers. One of the best examples of this, she said, is the anganwadi (childcare) workers, who – along with Accredited Social Health Activists (ASHA) workers – have been on the forefront of many of the major agitations. Both of these sectors – childcare and health care – are dominated by women. ‘Organising working-class women is part of organising the working class’, Hemalata told TRS.

5. The Neoliberal Attack on Rural India (dossier no. 21, October 2019). P. Sainath, one of the most important journalists reporting on rural India and a senior fellow at Tricontinental: Institute for Social Research, traced the impact of the crises of neoliberal policies and climate catastrophe that are simultaneously imposed on India’s farmers. He documents the work of Kudumbashree, a cooperative made up of 4.5 million women farmers in Kerala, which he calls ‘the greatest gender justice and poverty reduction programme in the world’ (and about whom we will publish a longer study in the coming months compiled by TRS).

6. People’s Polyclinics: The Initiative of the Telugu Communist Movement (dossier no. 25, February 2020). In the Telugu-speaking parts of India (which encompass over 84 million people), doctors affiliated with the communist movement have set up clinics and hospitals – notably the Nellore People’s Polyclinic – to provide medical care to the working class and peasantry. The polyclinics have not only provided care but have also trained medical workers to address public health concerns in rural hinterlands and small towns. This dossier offers a window into the work of left-wing medical personnel whose efforts take place outside the limelight and into the experiments in public health care that seek to undercut the privatisation agenda.

7. One Hundred Years of the Communist Movement in India (dossier no. 32, September 2020). Not long after the October Revolution brought the Tsarist Empire to its knees in 1917, a liberal newspaper in Bombay noted, ‘The fact is Bolshevism is not the invention of Lenin or any man. It is the inexorable product of the economic system which dooms the millions to a life of ill-requited toil in order that a few thousand may revel in luxury’. In other words, the communist movement is the product of the limitations and failures of capitalism. On 17 October 1920, the Communist Party of India was formed alongside scattered communist groups that were emerging in different parts of India. In this brief text, the TRS team documents the role of the communist movement in India over the past century.

8. The Farmers’ Revolt in India(dossier no. 41, June 2021). Between 1995 and 2014, almost 300,000 farmers committed suicide in India – roughly one farmer every 30 minutes. This is largely because of the high prices of inputs and the low prices of their crops, a reality that has been exacerbated by neoliberal agricultural policies since 1991 and their amplification of other crises (including the climate catastrophe). Over the past decade, however, farmers have fought back with major mobilisations across the country led by a range of organisations such as left-wing farmers’ and agricultural workers’ unions. When the government put forward three bills in 2020 to deepen the privatisation of rural India, farmers, agricultural workers, and their families began a massive protest. This dossier is one of the finest summaries of the issues that lie at the heart of these protests.

9. Indian Women on an Arduous Road to Equality (dossier no. 45, October 2021). Patriarchy, with its deep roots in the economy and culture, cannot be defeated by decree. In the face of this reality, this dossier offers a glimpse of the Indian women’s movement for equality and maps the range of struggles pursued by working women across the country to defend democracy, maintain secularism, fight for women’s economic rights, and defeat violence. The dossier closes with the following assessment: ‘The ongoing Indian farmers’ movement, which started before the pandemic and continues to stay strong, offers the opportunity to steer the national discourse towards such an agenda. The tremendous participation of rural women, who travelled from different states to take turns sitting at the borders of the national capital for days, is a historic phenomenon. Their presence in the farmers’ movement provides hope for the women’s movement in a post-pandemic future’.

10. The People’s Steel Plant and the Fight Against Privatisation in Visakhapatnam (dossier no. 55, August 2022). One of my favourite texts produced by the TRS team, this dossier tells the story of the workers of Rashtriya Ispat Nigam Limited, who have fought against the government’s attempts to privatise this public steel company. Not much is written about this struggle led by brave steel workers who are mostly forgotten or, if remembered, then maligned. They stand beside the furnaces, rolling the steel out and tempering it, driven by a desire to build better canals for the farmers, to build beams for schools and hospitals, and to build the infrastructure so that their communities can transcend the dilemmas of humanity. If you try to privatise the factory, they sing, ‘Visakha city will turn into a steel furnace, North Andhra into a battlefield… We will defend our steel with our lives’.

11. Activist Research: How the All-India Democratic Women’s Association Builds Knowledge to Change the World (dossier no. 58, November 2022). The dossier on Visakha Steel was built in conversation with steel workers and reflected the evolving methodology of TRS. To sharpen this method, the team met with R. Chandra to discuss how the All-India Democratic Women’s Association (AIDWA) has used ‘activist research’ in the state of Tamil Nadu. Chandra shows how AIDWA designed surveys, trained local activists to conduct them among local populations, and taught the activists how to assess the results. ‘AIDWA’s members no longer need a professor to help them’, she told TRS. ‘They formulate their own questions and conduct their own field studies when they take up an issue. Since they know the value of the studies, these women have become a key part of AIDWA’s local work, bringing this research into the organisation’s campaigns, discussing the findings in our various committees, and presenting it at our different conferences’. This activist research not only produces knowledge of the particularities of hierarchies that operate in a given place; it also trains the activists to become ‘new intellectuals’ of their struggles and leaders in their communities.

12. The Condition of the Indian Working Class (dossier no. 64, May 2023). In the early days of the pandemic, the Indian government told millions of workers to go back to their homes, mostly in rural areas. Many of them walked thousands of kilometres under the burning hot sun, terrible stories of death and despair following their caravan. This dossier emerged out of a long-term interest in cataloguing the situation of India’s workers, whose precariousness was revealed in the early days of the pandemic. The last section of the dossier reflects on their struggles: ‘Class struggle is not the invention of unions or of workers. It is a fact of life for labour in the capitalist system. … In August 1992, textile workers in Bombay took to the streets in their undergarments, declaring that the new order would leave them in abject poverty. Their symbolic gesture continues to reflect the current reality of Indian workers in the twenty-first century: they have not surrendered in the face of the rising power of capital. They remain alive to the class struggle’.

The Delhi Police investigators who took the material from the TRS office have each of these twelve dossiers in hand. I recommend that they print them and share them with the rest of the force, including with Police Commissioner Sanjay Arora. If the Delhi Police is interested, I would be happy to develop a seminar on our materials for them.

Study and struggle shaped the Indian freedom movement. Gandhi, for instance, read voraciously and even translated Plato’s The Apology into Gujarati, rooted in the belief that reading and study sharpened his sense not only of how to struggle but how to build a better world.


Vijay Prashad is an Indian historian and journalist. Prashad is the author of twenty-five books, including The Darker Nations: A People’s History of the Third World and The Poorer Nations: A Possible History of the Global South. Read other articles by Vijay, or visit Vijay's website.