Showing posts sorted by date for query PAKISTAN TALIBAN. Sort by relevance Show all posts
Showing posts sorted by date for query PAKISTAN TALIBAN. Sort by relevance Show all posts

Tuesday, May 28, 2024

 

Labour selects Afghan-born torture survivor as more selections open


Roh Yakobi as a child.

A refugee who was tortured by the Taliban as a child has been selected as a Labour party candidate at the general election, vowing to “pay the debt I owe to our country”.

It comes as Labour’s fast-tracked selections pick up pace across the country, with the party advertising for candidates for two further constituencies over the weekend – West Ham and Beckton, and Swansea West – to tight deadlines (more below).

Thirteen vacancies currently advertised on Labour’s website see applications close at 5pm today.

Meet Roh Yakobi, Labour’s ‘truly extraordinary’ candidate

Security and foreign policy analyst Roh Yakobi was picked as Labour’s candidate in The Wrekin, Shropshire, over the weekend.

He said in a statement on X: “I am delighted and honoured to be selected as Labour’s parliamentary candidate for The Wrekin.

“From Taliban captivity and torture as a 12-year-old child to arriving here as a refugee and reaching where I am today, I owe everything I have to this wonderful country. I am determined to pay back what I owe.”

He said in another post: “ There have been a few tears. Have been thinking of the village and the punishing lives its people had.

“Of my mother, who lived the most tragic life and whose burial place I don’t know.  Of my father who fought the Soviets and then the Taliban, and sacrificed so much.  Of my little brother who died in front of me of hunger under Taliban blockade.

“Of that July 1999 day the Taliban came after me, the cell, the torture. Of running away and struggling to protect myself in Pakistan and Iran. Of the sweatshops, factories and building sites.

“Of Britain, this wonderful, great country of ours, which I owe so much to. Of the Labour party I joined the day I became a British citizen in 2010. Hugged my wife and kids and we wept together. I am ready to serve, ready to pay the debt I owe to our country.”

Yakobi added: “ Over the coming weeks, I will work tirelessly to earn the trust of voters of in The Wrekin. I need all the help I can get to win. If you can support in any way, please get in touch.”

 

Shadow Health Secretary Wes Streeting said he was a truly extraordinary” candidate, with Yakobi replying: “You know how much you’ve inspired me”.

Meanwhile Labour has advertised for a candidate in Swansea West, currently represented by Geraint Davies, who has been sitting as an independent after being suspended by Labour over misconduct allegations.

It has also advertised for a candidate in West Ham and Beckton, following boundary changes. Lyn Brown  currently represents West Ham, and has been approached for comment about which seat she intends to stand in.

Saturday, May 18, 2024

When Afghanistan was red!

Imran Kamyana
8 May, 2024

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First published at International Socialism Project.

There are turning points in the evolution of societies that determine their direction for quite long periods of time. In this regard, many past events become crucial to understand the current situation and create a perspective for the future. There is always a need to discuss such happenings time and again so that their lessons can be passed on to the new generations. As is correctly said, without the past there is no future.

The Saur (Spring) Revolution of 1978 is one such event, which played a key role in shaping the current situation not only in Afghanistan and Pakistan but also in the entire South Asian region in general. Without knowing, understanding and evaluating it, it becomes almost impossible to devise a revolutionary plan of action in this part of the world.

It is a tragedy that most of the revolutionaries outside this region are not even aware of this historical event, while there is a lot of ambiguity regarding it in the political left even here. While Stalinism, with its typical methods of intrigue and sabotage, always tried to distort the character of this revolution, the imperialists spared no effort to erase it from the pages of history altogether.

In official writings and textbooks, the civil war in Afghanistan began on December 24, 1979, when Russian (Soviet) troops entered the country. However, an entire period before that, up to April 1978, has been obliterated from the pages of history. Few people are aware of the fact that the so-called jihad in Afghanistan (basically the CIA’s Operation Cyclone) was initiated by US imperialism in June 1979, about six months before the entry of Russian troops. Its main objective was to overthrow the revolutionary government of the People’s Democratic Party of Afghanistan (PDPA), which came to power under the leadership of Noor Muhammad Tarakai on April 27-28, 1978 after overthrowing the reactionary and unpopular dictatorship of Sardar Dawood Khan.

The formation of the PDPA government through a revolutionary takeover, mainly orchestrated by the party sympathizers within the military but with popular support, was an event in the region that set alarm bells ringing in the imperialist centers from Islamabad to Riyadh and from Brussels to Washington.

After coming to power, the revolutionary regime courageously and boldly undertook the historic task of bringing Afghanistan out of centuries of darkness, backwardness and ignorance. Abolition of extremely exploitative, usurious loans that kept poor peasants living in humiliation and poverty for generations; distribution of feudal landlords’ lands among poor farmers (land reforms); abolition of reactionary norms, traditions and laws that treated women worse than animals; separation of the state from religion; emergency literacy programs; plans for free provision of healthcare and education; fair distribution of water; initiation of industrialization—these were some of the radical measures that gravely threatened the interests of the local ruling classes and global imperialism.

They also had the potential to appeal to the workers, oppressed nations and exploited masses in general around the world. All this could have awakened more rebellions elsewhere by becoming a point of reference.

On the other hand, the Soviet bureaucracy was also worried about the establishment of an independent and relatively healthy revolutionary government in its neighbor. Contrary to the popular belief, the revolution took place without the intentions and prior knowledge of the Soviet bureaucracy, or else they would not have let it happen. So, the Stalinists in Moscow also wanted to mold the new revolutionary government according to their own designs and bring the whole process under their control.

Few people are aware of the irony that the Russian troops, after entering Afghanistan, fired the first shot at Hafizullah Amin, the head of the revolutionary government at the time. Earlier, Tarakai, the leader of the revolution, was mysteriously found dead in the presidential palace. He is also believed to have been killed by the KGB.

In this way, the Soviet bureaucracy installed Babrak Karmal (who belonged to the PDPA’s opposition faction “Parcham”, which was closer to the Soviets) to power. The arrival of Soviet troops paved the way for a more open and aggressive intervention by the CIA through the Pakistani and Saudi states. These very jihadist groups that were raised with imperialist support and funding fought each other after the withdrawal of the Soviet troops in 1988 and the fall of the Najibullah’s government in 1992, turning Afghanistan into ruins.

In the meantime, to fund these jihadists, the CIA laid an entire network of drug production and distribution in the region, which continues to operate to this day. The enormous black money generated through this business is still the driving force behind state and non-state terrorism and fundamentalism in the region.

The Taliban also emerged from these jihadists later in the mid-1990s, primarily with the backing of the Pakistani state, but also with an understanding with the Americans. Their love and hate relationship with the imperialism have resulted in the current chaotic and disastrous situation in Afghanistan.

Throughout the 1980s, thousands of “madrassahs” (religious seminaries) were established all over Pakistan, especially in the areas of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa bordering Afghanistan, in order to provide children and youth of the poor families as foot soldiers for this counter-revolutionary imperialist war in Afghanistan. The syllabus for these seminaries was designed and printed by the CIA in the US, and basic math in these books was explained by numbers of guns, bullets, grenades, and the communist soldiers killed! Similar was the case with grammar, and alphabets were taught as “A for Allah,” “J for Jihad,” etc. (more on this here and here). Interestingly, the literal meaning of Taliban is “students”, referring to the pupils at these seminaries—which, turning into another profitable enterprise, continue to expand in size and numbers to this day, while serving as the factories of religious extremism, fundamentalism and bigotry.

However, while there was an invasion of the enemies from all directions, the Saur Revolution also suffered from many internal contradictions. In particular, the conflict between the “Khalq” and “Parcham” factions within the party caused irreparable damage to the revolutionary cause.

But there is one more thing to be taken into account here: unlike the US puppet government of Dr. Ashraf Ghani, which did not last even a few weeks against the Taliban without the direct support of its handlers, Dr. Najibullah’s government continued to fight and resist the jihadists for four full years after the withdrawal of the Soviet forces. It shows that, unlike the former, the latter—which was a continuation of the PDPA government, albeit in a deformed manner—had the support of a much larger section of the Afghan population. During this time, the soldiers of the Afghan Revolutionary Army, including a large number of women, inscribed many chapters of unprecedented courage and sacrifice against the arch-reactionary and counter-revolutionary proxy groups.

The Battle of Jalalabad can be taken as a reference point of this heroic struggle in defense of the revolution. However, after the collapse of the Soviet Union, the refusal of Boris Yeltsin’s government to supply fuel and weapons became the main reason for the fall of the Najibullah’s government. The darkness that engulfed Afghanistan still continues to torment the Afghan masses with lives of the women particularly becoming a living hell.

The counter-revolution in Afghanistan also casts its shadows not only on the neighboring countries but in many ways all over the world (the forces like ISIS can fairly be considered the byproducts of the process initiated by imperialism in Afghanistan). Yet these sufferings, atrocities and miseries are not the destiny of Afghan workers and youth. The Saur Revolution of 1978, despite all its weaknesses and mistakes, is a ray of hope even in these dark times, and proves that even in the most backward regions and in the most difficult situations, this system of oppression and exploitation can be challenged and overthrown.

The new generation of Afghans will have to take lessons from this brief yet glorious episode of their history, and march forward with the red banner of revolutionary socialism in unity with their class brethren and sisters throughout the region and beyond for a revolutionary emancipation from imperialism, fundamentalism, and capitalism.

Imran Kamyana is the International Secretary of Pakistan Trade Union Defence Campaign (PTUDC).

Tuesday, May 14, 2024

Targeting girls education: Pakistan’s tribal areas suffer under Taliban influence

Schools are the best weapon against extremism, that’s why the militants fear them.


A mass awareness campaign for girls education with the help of local leaders in the tribal belt should be launched (Farooq Naeem/AFP via Getty Images)


SYED FAZL-E-HAIDER
Published 14 May 2024 


The long, rugged border running along Pakistan’s northwestern tribal areas that separates Afghanistan provides no barrier to the influence of the Taliban and its radical policies against women.

A private girls school was blown up on 8 May by unidentified militants in North Waziristan district, the former stronghold of the outlawed Tehreek-e-Taliban Pakistan (TTP), or Pakistani Taliban. It reflects the impact of the Taliban’s policy of banning girls' education in neighbouring Afghanistan. It was the only private girls school in the area. The school administration had received multiple threatening letters from the militants.

This was not the first attack on a girls school. Attackers targeted two government schools for girls in North Waziristan last year.

Since the takeover of Afghanistan in 2021, the Taliban has banned girls from attending school beyond the sixth grade and banned women from university. Pakistani Taliban, who are ideologically closer to Afghan Taliban, are trying to enforce the a similar anti-education and theocratic agenda in Pakistan’s tribal areas by force.

Before the all-out military operation launched by Pakistan’s security forces in 2014, the TTP carried out hundreds of attacks on girls schools in the tribal areas and settled districts of the northwestern province Khyber Pakhtunkhwa from its stronghold in Swat district. Education was a casualty of the conflict between the militants and the state. The youngest ever Nobel laureate, Malala Yousafzai, was shot in the face at 14 by TTP gunmen in 2012. Malala was from Swat – her crime was that she wanted to pursue her education.

The military offensive may check the militants, but it cannot combat the growth of radical attitudes in the Pakistani tribal areas influenced by cross-border extremism.

More than 1,100 girls’ schools were destroyed in the tribal areas between 2007 to 2017, with teachers and young students also targeted. As a result of the military crackdown, TTP militants fled to Afghanistan and began to orchestrate cross border attacks from their new sanctuaries. The Taliban takeover of Kabul has emboldened the TTP, which is fighting to regain control of its strongholds in the Khyber Pakhtunkhwa province.

The 8 May bombing provoked strong condemnation from UNICEF, with the local country representative Abdullah Fadil calling the attack a severe setback to national progress. Pakistan’s Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif last week ordered that the girls school be immediately rebuilt and vowed to provide women with equal opportunities for education. But securing education for girls in the tribal areas has proven nigh to impossible, compounded as the Talibanisation of the region continues.

Pakistan’s security forces are carrying out operations against the militants in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa almost on a daily basis and have even launched airstrikes targeting TTP hideouts. But inside Afghanistan, the Taliban has ignored Islamabad's repeated requests for a crackdown on the TTP. Besides, the military offensive may check the militants, but it cannot combat the growth of radical attitudes in the Pakistani tribal areas influenced by cross-border extremism.

The government needs to adopt a broader approach. For instance, a mass awareness campaign for girls education with the help of local leaders in the tribal belt should be launched. Religious scholars could play a key role by highlighting the importance of girls education and the empowerment of women from Islamic point of view.

Those within the Taliban movement who stand apart from the Taliban’s anti-education and anti-women policies need to be encouraged and deserve international appreciation. For example, Abdul Salam Zaeef, a former senior Taliban official in Kabul, onetime ambassador to Islamabad, an early member of the Taliban, and former prisoner at Guantanamo Bay, has criticised the Taliban’s ban on female education. “Those who oppose modern education or invent arguments to undermine its importance, they are either completely ignorant or oppose Muslims under the garb of Islam,” he wrote on X on 5 March.

It is not the Taliban, but Talibanisation that is the real threat. Education is the most powerful weapon against such extremism. That’s why the extremists on both sides of the Pakistan-Afghan border are pursuing an anti-education agenda.
AFGHANISTAN
The lethal troika

The TTP intends to replicate in Pakistan what the Taliban did in Afghanistan.


Tariq Parvez 
DAWN
Published May 11, 2024


MANY factors were responsible for the defeat of the erstwhile Soviet Union and then the US in Afghanistan. A common factor was the existence of a combination of extremely resilient militant groups resisting both superpowers. This combination consisted of three categories of militants: local Afghan militants resisting foreign invaders; Pakistani militants crossing over to help their Afghan brethren; and thousands of mujahideen from various countries, particularly in the Middle East, participating in the Afghan jihad. With some variations in their composition, role and external supporters, they fought together against the US and USSR for 30 years, forcing them to withdraw. Alarmingly, after the US withdrawal from Afghanistan in 2021, this Afghanistan-based lethal troika now targets Pakistan.

The situation necessitates a fundamental shift in the terrorist threat assessment in Pakistan — from focusing exclusively on the Tehreek-i-Taliban Pakistan to broadening the threat calculus to the troika of the TTP, Afghan Taliban, and Al Qaeda.

Concerning the nexus between the Taliban and TTP, the latest UN report on Afghanistan states that the Afghan government was supplying weapons, training facilities and regular financial packages to the TTP. Al Qaeda’s primary goal, after lying low in the region for many years, is to revive itself without annoying its Afghan hosts or attracting the West’s adverse attention.

In view of this, it seems to have opted to carry out its activities in Pakistan through the TTP, while staying below the international radar. The importance Al Qaeda gives to the TTP is evident in that it selected 15 of its commanders to assist the group conduct terrorist attacks in Pakistan. It also supplied armed fighters to the TTP in its attack in Chitral in September 2023, which killed four security officials. Al Qaeda’s camp in Kunar, headed by Hakim ul Masri, is responsible for training suicide bombers for the TTP.

The TTP, which has been the most lethal terrorist group in Pakistan over the last three years, is on the same page with the Taliban and Al Qaeda not only because of an ideological affinity and a shared history of fighting foreign invaders in Afghanistan, but also due to similar goals of Sharia enforcement in Pakistan.

The TTP intends to replicate in Pakistan what the Taliban did in Afghanistan.

There were reports of the TTP helping the other two members of the troika by killing Taliban members defecting to the rival Islamic State-Khorasan Province in Afghanistan. The basic point is that while the troika is united on targeting Pakistan, the members play different roles. The Taliban are likely to help TTP discreetly in Afghanistan by providing sanctuary, with Al Qaeda supporting both openly in Afghanistan through mentoring and in Pakistan through its sympathisers. With its edge, the TTP is likely to carry out ground attacks in Pakistan and lead a campaign to build up its narrative of violent extremism.

As far as the strategy and tactics to be adopted by the troika go, the TTP intends to replicate in Pakistan what the Taliban did in Afghanistan. In a recent interview to Khorasan Diary, TTP ameer Noor Wali Mehsud stated, “our jihad in Pakistan … has entered a decisive phase”. He went on to say ominously: “Pakistani security agencies have unjustly occupied our homeland” and “our goal is to liberate our homeland and implement the divine law”. In a nutshell, the TTP seems to be falling back on the two-point narrative of resistance in Afghanistan, ie, ‘liberation of homeland’ and ‘enforcement of divine laws’.

This brings us to the likely impact of the troika on the terrorist threat landscape in Pakistan. Since 2021, the number of terrorist attacks in Pakistan has been consistently increasing every year. This is likely to continue in 2024, with three possible changes. One, the number of Afghan nationals taking part in terrorist attacks in Pakistan may increase — we recall here the suicide bombing against military personnel in 2023 in Bannu by Afghans. Two, given its penchant for high-profile attacks, Al Qaeda may train the TTP to carry out such attacks. Three, given that the top Al Qaeda and Taliban instructors will train TTP members, the quality and sophistication of the attacks in 2024 are likely to be enhanced.

Another area likely to be impacted by the troika is infiltration. Earlier, in the 1990s, Al Qaeda infiltrated educational institutions such as Karachi and Punjab universities to recruit educated youth. These recruitment cells in universities may be reactivated.

Also, to stay abreast of latest government planning in counterterrorism, the TTP, like the Taliban did in Afghanistan, may attempt to infiltrate government departments, including intel agencies.

The third and most important dimension of infiltration is that of the military, which was carried out by Al Qaeda in Pakistan in the late 1990s. It may be pertinent to mention that the last attempted terrorist attack by Al Qaeda was in 2014 in Karachi, when a group of naval officers tried to hijack a navy frigate and crash into a US ship in the open seas.

Al Qaeda worked somewhat openly in Pakistan from the 1980s to 2001, and built up an elaborate network of civilian volunteers in many cities of Pakistan, who assisted in collecting funds, recruiting volunteers, and providing hideouts for the group. These sleeper cells might again be contacted by it and reactivated. Similarly, there were some Pakistani militant organisations of the 1980s, like the Harkatul Mujahideen, Lashkar-e-Taiba, etc, sympathetic to Al Qaeda and lying low these days. Al Qaeda may re-establish contact with them and get their support for the TTP.

Finally, both the Taliban and Al Qaeda are known for their high-quality propaganda campaign. The TTP media wing lacks that finesse. In the light of guidance from the Taliban and Al Qaeda, we are likely to witness a significant improvement in the quality of propaganda.

As Sun Tsu stated, “if you know your enemy and you know yourself, you need not fear the result of a hundred battles”. Sadly, it seems that Pakistan is erring in assessing the collective capabilities of the TTP, supported by the Taliban and Al Qaeda.

The writer is a former police officer who was Nacta’s first national coordinator.


Published in Dawn, May 11th, 2024

Friday, May 10, 2024

The Last Regime Change and the Left’s

Lateness in Opposing Biden’s Wars


 
 MAY 9, 2024


FacebookTwitterRedditEmailPhotograph by Nathaniel St. Clair

Around the world over the past six months, many ordinary and horrified spectators of the Gaza catastrophe have been left wondering why the US acts as if handicapped in its efforts to rein in its client state Israel, even as North America’s international standing dwindles abroad, while Biden loses popularity at home and elections loom. Onlookers were left stymied and confused by the US president’s dismissal of swing-state Michigan’s “Abandon Biden” movement, as Arab-American voters fiercely hit back against what Dearborn MI mayor Abdullah Hammoud called Biden’s authoritarianism, hemorrhaging the president in his party’s primaries—just as the campaign had vocally promised to do should Biden continue on his path of docility in the face of Netanyahu’s violations of the laws of war while receiving unprecedented American aid. Biden’s displays of weakness before the Israeli leadership’s defiant ingratitude towards its American benefactor has alarmed conspiracy theorists, who point to Biden’s pusillanimity, and to Blinken’s genuflections as proof of the antisemitic belief that Israel, despite being the US’s dependent client-state and privileged subject, actually directs US policy as a whole. It is no surprise that such ideas would at once confirm both the median antisemite’s delirium along with Netanyahu’s, whose megalomania once famously inspired Bill Clinton to muse, “Who the fuck does this guy think he is—who’s the superpower around here?” after the two leaders met in 1996. Megalomania is also a trait that characterized Netanyahu’s role-model Ariel Sharon. Such hubris is what makes many Netanyahu supporters indifferent to a very real danger to Israel and to the diaspora: the American leadership’s feigned impotence whenever the world clamors for Washington to rein in Israel, leaves a misleading impression on vast audiences: an indelible memory that will undoubtedly fuel future antisemitism, by projecting the illusion that Israel rules the US, rather than the other way around.

 The view from inside Israel, even today, is the inverse: center-right newspaper Yedioth Ahronoth featured a cartoon that would have gotten its illustrator fired had it appeared in the Western press, showing a dwarfish Netanyahu arm-wrestle a towering Biden, with the PM’s fist like a baby’s wrapped around the senile giant’s finger. In the same paper, columnist Nahum Barnea wrote “Netanyahu has been dealing with America the way a spoiled teenager deals with his parents: perpetual rebellion, perpetual insults and perpetual scandals.”

 Biden’s flaccid condemnation of Netanyahu is not only “weak”, but also performative: from judging massacres as “over the top” in the comedic language of SNL, to reportedly calling Netanyahu “an asshole” privately, as Blinken came back from self-humiliating junket-visits to the Middle East. American claims of a “rules-based order” are no longer taken seriously even by the usual lapdogs among Europe’s elites like Josep Borrell.

Nobody has thus far pointed out the possibility that the US administration supported the Gaza campaign over the past grueling months because it saw this war as its last chance to doggedly push through at least one successful overseas regime-change, before the end of both Biden’s uninspiring presidential term and the natural termination of the old man’s life cycle, of which he and his staffers increasingly wary.

Biden officials’ callousness toward civilian suffering is nothing new. Consider recent years of thwarted American overseas interventionism. For pundits, the prospects of rallying modern Ukrainian Cossack regiments to topple the Russian juggernaut was, after all, perfectly worth the deaths of more than half a million young Ukrainian men, and many more un-conscripted civilians. The US and EU happily exploited Ukrainian poverty and naiveté—the Ukrainians’ deleterious thirst to belong to an idealized, imaginary “West” was taken advantage of by the real West, along with Ukrainians’ very un-Western and un-contemporary cultural belief in the need to forge national identity in the flames of collective sacrifice and unconventional warfare. The result: 600.000 dead Ukrainians and the unceasing fragmentation of the country.

Famine for Afghanistan presented no dilemmas for Biden, so long as sanctions promised a slap on the bearded faces of the triumphant jihadists after NATO lost that maimed country. The scarcity of medicine in Iran’s previously impressive healthcare system, a result of Biden’s renewal of Trump’s maximum pressure policies, has not stirred consciences in the White House. Whether you call Gaza a massacre, ethnic cleansing, genocide, or hellscape, for Biden the uprooting of an official enemy by way of a proxy client-state is simply an example, a point to be made, an American perception-management op.

Past US presidents resorted to more artful and elegant theatrics. JFK earned jealous admiration through Marilyn Monroe. Reagan even stood accused of having impersonated senility to get through the hearings over Iran-Contra. Let’s not forget George W. Bush’s performances of imbecile generative grammar. “They misunderestimated me” indeed: the circus of “Bushism” was what made a Trump presidency possible.

Biden drags farce to new lows, in terms of the quality of his acting-skills, transparently dishonest when bleating about a “ceasefire by Monday!” over ice-cream to throw off Michigan’s “uncommitted” activists during primaries. Ben Shreckinger’s biography “The Bidens: Inside the First Family’s Fifty Year Rise to Power” chronicles a Biden who acts as sociopathic and opportunistically as Netanyahu or Trump. There is no reason doubt that, until it became a pre-election optics-crisis, Biden had adamantly signed onto Netanyahu’s, Gallant’s and Smotrich’s plans to level the Gaza Strip. The only major international ideal Biden has shown dedication to is regime-change by any available means. Yet it remains a goal that has continuously eluded him, because of the problematic factor of populations standing in the way. Thus far, Western coup attempts backfire by strengthening the stranglehold that autocratic governments under siege have over their civilian populace. This boomerang effect was proven in Syria and in Venezuela, where ruling bodies and their popular support bases grew in tenacity, despite or because of “maximum pressure”. Obama, under whom Biden was VP, attempted to rehabilitate the art of overthrow-by-bombardment as a progressive (rather than Bushite) cri de guerre. Yet the only coup-d’état technique that thus far seems to work, is the sort that was discredited by global moral outrage towards Plan Condor in 1970s Latin America. More recently, that playbook was implemented by Pakistan’s military against deposed Imran Khan, in a country that nobody from the West cares about or pays attention to.

US officials have learned by now that when dictators in the Muslim world are executed, this opens up a vacuum that is quickly filled by radicalized jihadi elements in populations, as happened after the Biden-approved Iraq invasion. Biden could not fend off the Taliban and was instead reminded of lessons forgotten by the West during the Cold War: lessons about the resilience of native guerrilla insurgent units. The wrong lessons: MSNBC Democrats hoped for a “new Afghanistan” that would entrap Russia in Ukraine. Now that the Ukraine war also seems unwinnable, Biden wants to leave office having at least uprooted wretched little Hamas, even if that means uprooting all Gaza Palestinians along with their governing entity. Civilian death rarely factors as relevant in Biden’s foreign policy calculations and is offset by the need to show that the empire’s not dead yet and that America can still pull off one impressive coup or “humanitarian intervention”. But these efforts, too, have failed: the world was not dazzled or awestruck for a moment by the American-Israeli response to October 7th as it was by the charismatic Zelensky’s fight against Russia. Both the Ukraine crusade and American endowment of Israel have failed at their intended mythmaking objective of rejuvenating America’s global image: the US seems weaker, more irrational, unfree and outdated, rather than potent, despite or because of its fanatical support for Kiev and West-Jerusalem. One would be tempted to joke that this is Biden’s “Homer Simpson moment” for exclaiming “Doh”, were the consequences not so bloody.

Much of the world rejoiced at seeing America struggle with the Houthis’ idealistic pirate-state. This series of frustrated regime-change attempts culminates in the inability to uproot Hamas’ pauperized government from tiny Gaza, even after Israel displaced Gaza’s entire civilian population, unable to find the antlion lair of the Hamas commanders, after purporting these to be located beneath Al-Shifa hospital.

The violence, because of scale, is seldom recognized from afar as yet another proxy-war and regime-change-op. Of course, that’s not what Netanyahu would like it to be—the Likud leader, ever since the death of Sharon has sought to fill the shoes of father-figure to the settler-movement, promising to avenge fundamentalists evacuated from Gush Katif in 2005 by emptying Gaza of all Palestinians in 2024 while the anemic US president still sleepwalks.

But for the Biden White House, all the Israeli invasion amounted to, before it came to embarrass Western elites, was a last chance to celebrate one successful and memorable deposition of an official enemy government, (Hamas, to be replaced with Abbas’ Palestinian Authority) civilian lives be damned as they were in Syria, Iraq, and Ukraine.

By now, not even Linda Thomas-Greenfield could seriously argue that things are looking good for American exceptionalism. The hero-cult surrounding khaki-clad warrior-fundraiser Zelensky—an aura of heroism which is also rapidly fading from our fragile, TikTok-fraught memory—helped us quickly forget the disgraceful images of Western fugue from Afghanistan. But with the current war, disgrace is back full-circle, the heroism passé. The endeavor at “shock and awe” to win hearts and minds abroad, has ultimately given way to a morbid burlesque of self-emasculation of US foreign policy in the 21st century: a defeat which may inspire the West’s enemies for decades. There is also the clear danger that all the speculations and misunderstandings about Biden’s true intentions behind overindulging Zelensky and Netanyahu will fuel antisemitic conspiracy theorists long after Biden shuffles off this mortal coil.

But political instinct is also lacking among imperialism’s critics. In response to the “mystery” of Biden’s capitulations to Netanyahu’s tantrums, an array of commentators associated with the left, from the New Left Review’s Wolfgang Streeck to fellow traveler Geoffrey Sachs to pro-Palestinian online commentators all struggle to explain Biden’s willingness to take a nose-dive in domestic polls and risk electoral defeat for the sake of pleasuring Netanyahu.

Streeck, Mearsheimer and Sachs are only the most sincere and eloquent among these critics, who treat a vulgar and relatively obvious situation as if it were rife with opacity and sinister riddles.

The thesis that Israel controls US-Middle East foreign policy, advanced by John Mearsheimer and Stephen Walt in their 2007 book “The Israel Lobby” was discredited by none other than Norman Finkelstein, who insisted that while Israeli advocacy groups do impact Washington’s foreign policy towards Israel, they are not what determines American military operations throughout the wider Middle East or in Iraq. Finkelstein ridiculed Walt-Mearsheimer’s suggestion that Cheney would be submissive or at the mercy of an ideological commitment to Zionism, or, for that matter, to anything other than Cheney and a 500% boom in Haliburton stock. But because the enemies of both Mearsheimer and Finkelstein tend to be the same people, Finkelstein’s critique was neglected by untrusting liberals who lump him and Mearsheimer together.

Enter Wolfgang Streeck. In his column “Master and Servant” for the New Left Review’s blog Sidecar, the German political scientist proclaims that the US has become the unwitting, pathetic hostage of the Israeli nuclear behemoth it fed: “Has the US lost control over its protégé, servant turned into master, master into servant? (…) Is the US, blackmailed by the threat of a Middle Eastern Armageddon, now forced to allow Israel to pursue ‘victory’ at any price? Does Israel’s capacity for nuclear war bestow on the Israeli radical right a sense of invincibility, as well as a confidence that they can dictate the terms of peace with or without the Americans, and certainly without the Palestinians? The political costs incurred by the US for not ending the killing – either not wanting or not being able to do so – are likely to be gigantic, both morally, although there may not be much to lose in that regard, and strategically: the ‘indispensable nation’ paraded before the world, helpless in the face of brazen disobedience on the part of its closest international ally.”

Streeck identifies the Israeli mentality as the “Samson doctrine”: “In fact, there is an even more ancient model of Israeli heroism, the myth of Samson, which seems to be no less popular among at least some of the nuclear strategists in and around the IDF command. Samson was a ruler of Israel – a ‘judge’ – in biblical times, during the war between the Israelites and the Philistines in the 13th or 12th century BCE. Like Heracles, Samson was endowed with superhuman physical strength, enabling him to kill an entire army of Philistines, reportedly one thousand strong, by striking them dead with the jawbone of a donkey. After being betrayed and falling into the hands of the enemy, he was kept prisoner in the main temple of the Philistines. When he could no longer hope to escape, he used his remaining strength to pull down the two mighty columns that supported the roof of the building. All the Philistines died, together with him. (…) Nuclear weapons are sometimes claimed by radical pro-Israeli commentators to have given the country a ‘Samson option’ – to ensure that if Israel has to go down, its enemies will go down with it. (…)Myths can be a source of power; a credible threat of extended suicide can open a lot of strategic space –“

It is an interesting juxtaposition: Samson, the Jewish Hercules, has cowed Biden, the whimpering opportunist, into submission, the mewling old emperor taken hostage.

Instead of reaching for the Torah’s powerful myths of ancient guerrilla resistance, or for TikTok for that matter, why not apply scientific method, and seek the simplest explanation?

Biden’s sluggishness in responding to pressure is not mere senility. Nor can it be entirely chalked up to former US diplomat Chas Freeman’s explanation, which is that Biden’s generation of politicians still embrace Leon Uris’ “Exodus” epic account of Israel (an aesthetic Democrats also clearly borrowed for the propaganda promoting the Ukraine war, which cast Zelensky as a 21st century Moshe Dayan.) The simplest explanation is two-fold. Biden’s White House, firstly, grew accustomed to harmonious compliance and sycophantic consensus within his party throughout the wars waged during the years preceding October 2023. Second: more than any other Democrat alive, Biden boasts a stronger record of unabashedly declaring himself for sale to all pressure groups who milk politicians, ever since his youthful sleazy entry into Delaware politics. Data from the NGO Open Secrets highlights Biden’s having received more than double the donations from AIPAC and similar Israel-linked groups than the next tier of top recipients on that committee’s list. Compare Biden’s $5,736,701 in donations from pro-Israeli pressure groups to New Jersey’s Michael Menendez ($2,500,005) or Hillary Clinton ($2,361,812) Such lobbyists are of course doing nothing foreign to the auction-house logic of Washington, and Biden has from the start of his presidency upheld the priorities of militarist neoconservative donors.

Much like the farcical “aid” to Gaza, Biden’s foreign policy has sought to reverse damage he himself inflicts upon American “Exceptionalism’s” image abroad. These ill-conceived efforts mounted ever since his now-forgotten inaugural scandal—the shambolic US-NATO withdrawal from Afghanistan, which disheartened Western elites, but was glorified by sectors of the left as a milestone defeat of imperialism even as Biden seized that famished country’s assets. A genuine defeat of imperial arrogance in Afghanistan would have been a democratic plebiscite in which the Afghans were, for once, consulted on what Afghans actually want—Western protection from the Taliban, or immediate withdrawal and compensation for all the years of ruination? What about Western prosthetic medical technology to aid the maimed country’s abnormally high percentage of amputees? Afghanistan had no winners except for defense contractors, regardless their race or religion.

Trillions of dollars and four years later, Biden finds himself exactly where he started: omening the decadence for the Western foreign policy establishment, without a single coup that stuck. Just many experiments, all very expensive fuckups, though more affordable than the traditional military onslaught that didn’t “outsource” to foreign legionnaires. American and European progressives who waited three years before criticizing Biden’s wars and his crackdowns on anti-war voices, are all to blame for the boneyards in Gaza and the Donbass today. We must not forgive ourselves or anyone else. Where were we all this time?

Arturo Desimone (Aruba, 1984) is an Aruban-Argentine writer, poet and visual artist. His articles on politics previously appeared in  CounterPunch, DemocraciaAbiertaBerfrois UKDiem25news and elsewhere. Author of the poetry collection Mare Nostrum/Costa Nostra (Hesterglock 2019) and the bilingual book “La Amada de Túnez” which  appeared in Argentina during the pandemic, he has performed at international poetry festivals in Granada, Nicaragua, Buenos Aires and Havana.

Wednesday, May 08, 2024

Pakistan is turning to cannabis for an economic high

Pakistan has set up a regulatory authority to manage and control the cultivation and trade of cannabis. Facing its worst economic crisis since the formation of the country, cannabis and its derivatives could give its economy a much-needed high.



Cannabis use is being legalised for medicinal purposes in Pakistan.
 (Representational Image: AFP/Getty)


India Today 
New Delhi,UPDATED: May 8, 2024 
Written By: Priyanjali Narayan

In Short

Pakistan is legalising cannabis use for medical purposes and has created a regulatory body

This regulatory authority will fine people growing cannabis without a government licence

Pakistan might now be able to to tap the global cannabis market


Pakistan's government has taken the high road. Not in the way one would expect. It is legalising cannabis use for medicinal purposes, which will open the path for it to export hemp and its products amid economic distress.

In February, the Pakistan government passed an ordinance which led to the creation of the Cannabis Control and Regulatory Authority (CCRA). The CCRA is responsible for “regulating the cultivation, extraction, refining, manufacturing, and sale of cannabis derivatives for medical and industrial purposes”.

Nikkei Asia reports that Pakistan hopes to take advantage of its conducive growing conditions to enter the global cannabis market. The Islamic Republic could use cannabis to generate revenue through export, foreign investment and domestic sales to shore up its foreign reserves, Syed Hussain Abidi, chairman of the Pakistan Council of Scientific and Industrial Research (PCSIR), told Al Jazeera.

The Pakistani economy might actually get a much-needed high from cannabis.

The inflation rate in Pakistan has gone up to 25% and the economic growth is at the fourth-lowest pace at 1.9%, according to the Asian Development Bank.

The economic crisis since May 2022 is Pakistan's worst since the formation of the country.

The cannabis regulatory authority will consist of 13 members, including people from several government departments, intelligence agencies and the private sector. Forming such a body was first suggested in 2020, when Imran Khan was the Prime Minister. This shows the nation's attempt to become a part of the global cannabis and cannabis-derivatives business.

"We are very serious about this initiative, and things are moving at a very fast pace," a senior at the Special Investment Facilitation Council told Nikkei Asia.

The global cannabis market will reach $64.73bn this year, as per Statista.

Cannabis or hemp is not just a psychoactive substance and is used for medicinal purposes as well. Cannabis is also prescribed for anxiety, depression and chronic pain.

"Misuse of cannabis is possible, but then ephedrine (used to treat low blood pressure) is a lifesaving drug and is misused, too," Pakistani healthcare professional Adnan Amin told Nikkei Asia.

"My daughter's seizures were reduced from 100 fits a day to some days going without fits with his THC oil," Amin said. "I was unable to procure the prescribed rare drugs from American hospitals due to stringent US regulations."

Syed Hussain Abidi of PCSIR discussed with Al Jazeera how a regulator has been deemed necessary by the UN laws. It also puts a limit on how much tetrahydrocannabinol (THC) can be used, which is 0.3%.

“The UN laws say that if a country wants to produce, process and conduct sales of cannabis-related products, it must have a federal entity that will deal with the supply chain and ensure international compliance,” he added.

There are strict fines for people misusing the regulations and buying cannabis for recreational purposes: a fine of Pakistani Rs 1 million to Pakistani Rs10 million for one person and Pakistani Rs 10,000,000 to Pakistani Rs 200,000,000 for companies, according to The Express Tribune.

This regulation is a welcome intervention as it would stop the illegal cultivation in the Khyber Pakhtunkhwa area. Now, the government can get revenue from medicinal cannabis and some more from penalties from people still using it for over-the-counter usage.

Licence will also be given for a five-year period. Only the government will have the final word on where cannabis can be grown legally.

“When there used to be cannabis cultivation in Afghanistan, we would often be a loss, unable to recoup our investment in growing the plant. But since [the] Taliban have placed a ban, our business is doing considerably better," a farmer told Al Jazeera.

Such a regulation helps the farmers and the government and, therefore, it will be a welcome step. But we still have to see if Pakistan is able to produce excellent quality cannabis derivatives or whether the international market will retain its edge and the regulation will be of little help.